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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE DESPATCHES AND THE DEBATES . It ia satisfactory ! , amid the cloud of " ambiguous and uncertain language" in which the debates in Parliament are involved , to know that we have a Foreign Minister who represents the sense atid spirit 6 f the nation . With equal moderation , and courage * IJord GiM-iiENDOisr , in his diplomatic capacity , has resisted every approach to a futile scheme of peace . His speech in the House of Lords ,
on a recent occasion , was so vague ; as to justify the suspicion that he , as well as somd of his colleagues * ' had been infected with Austrian tendencies ^ and was at a loss to underderstand any practical objects for which the war could be pursued . But the papers last presented' to ¦ Parliament clearly prove that he neither deceived the Austrian Governmenty nor permitted it to deceive him . l < Yom the first he stated and maintnined that ¦• Great
Britain and France had combined to dispossess Russia from her dangerous supremacy in the Black Sea , and that no dereliction from her engagements on the part of Austria would induce them , to forego this object -of their united policy . Plainer language a statesman could not hold . It must , we think , satisfy every one who does not believe with prnbittered refugees from the Continent and irresponsible blusterers at home , that a great military power can . be ignored , and trodden down as contemptuously as the dust of Car- > thage , or the ultimatum of Nassau . In the Austrian Cabinet Austrian considerations
must prevail as long as human actions spring from human motives . It was for Lord Cla-KENTDOir to guard against the sacrifice of any European interest to this special policy . This , as far as the question of peace is involved , he effectually did . Whether , as the dead-weight of Gei-man neutrality leans more heavily on the Western alliance , the occupation of the Principalities will not constitute a source of new alarm , is a distinct issue , which must be separately discussed .
At present it is most important to observe the attitudes in which the several governments represented at Vienna are revealed in this correspondence . " So far as Austria is concerned , we see no reason to l-etraet any opinion we have expressed . It was not her intention , at any time , to support the Third Point . Her grounds of reserve had been carefully prepared , and were visible at the beginning . As early as the 3 rd of April Count Bxrot disclosed his knowledge that his
government , contented with the solution of the First and Second Point , had no intention to press the Third . He asked what compromise the Allies would accept , and demonstrated to the sense of every rational being that Austria would i on no existing considerations , be dragged into the war . This being settled , his next effort was to persuade the Allied Governments and their
plenipotentiaries , that Great Britain and Prance , rather than bear alone the burden of indefinite hostilities , should relax their demands , and surrender something for the sake of peace . With the plenipotentiaries he succeeded ; with the governments lie failed . In that " something " lay the point really at issue . This it was that ! Lord Johw KtrssEi , ! , and M . IhtouYN de IiHirrs were willing to abandon , but which the French and- British cabinets
refused to modify . Lord John Rtjsselii , in fact , seems to have had his spirit drugged by the artifices of Count Buot . In that Minister ' s apartments , a " conciliatory " atmosphere steeped in illusion the soul of the English plenipotentiary . He actually believed , that the cuuning German who sat gazing at him was sincere in his melancholy regrets , and in his candid confidenceb . Like an unpractised gambler , he listened to the condolences of men who were employed in outwitting him , and had it not been for the immediate
disavowal of his conclusions by Lord Clarendon , who can tell how deep we should now be sunk in the preliminaries of an ignominious peace ? We are tho more inclined to accept as realities the clear aud spirited expressions of our Foreign Minister ; because , instead of retreating from the principles originally laid down , he has embodied them in a more definite form than we find itl any of the earlier papers . The BVnperor Aiekattdf / k ti * e 1
Second , in his firstproclamation , declared that his faith was pledged to fulfil the policy of his imperial ancestors . ILord CnxufikiDoii takes up the challenge , and affirms that " the present war has been undertaken" to prevent him from fulfilling that policy ; " in short , to quote the words of a recent H \ isaian proclamation , to prevent'as far as Turkey is concerned , the accomplishment of tho wishes nnd views of Pjbxek , of Catiiekinb , of Alex-7
andkb , and of Nicholas' . ' i ^ Plius , then , the Allies have avowedly taken up arms to'resist , not an exceptional and eccentric movement on . the part of Russia , but to check her historical policy , and to fix along her whole eastern , frontier a political restraint upon her expansive forces . In conformity with tliese principles , the British Government announces that tho Four Points discussed at Vienna no longer of necessity constitute a
basis of negotiation . Russia having refuse one , the Allies are released from all ; th war in future will determine its own endi Now it is , at least , something to know that t circumscribe the Russian power , to confoun its plans of aggression , bequeathed froi monarch- to monarch since the rise of th reigning dynasty , is an object not too positiv in the of Britis
to be comprehended policy a Minister . We have had enough of vagu words and airy declamations . A second set son draws near to its close ; a third army ma soon be required ; alliances that seemed pos sible last year seem hopeless iu this : it i time then , thnt in tho despatches of ou statesmen , if not in their speeches , we shoul find some explanation of the purposes t < which all these energies are to be applied .
