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l'O CORRESPONDENTS . During the Session of Parliament it ia often impossible to find room for correspondence , even the briefest . No notice can - be taken of anonymous communications Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of , the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . Communications should always be legibly written , and on ¦ one side of the paper only . If long , it increases the difficulty of finding space for them . We cannot undertake to returnrejected communications .
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because thereis nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress .-Db . Akitoid .
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THE CHOICE OF ISSUES . If Parliament is to recover from its disgrace , and the elective Government of England is "to " be anything nobler than a shuttlecock for the Times , it must be through a union of the Liberal party . Liberal principles are now the established principles of England . Tories counterfeit them when they hope for place , To the great body- of Liberals power of right belongs ; and they only can govern . England long , peaceably , or with honour . Even supposing the Derbyite leaders personally Were less abject than they are , Derbyxsm could
only remain in office six months by a repetition of the rogueries and humiliations of 1852 , which clearly would not add to the moral strength of parliamentary institutions , and which , we presume , even the best of the I ) € Jfbyi ¥ e ¥ ' ' W ^ s ^ ve ¥ " ^^ uld '" wl 8 ii to avoid . The old Tories , in whom the aristocratic honour and spirit of the party lingers , must have begun to see that when principles contrary to their own are completely in the ascendant , and have become the rule of government , their only respectable place is that of drag : they cannot , without infamy , be the wheel .
If anything that now exists is to form a government that the people can love and any man of intellect can respect , it must be the Liberal party—the loliole party , and with real men to lead it . Lortl John JJussei / l must be made aware that he does not fill the intellectual world with thought , or speak words of fire ; and that great and beneficent as Whiggery has been in its day , its shade is not ample enough for humanity to repose under for ever . He must be made aware of
this by decided and manly representations in the councils of the party , not by peevish recriminations in the House . He must be reminded of the long catalepsy which we enjoyed under his able and historic leadership from 1846 to 1852 , and asked whether he conscientiously thinks that Mr . Vebnon Smith ought to bo a Liberal Minister before John Bright . Lord John is really a man of some high aspirations , though oi limited intellect , and he has taken part in some great acts of political justice . But he was brought up and has always lived in a "Whig hothouse safe from the rough winds of heaven ; and we may charitably doubt whether anybody has ever told him plainly that it is mean and
selfish , and damning to his name in history , to sacrifice everything to" his own small pretensions and make a Lilliput of liberal England that a pigmy may be king . The leading . Manchester men ought , of course , to have been Ministers long ago , as the authors of that commercial policy on which the Whigs and Peelites rode into power ; and were it not for their Quakerish views about the war , they ought to be
Ministers now . But we presume that Mr . Bri ght and Mr . Cobden , whenever they meet a man of high culture , must feel that they cannot expect to govern England by themselves . A nation does not live by bread alone . " With great respect for material interests and their representatives we cannot consent to retrog rade from Looke and Milton to a republic of pumpkin pie . The thing could not stand six months against the sentimentalists and satirists . Besides ,
the sympathies of master manufacturers with the people are not unlimited . Manchester must borrow cultivation of the philosophical Radicals , and lend the philosophical Radicals in return the stamina and working power in which they are signally deficient . We are afraid it is premature to talk about the contributions which may be expected from the Peelites . Some of that set ( let them give up the notion that they are a party ) have probably realised their position and know that they could not act for a week with men who prefer established institutions to truth and justice ,
and class interests to the good of the people . But others of them , in spite of strong discouragement , still hang about the purlieus of Toryism , and still cant of Conservatism ; as though it were not the best and only practical Conservatism heartily to join the cause of political justice , aad to ennoblerand moderate its advance . It is simply disgusting to hear Mr . Gladstone , with his lights and experience , saying that the best thing for
England is that Lord Derby should form a government of JSToRTHUMBEBiiANps and Pakin gtons , and that he , the heir of Peel , should support it . The squires made Lord Derby apologise for having been willing to touch G-l ad stone with a pair of tongs , and they did " well : We are glad , and by no means surprised , that Lord Derby ' s chivalry was equal to the required operation . We do not want to get up a party for
vulgar party purposes . We are not writing in aid of Mr . Hayter ' s whip . We merely wish to put things before politicians as they are . Parliamentary Government has come to a x'eal , not a rhetorical or editorial crisis . Some people , whom we would not prudishly condemn , are inclined to think that we had better accept our destiny , and look out for a Dictator . The only alternative , however , ( unless the Derbyites get in and make a coup d'e " tat ) is such a reconstruction of the
Liberal party , and under such leaders , as shall give us a strong and respectable Parliamentary Government . Eato and nature may forbid that we should ever have a strong and respectable Parliamentary Government again ; but selfishness , jealousy , prejudice , vanity , and obstinacy , ought not to stand in the way . Party , in the base sense , is , we hope , dead for rational beings , though it lives for protectionist squires . But still , men may act sensibly and generously together for a great
national object without sacrificing their intellectual independence . Liberals may learn to tolerate and respect one another . Liberalism is simply the thorough-going love of political and social justice ; and that allegiance may unite men oi various training , various casts of mind , various connexions , and , therefore , inevitably of various shades of thought . We are aware , of course , that it is easier for us to see this , than for members of the House of Commons
to act on it . Ambition as well as prejudice there stands in the way . The feasibility of the thing is not our present topic . "We only insist oh its necessity , and point to the alternative if it fails .
