On this page
- Departments (2)
-
Text (8)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
/^jf- v TtCC%t^ ^3jBw ^r£J*C* * fliWA eJ% JW" * %. .W —W>^ T" jP < £jLjUJ ILj jLt « r^ s& f gr^ ' "^ •^r > ^f ^* ^^ / ?
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
'J^ it lrlti* (£1 "flTrrti* Cf JsL/itUlIt /#l JlllirJ??
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
Q mmm * Mm&b .. omee ibabbb , ¦
Untitled Article
BfOTIOES TQ COBKJBSPONDENTS . Tffo notice can -be taken of anonymous communications \ Ehaiever i& intended for . insertapn inusfrbe authenticated tuTtEe mane and address of , the ' writer ; not necessarily f ^ puMication . but asaguarantee > of his good faith . eomaauuioatidn * should always ; le legibly written , and on Reside of the paper only . If long , it increases the difficult * oPifindtag space for them . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications . It fs impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . O ? heir insertion , is often delayed owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from rear sons quite independent of the merits of the communi * - cation .
/^Jf- V Ttcc%T^ ^3jbw ^R£J*C* * Fliwa Ej% Jw" * %. .W —W≫^ T" Jp ≪ £Jljuj Ilj Jlt « R^ S& F Gr^ ' "^ •^R ≫ ^F ^* ^^ / ?
^ Jfeetur ^ tr .
Untitled Article
There is nothing so revolutionary , because thereis nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to Keep things fixed , when all the -world is by the very law of ltscreationineternalproecress . —De . Aeeoid .
Untitled Article
THE RED MANIFESTO . Thebe is no difficulty in knowing how the English public should receive the letter which certain foreigners resident in this country as political refugees have addressed to the Queek . "While it remained under discussion only amongst refugees , there vras no necessity to take any notice of it . Discreditable as the production might be , we had as little necessity to interfere with it as with debates at a Free-and-Easy , ok with a
pothouse-row in Wapping . It has , however , been printed in a French journal , published in Jersey , of course for circulation on the Continent ; it therefore comes directly before the English people , and we are called upon to say whether this is the kind of manifestation with which we can sympathise ,, whether this is the sort of republican action that we can aid , whether this is the behaviour amongst us which we can tolerate .
Let us consider the nature of the propositions , and how it is they come before us . Messieurs Felix Pyat , Eouo ^ e , and Joubi > ain hold that Louis Napoi-eon is Emperor of the French only by unlawful j > roceedings ; that the indignation of the people ought to obliterate him ; and tliey assert that the lightning of Pianori only precedes the fate that is destined for him . These are opinions which other persons entertain in England , besides the refugees in question . Englishmen who have a right to debate the alliances
tyranny ; and they were prepared to sftqrifipp themselves as much as the tyrant , in OiSesf that mankind might be freed * . T ^ e ^^ pi not , like Indian . Thugs , send forth others tc ? flo the work . Above all , they did not OTeaeh the hideous . and . base doctrines that human beings can ever be freed from their obligation to respect suffering . The refugees , who have rendered themselves thus , conspicuous proclaimed that Louis Napolepb" " shall be executed , even to his memory ; even his remains and those of his relations shall not pollute the soil ; they shall be driven outr living and the dead ; it shall be a casus belli for any nation to give them shelter . " Their hostility against the man makes them annul the very charter by which refugees are harboured in our own country . We may sympathise with one side or other in a political conflict ; we may hold the principles of one party to be just , the other unjust , and their warfare , therefore , criminal ; but as soon as defeat comes upon them , as soon as they are flying from the conflict , they are no longer soldiers , but men , and we shelter them . It has been the same rule for a Louis Blanc as for a Louis Philippe ; and if Jourdaist proclaims that the rule shall be annulled , unquestionably we shall not annul it in the case of Louis " Napoleon , though we may hold that Jourdain has given us a license to treat liim with a distinction . There are differences ) therefore , between Republicans , differences between democrats of the deepest dye . There is one quality which renders the soldier , in whatsover cause , respectable at all times—which secures to him followers in victory , friends in defeata quality which crowns his success , or softens his failure : it is the quality of chivalry . We have suffered in this country , because we have accepted baser teats of political successes ; and hence we have sanctioned constituted authority when it bus treated men with souls in them according to the higgling of the market . But if those who stand up as the champions of human freedom , of right against might , of divine law against arbitrary human law , cast away the spirit of chivalry , they render themselves outlaws not more to the decrees of an empire and a kingdom than to the statutes of humanity .
