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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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EMJ ? E 3 tOB , three years ago , by a palace coup d'etat , diverted the responsibility of the Ministers from the public bodies to himself . In Prussia , should the elections , presided over by the police , result in an unmanageable majority , the King is prepared to abolish a constitution already mutilated by successive acts of perfidy . In Hanover a cotvp d ' etat has been successfully carried out . The Frankfort Assembly is putting forth its strength to obliterate the last traces of political independence in G-ermany . The complicated framework of insignificant states subjected to its control moves steadily through the approaches to an absolutist system , between which and the existing institutions of Germany there remains only a narrow tract still held by the constancy of the people . Associated by the only interest they have in . common—the repression of the liberal genius—the German Courts are at war upon all other questions . Catholicism in the south , Protestantism in the north , Calvinism and Lutherism in contiguous provinces , are used as agencies to delude the people into a belief that their cause is that for which the several governments contend . Saxon and Suabian , Hessian and Bavarian , Frieslander and Prussian , is appealed to in a separate language in the name of " United G-ermany . " The vote or fraction of a vote of every miserable court —Schwartzburg-Rudolstadt , Hohenzollern-Hechingen , Anhalt- Cothen , or Iiippe-IBiickeberg , is gained by terror and intrigue , and the irresponsible but legitimate auinaalculse , who are the powers of these atomic states , thrust their influence into the policy of Germany . At the settlement of Vienna , it was stipulated that in these little dynastic machines the motive force should be representative clockwork , but the time and methods of concession were left to the discreet authorities . The Central Diet was so constructed as to depress the entire nation to a dead level , so that the Courts and aristocracies alone exercise real power in Germany . A large proportion of the aristocracy is certainly Eussianised—and its influence , penetrating the army and the bureaucratic service , has frequently aided an anti-national policy . But the Courts , Russian or not , pursue interests of their oavu—the interests of personal absolutism , totally distinct Jfrom those of the nation at large . The nation at large have felt their wrongs , and have more than once endeavoured to gnin political independence . But , besides the vast military police which dragoons them into submission , the policy of Europe has been dead against them . Dynastic Germany , which prevents the revolt of Europe against Russian principles , is the creation of tho Treaty of Vienna . That treaty , framed in the capital of a military monarch , established maxims of conquest quite as immoral and quito as audacious as those by which the Czars have extended their dominion in Europe and Asia . In 1830 , a number of constitutions were erected in Germany ; but tho cold breath of English diplomacy gave no encouragement to their authors , or to the movements which olaewhoro wcro aimed at tho despotism of the Emperor Nicholas . In 1818 , whon reaction reached a point beyond -which few nations will suffer , tho intelligent classes throughout Germany arrayed themselves with tho popular party , and promoted a revolution singularly free from excess . Never was there a more ignominious combination of cowardice and troachery than was then exposed b y tho conduct of the Gorman Government . * Thoy knew that inexperienced nations , which have tho virtue and tho patriotism to roloaso themselves , in spite of ijnilitary violence , yield sometimes before tho perfidy of thoir magistrates .. They entered
with cordial demonstrations into the ambition of the people . The enchantment lasted until Russia , with the tacit sanction of the British Government , quenched the newly-asserted independence of Hungary , 'when the courts and aristocracies fell to the work of reaction , which they consummated amid an infamous effusion of blood . It was the purpose of the G-erman people , in 1848 , not only to war against their domestic oppressors , but to dissolve the Holy Alliance , and destroy the preponderating influence of Russia . If we were to select from the public expressions of their views during the short but spirited existence oi their free press , we might gather a body of reasonings and declamations against the power of the Czar , to correspond with that which has been called into existence by the present war . But what did England do ? While the Emperor Nicholas was combated by his natural enemies in Germany , he was flattered , among us , as the Great Conservative—Pacificator and Moderator . He was then exactly what he was when his armies crossed the Pruth ; but the dynastic sympathies of our governing class gave strength to his policy , and a stimulus to his ambition . In Austria and Prussia , in the Frankfort Parliament , in Hesse-Cassel and Hanover , the people , released from the incubus of their flying or cowering rulers , proved that they had not been corrupted by Russia , by crying out for the restoration of Poland . The German liberals have a right to be indignant when they see satires and calumnies diffused with the obvious purpose of taunting their nation into a show of activity . What do we desire the Germans to do ? Their Governments stand upon a neutral policy , dictated to " them by the clearest motives of personal interest . Austria and Prussia , in a dynastic sense , are too much at variance either to pursue a common course without impossible sacrifices , or to take opposite sides without incalculable danger . The other states , headed by them , and chiefly by Prussia , have no initiative . What then , we repeat , do we desire the nation to do ? Its sovereigns will not act in our behalf , or press upon Russia the stipulations of " an honourable peace . " Do we , then , ask of Germany that it shall repudiate these rulers , and spring to an attitude of revolution ? We invite them to no such efforts , and our loudest blusterers know it . This alternate pi'ocess of offence and entreaty is meant only to excite their sensibilities , that they may take up a menacing position with regard to their Governments , and thus enforce the representations of our diplomacy . Our statesmen are quite capable of making this use of the German people without adopting loyally one principle for which a German ought to bleed . What earthly interest can the Germans havo in the Crimea , or in Turkey ? To them the downfal of Sevastopol , and the temporary salvation of tho Ottoman Emp ire , aro only significant , inasmuch as they eclipse one of the great lights of despotism , which has now a second star— in tho West , It is time , then , to do justice to nations . We ourselves appeal to ningnauimous judgments . Wo recognise officially no principles , only exigencies . The German Governments , for our exigencies , refuse to imperil thoir interests , and tho Gorman populations do not yet see Ijoav our exigencies can servo thoir principles . If Germany had a . free press it would , wo aro convinced , respond gonerally to these opinions . Its political utterances hitherto havo been favourable to a Russian war . "Wo have to learn , then , that we cannot gain tho active alliance of that vast and courageous nation , because , powerless under military despotism , it is tho instrument of profligate dynasties .