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HUNGARY , ITALY , AND POLAND . The " suppressed nationalities" are obtaining more attention as the growing prospect of war renders peoples moi * e valuable to Governments ; but it is desirable , on every account , to notice the distinctions that exist between those which are on every patriot ' lips—Hungary , Italy , and Poland . There is truth in the declaration that no nationality which is worthy to exist , can be suppressed . It will be able to sustain itself against even a stronger power , as the cases of Scotland and Switzerland can .
tell ; but in these cases , the moral citadel lies in the devotion of the patriots , who are actually prepared to die rather than to submit ; and such men it is impossible to conquer . A great combination , was brought against Hungary in 1849 , when . Russia joined with Austria ; and Hungaryhad before sustained her nationality bravely , developing her liberties with a generosity that did credit to all parties . Nevertheless it is true , that the numbers of her populatioa
comprised different , races , one predominant and the others subject ; that although her " nobles "—that is , the dominant race—had given up some of their most odious privileges , such as exemption from the bridge-tax , they had not-given up all , including amongst those retained a species of villeinage in the holding of land . It is Austria who has abolished that and other class distinctions ; ifc is Austria who has rendered all equal
before the law , has introduced railways , and placed Hungary in a position to develop her material and political resources , if she knows Tioiv , in a generous way , to make Austria ' s need Hungary's opportunity . Her nationality , therefore , is not under the oppression of Italy or the extinction of Poland , and her separation from Austria would seem to be , in the opinion of statesmen , a positive loss to all .
- The < 3 ase of Italy is quite different . Here the defect in the nationality lies in the surviving force of the different stirpes . Mixed as the races are , still the diversities introduced by Albanian , Etruscan , Greek , Ligurian , Venetian , and Teutonic blood , have been sufficient to prevent the unity of Italy . There
has been no subject race ; but the divisions are , in many cases , territorial . The power of confederation has been small ; yet . Italy has often been united in two halves under Pope and Emperor—the Guelph and Gliibelline parties ; and it would be difficult , our diplomatic liberals say , in the present vile condition of the Roman and
Neapolitan rule , to calculate the effect of reviving a Ghibelline party , if Austria were to imitate in the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom the House of Savoy in " Sardinia , " or herself in Hungary and Bohemia . Italy has been suppressed under a conspiracy of , Government's who could bring into the field ngfgregato armies greater than any which cither state could possibly muster . Tho genius of the Italian race—which predominates far over the diversities of stirpes—still survives ;
Italy still is a land of arts , learning , patriotism , and political wisdom ; and every people in Europe longs £ o see the Italian people emancipated . " Ohe aara sura , " as the II . oubo oi" Bed ; ford says . Italy and Europe wnit , as Mnwim says , " Ora e sempro ; " and tho Picdmontcso show , as Tuscany , Rome , Calabria , Naples , and Sicily have done within any " statute ot limitations , " that Italy still has tho power ot action . A happy train of circumstances in
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TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO " 2 H ) e Hcaoec . " For a Half-Year .... £ 0 13 0 To be remitted in advance . igj" Money Orders should be drawn upon the Stkand Branch Office , and be made payable to Mr . Aifeed £ . OiiLOWAT , at No . 7 , Wellington Street , Strand .
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SATURDAY , MARCH 24 , 1855 .
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276 THE IiEA-DER . [ Saturday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), March 24, 1855, page 276, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2083/page/12/
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