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JDa ' nubeV the destruction of the forts on the eastern coast of the Black Sea ; the peremptwy application . of the neutral principle to ^ icolajeff , ¦ i&h erspn , and the -Sea of Azof ; th ^ suftstitui ^ n of ? the frontier between Adjibrami an 4 , . Chotym for that between ^ aljcs ^ c ? yky , » nd the Khas Elia 8 mouth of ^ he . iJajau ^ e ; .. the limitation of the Black Sea m ^ ine tq pplice vessels ; and the admission pf , t ^ e , SidtaDL ' s . right ; to establish relations with his , . Christian subjects , free from ail control on the . part of the negotiating J > WVm < i >> iQtk these , subjects ; the Russian
PJIenipptentiaries . endeavoured to obtain a modification r of the terms proposed in bt ehatfi . ofr . Turkey and the Western Powers , ffhe . ir opposition , however , appeared experimental , ^ either Lord CtAcaENDOir , nor < P /? unt WaJiEWski held a very decided tone iw ^ th ; refe ; renee » > to the demarcation tof . the Danubian frontier ; their first reply was a con- cession . They adhered to the principle of the "Vienna > .- ? ' point , " but admitted at once
i ^ at they only refused to depart " entirely " from it . This gave Count Orloff an advantage . He immediately complimented the opnciliatory spirit of the Allies , drew a fresh line uppn the map , and cut off from Moldavia a considerable proportion of the territory which , had been assigned to it in the diplomatic propositions of the " Western Powers . He was successful , also , in excluding from the Treaty a stipulation for the disarmament of the Russian territories on the eastern
coast of the Black Sea . Other stipulations , to which the Russian Plenipotentiaries at the outset objected , were finally admitted to the full extent , in principle , though with modification of forms and detail . It was impossible to deny , after the production of the Organic Statute , by Aali Pacha , that the word " protectorate" had been , employed . It was equally impossible , therefore , to refuse the renunciation , not of guarantees only , but of the exclusive protecto rate of the Principalities , Count Ocbloff aa ^ nted , also , after some discussion , to the admission into the Black Sea of light police
vessehj . under the flags of all the Powers ; to th § abortion of the forts on all parts of the cpast , so flu * apjbhey can be construed to have ex ^ ated a # . aiilitoiny-ijaaritime arsenals ; and , by ,. ia recorded , declaration , though not by a clause in the -Treaty * to the neutralization of Njcolaieff , Kherson , and the entire Sea of Azof . In proof of his sincerity in this respect , the Emperor Alexander proposes to demand from the Sdxtan a free passage through the Dardanelles for the two ships of the line which alone constitute his naval force at NicolaiefF . These vessels , will proceed to the Baltic , leaving the Euxine without formidable armaments of any
description . The rectification of the Asiatic frontier was assented to upon the understanding , to which Austria had previously pledged herself , that it should involve no cessions of territory on , either side . When those bases were isettled , dauses wore rapidly added to the Treaty ; The revision of tho Dardanelles Convention ^ the ; neutralization of tho Alan d Isles , tho restitution of Kars , tho admission of jQonsuls to tho Black Sea ports , the prohibition o £ "military-maritime arsenals on the actual coast of the Blaek Sea , tho freedom of
thejDamibe ; the i exchange , of territories and prisoners , the amnesty to subjects of all tho Btates compromised b y the war , the guarantee of tho Moldo-WallUciiian' provinces from poljtioal - and ^ military intervention , and tho renwnoiation o £ j separate privileges and guarantees , f werd agreed to ' after conciliatory distjasatousi : On the subject bt ' tho Danubiau Principalities opinions Were' strongly divided ! Th ^ iPjleaijpotenti « 4 'iefe of Franco ; "Great Britain ^ ifilandinia , and Viusbia concurred in the declaration . •• that ? - > Moldavia ' and Wnllachia
should form one government . This idea was distinctly opposed by the Porte and by Austria . On the one side , it was contended that the union of the Principalities would be an invasion of their rights , and an act of violence to the feelings of the majority . On the other , it was shown that the inhabitants have repeatedly exercised their desire for the establishment of a united state , ' governed by one council , under the presidency of one viceroy . . .