formed by a constitutional Government , would be free to point out the origin of Louis Napoleon ' s power , and to uphold or deny the expediency of forming an alliance with him . A true patriotism , indeed , would lead any Englishman to ponder well before he exposed very gravp domestic differences before foreign states ; but foreigners are in a different position . They derive so much advantage to life and liberty by the power to reside here on the strength of our hospitality , that they incur a responsibility of their own ; and they are bound to avoid anything which can
embarrass us , can increase our party difibrcnces , or entangle us with foreign enemies . The simple publication of such a document as that , to which we have alluded , therefore , is an act which wo regard as culpablo in tho highest degree . Let us observe , in passing , that this document differs essentially from tho manifesto by Mazzini and his friends ; since the one only upholds the principles of tho Italian Unitarian republicans and their allies in Hungary and Frara . ce , and rallies the friends of the throe writers to a common fidelity 5 whereas tho now publication distinctly threatens
aggressiony and in a manner which implies that the attacks are to proceed from , , this country . But the offence to our nationality , which is committed by the - writers of the letter , is rendered far grosser by the insulting form of addressing it to the Queex .. We shall not be accused of subserviency to Princes ; we have upheld the rights and dignity of the Commonwealth , above that of any individuals in whatsoever station ; and we shall continue to uphold them . We do not affect to regard our Sovereign simply , as a woman ; for as soon as a woman accepts the power and dignity conferred by the sceptre , she waives some of the immunities that belong to her sex , and stands exposed to judgment should she violate the responsibilities that she undertakes . But although upon grave necessity we might be prepared to review the conduct of Queen Victobia , never , we conceive , in any manly mind can the consideration for the gentler , the weaker , and the wiser sex be entirely forgotten . In this country , although we cannot boast the arts of the South , or tlie refined etiquettes of France , we have been -accyptomed to make great and broad distinctions in our behaviour to man and to woman . It is not our- usage to enter the presence of woman violently ; we dp not seek to carry on brawls in her presence ; we avoid forcing her attention to deeds of conflict and blood . When such events have passed , it may be necessary to invite her sympathy for victory , or for suffering ; and although in the exercise of her office , Queen Victokia must preside at council upon the most painful trials of our race , still , we defer the duty as long as possible , and we take care that the roughness of manhood shall be tempered and softened when it approach the gentler presence . There is an outrage against all the rules of manliness , as well as against the common courtesies of life , in forcing this wretched production upon the notice of our Lady Queen ; and the manliness of England , as well as political feeling , will he roused to contemptuous indignation at the men who could stamp themselves with so base a character in their own act . Perhaps the incident has not been entirely without its use . It has forced the people of this country to observe that there are wide distinctions between different classes of those whom our rough and ready politicians rank together . The most anxious and intelligent students of political institutions may , according to the bent of their genius and the balance of their studies , incline to autocracy on the one hand , or to pure democracy on the other ; to an oligarchical Hepublic like that of Venice , or to a Commonwealth , with an hereditary Sovereign , like that of England ; the student may sustain his favourite form of Government with speech , with writing , with the sword , and may find justification in the magnitude of the interests concerned , even for putting his plea to the arbitrament of civil war . But a Cjesar may bring a Commonwealth to surrender itself by the force of splendid qualities , while a Catllink may conspire with traitors to seize the supremo power , and surprise a State out of its liberty . A Washington may draw his sword againnt a monarch transgreHsing tho rights of his sovereignty , or a Mauac may preach on universal butchery . It is not tho violence that we condemn—wo can recognise tho virtue in a Bnuxus , and we have already avowed our conviction that the despot who deprives hit ) people of their natural freedom , and surrounds himself by military defences , liconaoa the assassin by defying him . But Bkutus and Chablotte Couuay devoted thpmselves , like Curxjcus , to destruction for tho good of their country . It was not a malignant hatred of their fellow-crea- ' turo which inspired them , but a hatred of
Untitled Article
THE CONSERVATIVE CAPITULATION . The defection of a body of Conservatives from the support of the war is not a surprising event . The Tory section , represented by , Mr . Disiiaeli , had nothing to hope from bidding against Lord Palmkiiston for the conduct of operations . He , at least , could not be taunted with connivance and collusion . Throughout the nation the only politicians likely to question his mode ot prosecuting the conflict were those who abhor the traffic
of diplomacy and desire to bring Civilisation and Liberty , not as names , but as realities , into the field . Such a reform in tho spirit of the war was scarcely expected from Mr , Disuakli . The capture of Sevastopol , therefore , was the sentence of him and hia friends to insignificance and obscurity , unless they could evolve , from morbid and restless factions , tho wmteriala of a peace opposition . Tho
change ot tuctiua was accomplished with n licentious facility characteristic of tho Conservative party alone . Its organs nnnouncod , before tho echoes of our partial victory , had ceased , that tho objects of tho war wore accomplished , that to peruiat i » assailing : J * u * wu » would bo to kindle tt doinooratic coii / J » ffration , and to strike a pal * y i » U > lhe indubtria ^ nd commercial organisation of Europe . Liberate may take this Teawm from their enemies , t * "Stria in PritfHi * i » ***?* and now . m E ^ glund the servile adherent * ot dyaaette
Untitled Article
SATUBDAY . OCTOBER 20 , 1855
'J^ It Lrlti* (£1 "Fltrrti* Cf Jsl/Itulit /#L Jlllirj??
* ttlilir Maixx
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 20, 1855, page 1007, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2111/page/11/
-