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Leader (1850-1860), 1st September 1855, Edition 1 of 2, Page 841, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      years of age , should thus grasp at power which he cannot long retain , and for this should commit atrocities and advise Ministers to uphold martial law , is one of those anomalies of which frail human nature has not offered many examples . The fact is , the Marshal cannot forgive the people who , in the streets of Milan , with no other weapons but knives and stones , for five days forced his soldiers to retreat before them , disgraced and defeated . Is it not strange that the very Ministers who at Vienna aflect a wish to conciliate the people of Lombardy by permitting the municipal and central congregations to meet ,

      as in 1815 , when Austria , dreading the effects of Napoleon's return from Elba , first instituted them , should still keep Radetzki in Lombardy i He cancels the provisions of M . Bach , M . Bruck , and Count Buol with an obstinacy that reminds us of AH Pacha of Janina's self-will . Even the sequestration of the estates of the Lombard refugees , which , to avoid an old cause for discontent in the presence of new ones with the Western Powers , the Austrian Ministry was disposed to relax , was resolutely opposed by the Lieutenant till the 7 th of August , when he sent a notification that he consented to restore thirty-one estates , which were found to be of little or no value . It

      is thus that a spirit of vengeance , the masterpassion of the ferocious old man , rules the wrecked and impoverished Lombards and Venetians , and dictates the arrogant doctrines of the Marshal . It is a sorrowful task for us to register the desolation which Radetzki ' s maxims , applied to the art of government , necessarily imply ; still we must denounce them . Then will the English people better understand the right Italians have ( the only one now left to thein ^ to become conspirators and revolutionists .

      Untitled Article

      GENERAL PEPE . ( From a Correspondent , ") Osk of the noblest men in the contemporary history of Modern Italy , the General Guglielmo Pope , died at Turin , at the age of seventy-two . His loss will be severely felt in England by the many friends who remember him in the circles of Lord Holland , the Duke of Sussex , Sir Robert Wilson , Lord William Fitzgerald , and other noted

      men . The military career of the illustrious Neapolitan , although it failed in its object , affords an example of courage , persoverance , and stability of opinion , which exile and danger never weakened , nor disappointment ever changed . From the day when , at the age of seventeen , he inscribed his name on the roll of the sala patriotic *! in Naples , which bore the solemn title of " Oath of freedom or of death , " to the end of his long and painful career , he was faithful to his oath . In 1 79 i > . within a few

      the constitution , we would pray for you , would consolidate your throne for ever ; you would be adored by the Neapolitans . " The advice was not followed , and the King fell unregretted . General Pepe ' s conduct fully merited the woids addressed to him by General Foy , after the catastrophe of 1821 , " Vous avez ete malheureux , mais vous etes reste sans reproche . " But it will be pleasing to the friends of Italy to observe that his career began by opposing the hordes of Cardinal Ruffo , and the brigands on the mountains of Calabria , his . own countrymen ; and it was chiefly due to his owu efforts that , ere the close of his life , the descendants of those very brigands , having become honest patriots , enrolled themselves under distinguished officers to fight against the common foe . We need not speak of the private virtues of the man , they are written on the hearts of his friends , and need no publicity . May those Italian officers who have shared with Pepe his last exile follow his noble example ; may they use the same selfdenial , perseverance , and honesty by which , for nearly sixty years , his military . and political life were distinguished ; and may they achieve that great work which be failed to accomplish !

      months after having given that solemn promise . he was twice wounded , he was imprisoned , aud was driven into exile . In our limited space it would be impossible to sketch his eventful life for upwards of half a century ; the deeds with which his name is connected fill three octavo volumes ol'his Memoirs , and are well known in England , as they wore originally published in our language . There we find the fortunes of the national cause of Italy mingled with his own active patriotism . In those volumes ,

      and in the history he published after the fall of Venice , the passage of St . Bernard with the Italian legion ; the battle of Marcngo ; the siege of La Man ton ; the battle of Mileto ; King Joseph ; General Masslna , General Regnier , General Luchet ; Joachim Murat ; the combat of Rcgmo ; tho battles of Panaro , Occhiobcllo , Carpi , Bologna , and Macorata ; Jerome Bonaparte ; the Curnonaria ; tho revolution of Naples in 18 * 21 ; the unfortunate combat of Rieli ; the revolution of Spain ; and the laat unsuccessful , but not inglorious struggle of Italy in 1848-49 , pass rapidly before our eyes . G en eral Pope ' s name is identified with all the agitations of Italian independence . His

