On this page
-
Text (3)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
mourable peace . After the sacrifices which the untry has made—after the hearths of England ive been darkened with the shadow of calamityen must not be told that it is for a question iiether the Emperor of Russia shall have four igates or six . { Cheers . } " I trace the discontent that is prevalent , and the dis-; isfaction which we find in many quarters , I trace 3 m to the continued alliance between diplomacy and ir . I may be permitted so say that there are two meads in which you may carry on war with Russia . In 3 case , you may invade her provinces , despoil her of r territory , beat her back into the North , reconstruct , short , the map of Europe , and solve the knot , which
w you are trying to undo , by movements of the most iermined character . And if there were a young nister , full of genius , energy , and fortunate enough possess , as a colleague , a general as consummately ted , backed by an enthusiastic people , unembarrassed public debt , I am not prepared to say that that car -would not be well worthy of his attention . I will ; presume to predict what might be the consequences that struggle ; but I think I may venture to proisy that the grey hairs would cluster on the temples not the oldest members among us before its termiion . But there is another jnode of carrying on the r with Russia . It is one essentially protective . It is protect your ally , not by reducing the peculiar
in-; nce of Russia , but by increasing the power of Turkey , it was the pob' cy which , as I understood from the laration of war , we had embarked upon . But what re you done ? Having embarked in a war to protect Turkish Empire , you suddenly resolve to invade the ssian dominions , while you were protecting the rkish Empire , and engaged in diplomatic transactions ich were to carry out the protective policy . You re , combined , therefore , aggressive war with protective lomacy ; and to that incoherent and inconsistent on I trace the dangers that are surrounding us , and Lch , in my opinion , unless you terminate that union , st increase , and fatally increase . While you are 3 ting your time at Vienna in this protective diplocy , all that you can do is to devise schemes which 1 apply to the objects of protective war ; but the evil
sequences for the objects of aggressive war are easily ; eable , because you not only by these Conferences , by i morbid diplomacy , damp and destroy the spirit of nation , which , after all , you must alone rely upon , you are , by these very Conferences , paralysing those es , preventing that energy on the part of European rers , which would be necessary for you to carry your aggressive warfare , and to extricate yourselves n the dangers to which you must now feel exposed , nay have been a great error to depart from that proion of the Turkish Empire and to invade Russia . , having , though most rashly , once taken that step , must meet the consequences of the fatal policy which have pursued . You cannot extricate , yourselves a these consequences by Conferences at Vienna . " eers ) .
aad been said that the present motion expresses ; rust of the Government ; but is there any man o does not feel distrust of the Government ? And t distrust reaches still further ; it reaches even to ark suspicion of the ptactical working of our resentative institutions . The heart of many a riot would be gladdened if , by the successful issue that motion , it should appear that the House of nmons has decided that there shall be an end diplomatic subterfuge and ministerial trifling . ieet s ) . ? he motion was seconded by Mr . Barrow . ir Francis Baring moved as an amendment lat this House , having seen with regret that the
iferences of Vienna have not led to a termination lostilities , feels it to be a duty to declare that it [ continue to give every support to her Majesty the prosecution of the war , until her Majesty 11 , in conjunction with her Allies , obtain for this ntry a safe and honourable peace . " He proposed i amendment because he could not meet the ; inal motion with a direct negative , since it would liable to misconstruction . In answer to the rges brought by Mr . Disraeli against the Govern-\ t , ho denied that there had been any unfair con-Iment or any ambiguous language on their part , irould not have been prudent or politic , nor would lave been just to our allies , from day to clay to
ose confidential communications . The Governit hud given all the information they fairly could , ir William IIeathcotm said it was impossible him to vote for the original motion , the object of ch was avowedly to shut the door to negotiai ; and he thought the amendment was open to charge of being . ambiguous and uncertain . To rid of this objection , ho would insert , after » stilitioa , " the words , " and still cherishing a ro that the communications in progress may ve at a successful issue . " Ir . Kkr Sisymkr said ho should support tlio final resolution . —Mr . Wilkinson was disposed r ote for Sir Francis Baring's amendment . — 'The rquia of Gbanby denied that Russia had over hud
