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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO "® fte iieaUet . " Fora Hair-Year ...... * ° 1 S ° To be remitted in advance . ¦ . , £ g- Money Orders should be drawn uport «» S * gMg > ^ SS ^ rWt ^ t !!^^ NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . A Subscbibeb . —Messrs . Chapman and Hall , 193 , Piccadilly . During the Session of Parliament it is °£ < £ f ™ P ossible t 0 ¦ gS SSSfi ^ Sl forpublioation . butas aguaranteeof hisgooaraun . Communicationsshould always be }* & * & ££ ** £% { £ dift £ one side of the paper only . If long , it increases tne aim eulty of finding space for them . . ^ m . n . ipotions We cannot undertake toreturnrejected communicating
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Russia was the only way to make the landed proprietors of that empire feel the pressure of the war and desire peace ; whereas , at present , their productions being just as much in demand as ever , they . not only felt no inconvenience from the war , but many circumstances caused it to be popular among them . He showed that this country need not depend on Russia for hemp or flax , there being an abundance of those products in IndiPj and the British merchants of . Russia were quite prepared to abandon ^ heir trade if it was declared unlawful . Xord Stanuby of Alderlet replied , urging the old topics—that the blockade would be strictly enforced , and the humane system on which war was now carried on . The House adjourned at 9 o ' clock .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS . THE STATE OF THE NATION . Mr . Latard gave notice that on an early day he should move a series of resolutions to the effect that the House viewed with deep and increasing concern the actual state of the nation . Whilst at all times the administration of public affairs should be entrusted to those best qualified , it was the more necessary that they should be so at a moment of great national emergency . That the manner in which the interests of party-favouring influence had been consulted in preference to merit in appointments to the highest offices of State diplomacy , the army , and other branches of the public service , was opposed to the best interests of the State , and had already given rise to many great misfortunes , and was calculated to bring discredit on the national character , and involve the country in much distress . That the House would give its support to any ' Ministry which in the present emergency should propose to place the _ different departments on a proper and efficient basis in those respects .
A number of questions were asked of the Government from the answers to which it appeared , that it was intended to associate civil practitioners with the directorship of the Army Medical Department ; that with regard to the fusees used at Sebastopol , some were made in 1853 and 1854 , but others sent from Malta were of-much older date ; and that the Government had no intention of respiting Inrigi Buranelli , the murderer of Mr . Latham .
MB . IiAYARD ' S SPEECH AT I / TVEHPOOI-. Mr . Ewart , referring to a statement of Mr . Layard ' s at . Liverpool , that only one officer on the staff in the Crimea had obtained honours at Sandhurst , and that he was probably promoted from parliamentary influence , said that the officer in question , Major Ewart , of the 93 rd , was a relative of his , and asked Mr . F . Peel whether any such influence had been used to secure the appointment of that office . ¦¦ " •~" Mjj ^ -B 7 BXSiNO ' aske"d"if"the * publTshed---statements of Mr . Layard , with regard to the services of certain officers in the Coldstream Guards was correct . ' General Peel justified the promotion , without purchase , of Colonel Hardinge , the son of the Commamler-in-Chief , declaring that the step was given in strict acc ordance with military precedent ,- and fell to the lot of the officer in question by the fortune
of service-Mr . P . Peel denied that any undue influence had been exercised with regard to promotions in the army ; anil , after recapitulating a variety of facts and instances , called on Mr . ILayard to retract the statements he hazarded . Mr . Layaud explained that he had designed to offer no disparagement either to Major Ewart or Colonel Hardinge ; but , on the general question , reiterated and adhered to his condemnation of the system of favouritism on which promotion had been granted to officers in the army . The honourable gentleman spoke with great vehemence and amidst frequent interruptions , the feeling of the majority of the House against him being very loudly expressed by derisive cheers , groans , and cries of " Oh , oh I "
The Hon . C . Hardinge , Mr . Btno , Colonel Lindsay , Colonel Noutii , and Colonel Knox , also impugned Mr . Layard ' s statements . Lord Paltmerstckn addressed some very strong observations to the House on the question , treating Mr . Layard ' s assertions as of so indefensible a nature as to demand a retractation , which he urged the hon . gentleman to give . The subject then dropped . The Loan Bill and the Customs Duties went through committee . The rest of tho sitting was occupied by a rather animated discussion of the Education Bill for Scotland , the stngo being tho second reading . On a division tho tecond reading wus curried by a ma jority of 39 .
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A memorial to Sir George Grey , in favour of Buanelli , on the ground of his insanity , lias just been Mraed . It is signed by John Conolly , M . D . ; William Baly , M . D ., F . R . S . ; Forbes Winslow , M . D . j Alexffider Shaw , F . RC . S ; and Mitchell Horvey , F . R . C . S .