      constant aspiration was to destroy municipalism , and iqako JUaly one strong undivided nation . Mo oared , not whether Ital y woru a constitutional kingdom or a republic , but wns ready to 80 , 126 , any opportunity that would secure her liberty . Although Joachim . Murat had bestowed wealth , nnd honours upoa him « t court , Ftope entered into a conspiracy with tho other HpappKtan Generals , When the King naked him if Ahjs was . true , he replied : U I conspire a ^ aiust yqm ? . Majesty beoauae you are against tho liberty o £ » y , country . If your Majeaty wore to grant

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      'IMT 1 IIS DgPAUTUBMT , AS ALL OPIKIOMS , IIOW . BVEB EXTilEMB . AM ALLOWED AX KXfBKSSION , THE EU 1 IOK NECESSARILY HOLDS H 1 MSKLF BKSrOKSllSLK IUE . VOSK . J There is no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , it be proritab ^ e foi hizn to read , why should it not , at least , be toltraoiefor his adversary to write . —MiLios .

      Untitled Article

      ITALY FOR THE ITALIANS . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ') Sib , —We would thank " An Italian" for his answers to our questions— " Will the Italians accept nothing short of a Republic ? " "Do all liberals hold the views for which M . Mazzini ' s name stands ? " We believe that there are a great number of " reasonable Italians" who share your correspondent ' s opinions on these points . He then speaks of the monarchy of Savoy as " the only state in Italy where a king has kept his word-, " " the onlj- asylum of free thought . " We jo ' m heartily in his appreciation of Piedmont . Revolutionists would do well , before trying to

      disaffect one Piedmontese subject towards his Government , to mark what Piedmont has achieved towards the overthrow of the two avowed obstacles to Italiattnationality—what she has done to chase the Austrian from the country , what she is doing to restrain and diminish Papal influence within it . The scoffers at the idea of an " Italy for the Italians , " who tell us that they cannot govern and cannot be governed by themselves , will do well to look at Piedmont , and see what Italian institutions are doing to promote the mental and moral progress of the people , and to advance tho physical ami economical condition of the state . All honour to Piedmont as the bulwark of

      Italian liberty ! But , mistaking the object of our questions , " An Italian" indignantly asks if they are to make their profession dc foi to European diplomats or to English officials ? We deprecate too much the habit of seeking aid whence no aid can come to recommend any such falhicy . We are sensible that England has forfeited her right to the confidence of oppressed nations , through the selfishness and cowardice of her foreign policy . Only inasmuch as the English press may influence Italian affairs , do we ask for information for it respecting them . It was to Italians that we said , " Know what your creed is , and see who among you subscribe to it . "

      We hold the European system , and England ' s share therein , in as much abhorrence as any can do ; but we have too much faith in Italy ' s future to invest it with the supreme power which " An Italian " does , when he asserts that this system prevented tho Italians from attaining their full rights in 1848 . The Euroi > can system had nothing to do with the failure of the Italian movement , and those who wilfully ignore the real causes of that failure are doing their best to insure its repetition .

      Most assuredly that revolution was called for by the national will , " and was ot no sectarian origin . The Papnl States called for civil equality , and all the Italian States , with one voice , clamoured for tho extirpation of foreign rule . This is a desire deeper and diviner in the human heart than any that a mere stfet could implant . It is Nature ' s prompting , who , every time a little silence is made for her to speak in , will speak in Italy for national independence .. In what the nation willed in those years the sovereigns were onmnolliu ) . willincr or unwillincr . to acciuicsce . What