any intention of seizing Constantinople , and thought that the second proposition of Russia contains elements of negotiation . —Mr . Robert Phtllimore , while admitting that there never was a war more just in its origin than that in which we are now engaged , asserted that Russia ; had made great concessions , and held that we should not propose to a great power terms which she would be despised if she accepted . Mr . Gladstone said he could not possibly agree with Mr . Disraeli ' s motion , because he thought the negotiations had offered an admirable opportunity of terminating the horrors of war . He was disposed cordially to agree with the amendment of Sir William
Heathcote , which expressed the opinion of the House that the advantages of negotiation should not be lost to view . The war was most just in its origin ; but it would become unjust if we continued to prosecute it after its object has been attained . The second proposal of Russia was the question properly before the House ; but the designs originally contemplated by the war had completely vanished from sight . After the war commenced the objects had been enlarged , and finally merged into the Four Points , not merely limiting and restraining the treaty rights of Russia , but abolishing them altogether . These Four Points were , in August , 1854 , previous to our expedition to the Crimea , absolutely rejected by Russia ;
but in December the Jimperor promised unreserved acceptance of terms which four months before he had contemptuously refused . It could not , therefore , be said that our attack on Sebastopol had altogether failed . The only one of these articles not now settled was the third , and the difference arose , not upon its principle , but upon the mode of its application , so that the quarrel was merely as to the mode of construing a moiety of the Third Point . The question of the Black Sea , he observed , was surrounded with difficulties , and the choice was to be made between several plans of limitation , all being open to objections and imperfect arrangements . The more he looked at the question of limitation , the more apparent was its enormous difficulty and the indignity it would offer to Russia ; and no policy could be more dangerous than that of inflicting indignity upon her without reducing her power . Russia had receded from her pretences ; she had gone far to put herself in the right , and , in war as well as in peace , the great object should be to be in the right . All the terms we had demanded had been substantially conceded ; and , if it was not for terms we fought but for military success , let the House look at this sentiment with the eye of reason , and it would appear immoral , inhuman , and unchristian .
Lord John Russell began his observations by commenting on the opinions expressed by Mr . Gladstone . The speech of that gentleman , he said , was characterised by great fairness , therein contrasting with the oration of Mr . Disraeli ; but he ( Lord John Russell ) dissented from Mr . Gladstone ' s views with respect to the war . The terms proposed by Russia would not guarantee the protection of Turkey ; for a Russian fleet might sail from the Black Sea , and dictate terms to the Sultan at the gates of his own palace . According to the second Russian proposition , it was true , Turkey was to have the right of calling upon the fleets of her allies for succour whenever she might be menaced ; but , in these cases , as Marshal Marniont said , priority is everything , and
the allied fleets might be at a distance while those of Russia were near at hand . To accept , therefore , such futile and nugatory terms as those of Russia would be to deceive Europe in a way quite unworthy of England and France . With respect to Mr . Disraeli ' s charges , Lord J . Russell said that the right hon . gentleman , in speaking of the protectorate of Russia over the Greek Christians of the Turkish Empire , confounded two things which were perfectly distinct—the protectorate over Wallachia and Moldavia , which was sanctioned not only by the treaty of Kainardji , but by the subsequent treaties of Bucharest and Adrianople , and the proposition which was put forward ' by Prince Menschikoff ,. which went far beyond those treaties , and was based on an erroneous interpretation of the treaty of Kainardji .
His loruslup tnen gave a uner summary the ambitious designs and aggressive policy of Russia , and sketched the progress of the present war , and the course he had taken at the Conferences . The Austrian occupation of the Principalities had enabled us to attack Sebastopol ; and that attack had demonstrated the weakness of the Black Sea fleet for defence , and had shown that its real purpose was to create a standing menace to Turkey . As to the charge against him that ho had desired to conserve the honour jpf Russia , ho still believed that that object was a fitting one , supposing it to be compatible with our own designs . The most important of those designs , the limitation of the Russian power in the Black Sea , is indispensable for the security of Constantinople ; and the refusal by Russia to accept those terms is a sure indication of the dishonesty of her intentions towards her neighbour . The conduct of Austria was not altogether auch as ho could wish ;
but with her frontier open to invasion from Russia ^ - without sufficient fortresses to prevent the Russians , after a single victory , from marching up to Viennttrit must be admitted that her position is one of great difficulty . —With a fling at the Administrative Reform movement , and a rebuke to the ambitious and partisan designs of Mr . Disraeli and his friends , Lord John Russell resumed his seat . On the motion of Mr . Whitesipe , the debate was then adjourned .
