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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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THE SARDINIAN MEMORIAL . On one point connected . with : the new aspect of Italian politics ^ we are as yet without positive information . How far the discussion was carried by the Plenipotentiaries can only he known when , the protocols are published . Bufc it may be stated , without reserve ,- that the question , " What can one do for Italy V elicited from Count Cavottr a declaration on the part of his Government , in the shape of a memorial , which ,- we believe , was laid before the Emperor , without being acknowledged formally
by the Congress . The , public is not in danger of being misled , if it now receives a statement of the views expressed in that memorial . We hare said that it was elicited by the French Emperor ' s interrogation . But Count Cavour did nofc leave Turin to attend the Congress without foreseeing that deliberations might ensue as to the political condition of Italy . His memorial , therefore , may be assumed to embody the opinions of the Piedmontese Government , which , at this crisis , stands as the representative of the Italian nationality .
Sardinia , then , declares that there is now developed in Europe a conflict between two principles , one represented by France and the West , the other by a great despotic coalition and the Bast . The question of the future is , should this coalition be attacked , dissolved , or counterpoised 1 The forces at the disposal of liberalism in the West are inadequate to destroy such a system , with Austria adhering to it ,
and to detach Austria , is impossible . Its principles are hers , By them she has existed ; her political instincts teaoh her to oohere to the monarchical coalition . Her Empire rests upon the resources of three nations , historically hostile to each other , with language , interests , and tendencies perpetuating the ancient feud . Austria , therefore , exists by virtue of a Central Executive , which she maintains by keeping united under her irresistible restraint three
different states , which would otherwise attain distinct political existences . This plan gives Jhor , as it were , the force of three states , all rich , all historically important , to bo used against each other , the triple power being variably exerted for purposes of repression . The samo principle predominates over tho whole Eastern coalition ; it is the State seoret of Russia , which , employs the Polish legions , that may not be left in Poland ,, in provinces whoro they are aliens , and naturally at' variance with the population .
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the House , which we should wish to have , except Sir John Parington ' s proposition , for popular education ? But PAKiNaTON himself is involved in the Russell defeat ,, and is the author of a rejected measure . For must more liberal parties sneer eithe r at Derbyites or Palmerstonites . We hailed the movement of the Administrative Reformers , and what have they done ? Have they in the slightest degree emulated the Corn-law Repealers , who have not only carried one measure .
but have influenced the whole financial policy of the country ? We say it with regret much more than hostility , when we sa , y that Mr . Latakd , Mr . Lindsay , and « the L ' s , " are marked with the unsuccess that adheres to Ministers . We can run up a list of measures which might be proposed—Public Education , Administrative Reform , City Municipal Reform ,
Inere is also influence . This , however the working classes and tfca middle classes have almost equally consented to waive ; yet they possess intelligence , numbers , and courage Our brethren in America understand the necessity better ; they know that when a movement is to be originated , not simply organised it does not do to get up " a society , " with its small subscriptions and routine , but that a greater life of charity is needed—a heartier action ^—a more generous earnestness ; and the first thing they do is to- bring men of the same intent into personal communication . Noise , publicity , agitation , are at this stage hindrances , distractions , obstructions , not aids ; and they are avoided . Men who desire the importance of an enterprise , who have it at heart , who are prepared to make sacrifices for it , they come together ; and they prevail . This is the duty of the present day ; and until it is performed , whensoever , wheresoever , and by whomsoever , we sh all have con tinued inertness ^ political trifling , and progressive decline of national feeling , until a disaster shall bring a healthy but a violent and dangerous reaction . Towards that , for want of a chivalrous public order , we are now drifting .
Relief of our Mercantile Marine from passing tolls and local dues . Extension of the Franchise , Army Reform—all standing still , or moving only with , a pretence of motion . Unsuccess at present is the result of every political movement , whether it originates with Ministers , Opposition , independent parties , the middle class , or the working classes ; for the working class is as dead as any other in the country .
We have no guarantee that even our foreign policy is in a more vital condition . The Turkish , question has closed : in a compromise with Russia ; the Italian question opens only , we fear * ta he deferred : This is not an honourable position for any country . We certainly-have not arrived at the end of all reforms and improvements ; and there is nothing in the character of any man now in office , or standing outside the door of office , which should make us leave our affairs
• , TBOE NIQBCTMAEETseb ^;/]^ inist ^; . is 'breaking up it has susta ^ d ^^ repeate 'dl ^ .. djefea'ts ; c menibers : will iiot muster at its call j it has lostr its hold over iKeHbuse of Commons ; its measures are rej © p | e 4 > - frustrated , apd trampled under foot ; no party benefits by its patronage j no member is afraid of it } it is drifting iiltp a state of contempt ; dissolution is its only chance , and ministers must dissolve forthwith , unless they desire iQ he dissolved . Such ; are / the anticipaT iipx&ftnatu am heard , in all . quarters ; and . the iiitost ; general question is , When will the disso-Iui ; ion take plafee ?