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l THE ARISTOCRACY . L It is mere childishness to revile the aristol cracy for taking advantage of tlieir eminence . L They are privileged , and privilege is nothing i unless its claims are preferred before those of , ignoble men . The revived agitation , therei fore , is illogical , and . can only hare the effect of a spasm unless it be removed to another basis . To be a Noble means to "be honoured ¦ for the sake of a title , an ancestry , a family ' connexion ; to be , in short , intrinsically important , whether with or without education ; or abilities . To this situation is attached a i facility of obtaining public rewards—not for * services or for merit , because aristocracy * would be at an end if only meritorious aris-* tocrats were exalted—but for being in a posi-> tion to command them . Consequently , the ! power of being , by birth , that which a commoner ( theoretically ) can only be by merit , is inherent in the institution of nobility . It is the one real privilege of the privileged orders . But our warehouses have Corinthian pillars as well as our palaces ; we have placed a gilt edifice by the side of the Norman structure . New riches compete with old pedigrees . Though you should never have had a father , you are still , if endowed with lands and securities , in a condition to rival the small heads and white hands of Feudal dom . " The people" will assist you . They will have , in the most popular boroughsgenerally speaking—none but men of influence , that is , men of property . Out of this social coalition has been created a mass of high officials , well paid , well polished , who perform their duties badly , or indifferently . And , when our aristocratic institutions break down , we complain . "We love our Lords , but they shall be Lords to no purpose . An Earl shall not be made a Field-Marshal for being an Earl , nor a Captain be held down in his captaincy for not being the nephew of a peer ; but the three estates of the realm shall remain intact , nevertheless . To ourselves this has always seemed an irrational conclusion . Either there must be an aristocracy , or there need not . If it exist , it must be what it is — a class of privileged families , whose innate claims are superior to all others , —a class appropriating seats in the cabinet , mitres , marshal ' s batons , governorships , the highest field-rank , the largest pensions , t \ ie brightest decorations . Or , if it be an obsolete institution , it must be abolished in order that all grades of Englishmen may depute their best talents to tho public service . Would they be willing to do it ? From tho conduct of certain citizen-princes wo are led to doubts Inexperienced noblemen becomo administrators of commerce , because commercial ^ in on decline to forego tho prodigality of emolument arising from private speculation . Even peers , however , sleep at times tho sleep of Jiu « Van Winkle beforo attaining their rewards . Lord CoMJVEUMEitE and the Earl of Stuaitokd wore last heard of about forty years ago . Several revolutions took place In tho world , emperors died , statesmen ran their full careers , and bequeathed their places to a new generation— "Tlio Duko " himself became n tradition—whiles theso <; oronotcd brothers - in - arms lny amid tho lumber of tho great war . Suddenly , whilo the soldiers of a younger race aro iightwg and perishing in tlio battles of n now ooulUui between empires , SxuAt'Ji'ouw and Gomhb'imbhk Htart upon tho aceno , ninl *™ crown « a for their Peninsular service * . Wo «^^ Fiold-Marshal ' H batons to npnvo , an I vio give them to Bliadowa . If tho two mi ' ^ d Cext sS 53 = 235 £ m =
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flWr t 8- « Mfe ] " - ' THE frEADEB ,. 961
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 6, 1855, page 961, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2109/page/13/
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