METROPOLITAN GOVERNMENT BILL . Lord Palmerston announced that Sir Benjamin Hall had postponed the further proceeding on this bill until Tuesday after the recess , to be then taken at a morning sitting . RAILWAY ACCIDENTS . Mr . Francis Scott asked the Vice-President of the Board of Trade whether the bill to prevent railway accidents , which the Government said in March would be laid before Parliament , and which in May was said to be ready for presentation , would be introduced into Parliament immediately after the Whitsuntide recess?—Mr . Bouverie said it was the intention of the President of the Board of Control to bring in this bill upon an early day .
chtikch discipline . Sir John Pakjngton asked the Solicitor-General whether the Church Discipline Bill would be introduced after the "Whitsuntide recess , whatever might be the progress and success of the Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill ; and whether it was yet decided that provision shall be made in the bill for constituting one final court of appeal for the United Church of England and Ireland?—The Solicitor-General said it was the intention of the Government to introduce the Church Amendment Bill at an early
dayafter the recess . He hoped on Friday to be able to give the exact date . The prosecution of the bill would depend upon the fate of the Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill , not from anj r connexion of the subject matters of the two bills , but because there were certain arrangements with respect to compensation contained in the Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill , upon which were founded certain regulations in the other bill . He was enabled to answer the last part of the right hon . baronet ' s question , as to the Court of Appeal for the United Church of England and Ireland , in the affirmative .
ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT . Mr . Duncombe asked the First Lord of the Treasury if it was his intention to bring in any bill during the present session to enable Jews to sit in Parliament ; also on what day the long promised bill for the reform of the Corporation of the City of London would be introduced?—Lord Palmerston said it was not the intention of the Government to propose during the present session any measure for the admission of Jews into Parliament . With respect to the other portion of the question , he could assure the hon . member that the bill to which he alluded was in the course of "being drawn ; it was a matter of much difficulty , and would require considerable care-He trusted , however , that at an early day it would be before the House .
Untitled Article
THE WAR .
Untitled Article
The latest news of the war is literally that there is no news at all . The electric telegraph that extends from the heart of the contest into the heart of peaceful London has been silent for the last week , or , at any rate , has spoken not to unofficial ears . With the approaching heats of summer , a languor seems to have come upon both sides ; and the two opponents—meaning thereby the Allies and the Russians" Like giants In contention , planet-struck , Stand gazing' at each other . "
The expedition to > Kertch has added another mistake to the long list of our Crimean blunders . With the fleet insight of the place which it was designed to attack—witli the soldiers and suilors both oC France and England eager to attack the enemy , and confident of success—with our opponents unprepared for the assault , and therefore at every disadvantagethe order conies that tlio armament is to return , and return it does , to the infinite satisfaction , and no doubt amusement ; of tlio Russians . No such oppor-? ,, r ,: Mr ,.,. » . imiin ootiur for the capture of a place . tunircan again occui » w » " •« WJw »—~ ~ - - x—™~
. y which is generally JicUl to bo second only in importance to Sebastopol itself ; for the intentions of the Allies aro revealed—tho enemy are now on their iruard—their weak spot has been pointed out to ' hem—and we all know tho energy and rapidity with which tho Russians can strengthen themselves in a doubtful position . The return was in conscciuenco of a luoasngc from Lord Raglaa and General C . mrobcrl ; , withdrawing the French troops ; which of course rendered it impossible for us to proceed . This message , it is whispered in the camp ,
Untitled Article
May 26 , 1855 . ] THE LEADER , 435
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), May 26, 1855, page 485, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2092/page/5/
-