: 3 sbe question is premature ^ because fchose who _ put . it ' -d * not think fast enough . If Ministers were to dissolve , let us ask upon what questions they are- to ^ dissolve ?• Upon w | iat can they '' go to tlie country ;? " Now that we have arrived at peace , what great public cause is so identified , with the present Ministry that- they can say to the country , «« Support us and this great principle ? " There is-none . Ministers therefore caunot dissolve . They may be proposing little improvements , Iiere and there ; but other men can propose little improvements ; and when-it is a question ,
not of a great piece of architecture , but of carpentry , we cani always command the men " by sending for them * It does not concern the country very much at present , whether it should have in office ; Paemeiwtpn ; , or any other possible Premier j for if we d < y not get much good out _ pf the present Ministry , neither should wo get much harm out ofs any other . What object , then , inohanging ? What popular requirement , is there , that Queen Victoria should " send for' * some other person . The defeats that have been incurred / are apt ; indeed tljqseof , tble Ministers exclusively , ; , rather the reverse , One of the defeats which are-reckoned
in' this Hat is tlje . rejection of Lord -John BtrssBM / s eduoation resolutions ; but that defeat is primarily the dofeat of Iiord John and theliberal halfof . the Whig party , who ought to ^ ave stood ' by'Hinii Ib it Lord John who ly ^ a / llie , ,,. < ' sent for V The common antioipatibnuiB / that following- routine , Hjesr Ma-jestk
^^ 5 J ; dfe ^ patoh a , messenger to tho Earl of XwiR ^' j ! % vit cmi bom I Haa h& Iheon so suc-« e » 8 < Ulya Btateanian- ? Haa he proposed any ^ Rtt Weto ^ in offiqe ? Is tti ^ ioowntry r indebtedi tq , hjaJECouae of , Commons Ste ^*; : ft !; ' ^ 8 EA ^ ii ¦ for ; any liberal * infi ^^ W ^ WW pifpp ^ aJiUo ^ thia year 1 Haa tt single measure emanated from thafc-sido of
to him . Yet we do so . Now , in former times , or in otter lands , has it been thought safe to leave a community without any mission ? Princes well understood State-craft when they gave their subjects something -to do , to keep them out of mischief . Other communities are going ahead of us . In Australia they insist on managing their own affairs , and talk even of electing their own Governor ; we shall not keep up with our emigrated countrymen by idly and passively envying them . In America .
education is open to every child ; we shall not make it so by leaving it to any of the Parliamentary tribe . There is at the present moment an evident duty before the Government of this country—to defend the outpost of constitutional Government in , Italy . Austria threatens to extinguish it there , and she is already concentrating her troops against Piedmont , who has not attacked her . Piedmont would , temperately and discreetly , extend constitutional
modes throughout Italy . The real thing most wanted to secure success for Piedmont is the support and active aid of our Government . Our people- would support Government there , though not in a war with America , which would at & blow arrest tie imports and exports of Lancashire . If our Government holds back , what is the , sole and obvious reason ? That it does not desire to support t 3 ie extension of constitutional Government , or to defend its outposts .
We need not be idle , then , because we have no mission at home ; a very important duty calls us . It is to rally those men in whom , the pride of country is not quite deadr—who desire to see us of tho parent land keep paqe with our emigra . ted countrymen in restoring tho franchis es of our Constitution—of that Constitution that our forefathers won with so much energy and decision . " The Charter J" cries our working friend . But we have to get at that Charter , so that we have something ; to do firat . The right of electing Members o > f Parliament is nqfc the sole instrument of poUfcioal . action .
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»» - T H B X E A D B B . fNo . 317 . SAt ,, »^
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SATURDAY , APRIL 19 , 1856 .
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Th ^^ is . aipt % ng ^ j ire ^ oiutipaaryi because there . 15 rtptjimg . bo . liTyn aturfrl ajLd cany / qlsisie , as the strain fo'keei ) things' fiieiS ^ hjen ! all tbe wdrlcis' . by the very law of itB creation , in eternal progre 83 > ---I > B . Abhold . *
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"; ' ;• STO'PICE ^ TO GOIfiBIK ^ ONbiEHTS . N |» . ^ Qtie ( 6 tibflT'be t aken of anbEym o us oom mimication 3 . Whajte ^ rer ia intejided -for insettfpn must b . e , autb- « nti » t « d bythename a » d address of the -writer ; not necessarily for publication but as a guarantee of his good faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , i £ is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication . . TTe cftnnot undertake to return rejected communictitions . Daring the Session of Parlifihient it is often impossible to find room for correspondence , even tlje briefest . " We regret to be unable to find space for Mr . Moore ' s letter on the National Gallery .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 19, 1856, page 370, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2137/page/10/
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