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ARE WE TO HAVE AST ARISTOCRACY ? Ostce more let us put this question plainly and broadly to our readers . AVe would fain see the people solve it , not in a spirit of personal hatred towards the aristocracy , which is merely servility inverted , and which would soon turn to envy of plebeian merit , but in a spirit of calm _ political wisdom . Does our aristocracy , as an institution , do good or evil ? The time is come to solve this problem and act on tho solution . To rail at this or that aristocratic appointment is idle , if not mischievous . If you have a governing classyou must let them govern .
, While there is a House of Lords , half the Cabinet , that is half the great officers of state , must be in that House- ThereJs . answer at once to those who expect that offices shall be shared between the aristocracy and the commonalty in any proportion to their respective numbers . And if half the great offices of state must be filled by Peers , a great number of the subordinate offices must also ' be filled by Peers , as a school of training for the higher .
Particular offices are important , but general legislation is still more so . You cry out because an inferior man is made an undersecx * etary ; you do not cry out because four hundred inferior men are set to make your laws . You think it a gross evil that a Minister should make a class appointment ; you think
it natural that all measures of social and political improvement should be submitted to tho interested decision of a class . Ot what . use are these obscure inquiries into the genealogy of placemen , when wo all see that a Reform Bill has to pass the Lords ? "What effect of the departmental misgOr vernment of aristocrats was ever half so
noxious as the 600 millions of debt which an aristocratic Parliament contracted under the erroneous impression that Napoleon I , , was an enemy to their interests , when it seems nil tho time he was the tamer of the Revolution , and ought to have received tho Garter from tho hands of George III . ? The Honourable A . B ., . a third-rate man , is appointed to tho Woods and 1 ' orests ; , not corruptly , for ho haa what may very well appear in tho eyes of a relative Bunicient aualifications . Patriot journalists imraeiately denounce tho appointment as an
abominable job . But railway legislation is at least as important as anything that comes under the Woods and Forests . And who are are controllers of Railway legislation in the House of Lords ? Are thejr , or can they be chdsen for-peculiar-impartiality and fitness ? Take away the monopoly of office from the aristocracy , oblige the sons of Peers to compete on equal terms with commoners , and what will your Upper House become ? What young nobleman , with all the pleasures of
society at his feet , will undergo the labour of a political education when , from the number of the competitors , he has next to no ehaiice of ever gratifying his political ambition ? The aristocratic branch of the legislature would sink into a mere crowd of frivolous voluptuaries . Our latter end would be worse than the first . The monopoly of political office alone has made the English aristocracy what it has been in history , that is , of all aristocracies the best , and the greatest of all sav e that of Rome .
Mr . Layaed moves to abolish family and party influences in the appointment to offices . That is , he moves to abolish aristocracy and parties . In other words , he moves a revolution . Let us , then , manfully turn Our minds to the main question . We believe that England has physically , morally , intellectually , and socially outgrown her aristocracy , and that there remains no basis of any kind sufficient to support a political caste . If this be true , nothing but a gradual and honourable abdication can avert a violent and disgraceful
fall . We throw back the " -charge of revolutionary tendencies on those who are exciting a blind and aimless disaffection by railing at the effect while they keep out of sight the cause . We throw back the charge of disioyalty on those who , with official -loyalty ^ on their lips , court popularity by sapping what they must know to be the foundations of the throne . Besides , we shall not be scared at bugbears when royalty and aristocracy fall at the feet of usurpation , and drag legitimacy through the mud in our streets . Let us all march together under the tricolor to
the fulfilment of our " convictions . " Only let us remember , first , thatwe nmat proceed deliberately , knowing well what we intend to do ; and secondly , that good government is our end , not the gratification of personal ambition . To hold out political employment as the highest object of life to all , and stimulate a universal craving lor political pi aces , would be to inaugurate misery and confusion . Govei'iiors , and good governors , chosen in tho best way and by our best faculties , are essential to society like
good lawyers and good physicians ; but to take a direct part in Qovemment ought no more to be essential to any individual than to be a lawyer or a physician . Morbid and misguided ambition has been tho bane ot political progress throughout Europo ; and it is mainly responsible for our present disastrous situation . Wo confess wo turn a very deaf ear to the complaints of ambitious men balked of places by tho governing class , though our car is very open to tho cry ot sufierers from the evils which the errors ot a governing class inflict upon th o people .
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REVELATIONS OF THE W AR MINIST 11 T , It was not long since that we noticed a masterly sketch of the administration of our public service , and of tho principles for a practical reform . Tho author . of this pampl'lct insisted strongly upon tho necessity for consolidating the public service to a great extent , so as to facilitate tho transfer of tho servants from one department to another according to the neou . Theevidenco given by the Duke of Newoastm
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because thereis nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the _ strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law oi its creation in eternal progress . — Du . ARNOLD
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SATURDAY , APRIL 28 , 1855 .
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396 TTTTS LEADER . ' [ Satubpat ,
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Leader (1850-1860), April 28, 1855, page 396, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2088/page/12/
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