Lord Palmerstoit tells the House of Com mons , 'in the same breath , that he agree with Iiord Clarendon and can justify Lor John Exjsseli .. Too much stress should nc be laid on these forms and fictions of pai liamentary courtesy ; but the recess is a hand , during which the war may be misma naged , or the peace settled . The policy c the Cabinet , meanwhile , is- ' set forth nowhei but in the circular despatch of the Foreig Minister , whose sentiments have elicited th marked approval of the [ Legislature .
Even in this document , however , onl general -terms are used . To appl y or explai them minutely would be impossible ; it wi beweiiif , while the contest proceeds ; more leg tiniate definitions are offered of these vagu aud distant objects . Perhaps a still moi important necessity is to arrive at some cor elusion , as to the means by which our effort are , in future , to be rendered more successfu What additional resources can France an
England command ? What new element ca they bring into the field ? What new a liances can they contract ? Can they invei any method of disorganising the enormot military forces arrayed against their own Or- is there still faith in German aid ? Cour Habtiq , in his apology for Austria , printe last year , showed that the history of Europ since tfie peace of 1815 is the history of an al tempt to consolidate the union of the thre great monarchies—Russia , Austria , Prussiaagainst the liberalism of Western Europ <
There were flaws ia this bond , he said , but th cohesive principle was still too strong to admi of a dissolution of political partnership b € tween despotisms , which can only exist b ; holding together . In . this league , which sui vives the formal engagements of the Hoi ; Alliance , a secret principle within has mot power than all external ligatures ; and eve ) Germany , so jealous and so divided , remain intact when opposed a ' s a eonservativ <
barrier against forces and ideas that disinte grate ite thrones . HusBia leans on them , and they on Russia Appreciating , therefore , the vital interes which civilisation has in putting limits tc the political influence of the Russian Em pire ; we do not see how Reformers , liber ticides , diplomatists of the old school , am tho pupils of Vienna ) , can virtually give efleel to £ ord Clahendon ' s declaration . If th (
war is to be continued for a high purposo England may well adopt it * but if that higl purposo i is only to cheer the nation on until some old-fashioned diplomatic drop-scene fivllfi and narrows the horizon , why engage the world ia mortal conflict , which must corrupt mankind if it docs not set them free P
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MODERN FORTIFICATION . It is quite probable that one of the greatest military results of the siege of Sebaetopol will be . a revolution in the art of fortification .
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There is nothing 39 revolutionary , because thereis nothing bo unnatural and convulsive , as ' the 3 train to' Keep things fixed when all the worldis by the verylaw ot its creation in . eternal progress .: —De . Auji'OLD .
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SATURDAY , JULY 21 , 1855 .
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$ 11 ° Ftvepenck is now the price for an Unstamped copy of the Leader , and Sixpence if Stamped . A Stamped copy of this Journal can be transmitted through the Post-office to any part of Great Britain as frequently as may he required , during fifteen days from its date , free of chaTge ; but it is necessary that the paper should be folded in such a manner that the stamp be clearly visible on the , outside . The Leader has been " registered" at the General Postoffice , according to the provisions of the New Act relating to Newspapers , and a Stamped copy has , therefore , the privilege of transmission through the post beyond the United Kingdom on payment of , the proper rate of postage .
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Erratum :. —In column 2 , line 12 , of our War matter last week , for " The remains of "Lord Raglan have been con .-sigued to the family vault at Badminton , " read ttnll be consigned , " &c . . -
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NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous communications . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated bv the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . During the Session of Parliament it is often impossible to find room for correspondence , even the briefest . Communications should always be legiblywrittervand on oneside of thepaperonly . If long , itincreasesthe difficulty of finding space for them . We cannotundertake toreturn rejected communications .
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TERiV ' iS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO "® l ) e H ? aDer . " Tora Half-Year ^ 0 To be remittedin advance . tjs- Money Orders should be drawn upon the Strand Branch Office , and be made payable to Mr . Alseed E . Galiowat , at No . 154 , Stran < 3 .
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692 THE LEADER , [ No . 278 , Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 21, 1855, page 692, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2100/page/8/
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