      In February , 1848 , the Italian States obtained their constitutions , and in the following month the " mild " government of Austria had by its " paternal" acts brought about its own destruction . During the five days that succeeded the 18 th of March the Milanese , unarmed , drove out 15 , 0 £ 0 Austrian troops from their capital- On the 22 nd , the Venetians expelled the Austrians from Venice , retaining hostages till the terms of capitulation should be fulfilled . From Pavia , Cremona , Como , Brescia , and eight other cities the Austrian garrisons had either been driven out or had joined the inhabitants . Of all the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom secured to the Austrians by the infamous treaty of Vienna , every city , with the exception of Verona , Legnano , Mantua , and-Peschiera had been won back to Italy by toe Italians . " Guerra ai Tedeschi" was the nation ' s cry , and now behold all the Piedmontese troops—the regular troops and the civic guard from Rome , 15 , 000 Neapolitans , 7000 Tuscans , and volunteers from every Italian State coming with weapons in their hands , and enthusiasm in their hearts , to combat in the holy war . Did the times of the Crusaders ever furnish us with such a sublime spectacle as this battle host of Italy ' s sons palpitating with their common love of fatherland , ambitious but to be worthy of the name of Italians in winning back their birthright from the stranger ? Glorious , indeed , was that gathering , . never to be effaced from men ' s memories evetr by the bitter , galling , scarcejjtoible reverse of the picture to which we must so hastily turn . On the 6 th of August , 184 ^ ^ 7 ' enice and Osopo alone remained to It&rf of * tt « iat she had regained but six in on ths before . Wlnfc w . ere the causes ofi tbis reverse ? Were Italy a corpse , as some "would have us believe , we would not broach these questions over her grave ; but we know that she has only swooned , and the blood must flow from her veins that it may cease to stagnate at her heart . Italians' had scattered the Vienna parchment to the four winds of heaven ; English diplomats were struck dumb by the sudden wonder that fell on them . Whatever may have been the ultimate views of the French Republic , they had no influence at the moment . A Pius , a Ferdinand , a Leopold , were ciphers before the national will . Therefore , neither to the European system nor to any one name can the failure of the Italians be attributed . The fault was their own , and theirs only . Disunion , distrust , and disaffection springing up among them before they had locked their country ' s gates behind the Austrian , these were the causes of Italy ' s failure . Disunion of the rulers , the leaders , the generals , among themselves ; distrust in the ruled of their rulers , in the parties of their leaders , in the troops of their generals . Disaffection of the Piedmontese , the Lombards , the Tuscans , the Romans , and the Neapolitans to each other . —all these things combined rendered the operations of the leaders slow and unsystematic , paralysed the troops , and rendered their individual bravery abortive . While Charles Albert and Pius were disputing what should be the nature ot the proposed Italian league , and where it should be formed—while each state was celebrating its mimic triumph , forgetful of the yet ungotten victory of the whole—while constitutionalists and republicans disputed whether Lombardy should be annexed to Piedmont , or should remain without a government till all could agree as to its form , —the wily Austrian , who unites to a fair share of brute courage both perseverance and discipline , stepped in among the divided hosts , and piecemeal won back his prey . Space forbids our pointing out how , by her own internal union , Venice escaped the general wreck , nor can we eontinua to trace the events that succeeded the termination of the first campaign—how , when the Italians no longer held together , with what a wistful eye the European powers then regarded her divided states—but we put it to any Italian who took part in the affairs of ' 48 whether we have not traced their failure to its origin ? And , disastrous as this solution may seem , it is yet . fraught with more hope for Italy ' s future than any other . What the European system and English diplomacy has been , that thej' are likely to remain , as the corner-stone of the former is injustice , and ot the latter , interest . So . ^ if the Italians count on the aid of either in their struggle for national independence , or admit that either possesses the power to frustrate it , theirs is a forlorn hope ; whereas , u they allow that their past failuro lay in their own disunion , it remains with them to unite and to succeed . Let them cease to look for help or Iniulcranuc from nnv but themselves ; for only from «•««"" J' » nation , as from within the individual , can atrengm for action come . . . , . , j * iioilfc We return to our original posUiou , a » d ; " " ^ clamouring for paper constitutions , wo > * ™ ""^ I that the Italians mint decide Y , nf ^ of fiSdfi ' fr ^ £ toSissa ^ £ S £

      BSa Pius IX . and n Charles Albert gavo to the Papal States and to Piedmont , Naples , Tuscans and Lucca wrung from a Ferdinand , a Leopold , and a 13 ourbon .

      Untitled Article

      September I , 1855 ] THE LEADER . 841

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 1, 1855, page 841, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2104/page/13/