The Plenipotentiaries , in spite of an affected hesitation on the part of Gount Oslo ff , eagerly concurred in establishing the principles : That privateering is , and remains , abolished ; that free ships make free goods , except contraband of war ; that neutral goods , except such contraband , and not liable to seizure under an enemy ' s flag ; and that
blockades , in order to be binding , must be effective ' . ; 'jit is a serious question whether , in the event of a general war ^ the maritime poAvers will not reject the admission of sUCh a principle as that which enabled Prussia , during the contest between Russia and the " Western Powers , to sustain the public enemy by means of her carrying trade , and thus to diminish the influence of the Baltic
blockade . The French Government did not succeed in its effort to convert the Conference into a conspiracy against the remnant liberties of Europe . In reply to Count Cavour ' s Memorial , elicited by an exclamation of the Emperor , though not published among the Acts of the Conference , the French , British , and Austrian Plenipotentiaries placed on record a series of declarations with reference to Greece , Belgium , and Italy . The circular addressed this week by the French
Government to the provincial police , exhorting them to redouble their efforts for the eradication of secret societies , betrays the fact that France is undermined by conspiracy , that the organization of the Marianne has become formidable , and that the European policy of Loots Napoxeon is naturally at variance with the real interests and principles of the English people . It is to unite the military powers in an alliance for the suppression of political activity , wherever manifested on the Continent , that the exertions of Paris and Vienna will now be directed .
Count Cavour ' s Memorial , . the precise tenour of which we were enabled to explain a fortnight ago , drew on a discussion of some asperity between the representatives of Austria and Sardinia . Count Buoi , and Baron Hubner declined , in positive language , to express either a wish or an assurance on the subject of the withdrawal of the Austrian troops from the Legations ; , declared that tho occupation of Monaco by Sardinia was contrary to the privileges of an independent prince ; that the former occupation of
Naples by Austria took place under the sanction of the Congress of Laybach ; and that Sardinia , " a state of the second order , " had no right to question the agreement of five great Powers . Count Cavour , who maintained hia attitude with spirit and dignity , insisted that tho Conference should protest against tho prolonged occupation of Rome ; justified his claim on the ground that the Austrian authority in tho Legations having
lasted sevon years , was daily assuming a more permanent character ; that the state of siege at Bologna continued in undiminished severity ; that the presence of foreign troops destroyed tho bitfancp of Italian power ; and that her armies , resting on Forrara and Placontiu , extended along t )\ 6 . Adriatic t to , Ancona , and gave her an Italian influence , in opposition to the spirit of treaties and to . tho general inr terosta of Euro ' pel ; Neif ; l > er , in his reply nor in his Memorial , however , did Count Cavour
consider the whole Italian question . The government of the Pope is in that position that to uphold it without actual military assistance seems impossible . The Italians will not submit , permanently , to the Pope , or the King of Naples , or the Emperor of Austria , or to the pestilential little despotisms of Modena or Parma . The suggestions of the French and British Plenipotentiaries were mere salves to a difficulty , while from the Austrian nothing was elicited but an exhibition of obstinate and rancorous arrogance .
The Protocol *; ' .. we have said , prove that Russia was determined upon relieving herself of the dangers and sufferings contracted by the war . They prove , moreover , that Europe has nothing to hdpe from the diplomacy of the negotiating Cabinets . The governments have interests , which they are careful to defend . The nations have other interests , which they will assert at their own opportunity ; interests ignored by a Congress of Plenipotentiaries .
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THE WALEWSKI MYSTERY . FURTHER PARTICULARS . Poor M . Lejohvbt ! he certainly has a right to be paid well . This gentleman is a telegraphic agent living in Paris , who is accused of having obtained the prematurely published version of the Paris Treaty and of the Protocol of the 8 th of ApriJ . He has been placed au secret , and altogether put to a world of trouble ; but , according to report , the question has not succeeded in extorting from him anything to elucidate the manner in which the Treaty and the mutilated Protocol became public in Belgium and
England before they saw the light in Paris . The French Government is exerting itself vigorously to find it out . Does the reader remember how , the other day , the lady indignantly accused another of having stolen her watch in an omnibus , and how the accused lady was taken incontinently to the policeoffice and put to much discomfort . That second lady represents M . Lejomvet , accused by the French Government . " When the accusing lady returned home , she found the watch safely lodged in the folds of her own dress , where she had placed it herself . How frequently we seek abroad for that which we can find at home !
Tho irregular publication of the Treaty and Protocol , however , ia really a question of some interest . It has already become an historical problem like the Iron Mask , the authorship of tho Junius Letters , or the Diamond Necklace ; and we propose to investigate it as a curiosity of literature after the manner of DisaAiSLt tha Elder .
" We had already remarked that the version of the Treaty purloined was the Freneh version , and this is confirmed by the proceedings of the French Government . It has been traced , then , to a telegraph office in Paris ; but who took it to tho telegraph office ? Tho assumption of the French police , or of their instructors , is , that it was some accomplice of poor M . LisJOiiiVET ; but who was that accomplice ? It is strange that the French police , who can discovor anything , cannot
discover that . Whoever it was , that accomplico of M . Lbjolivet must have been a great admirer of Count Walewski . This is apparent from tho internal evidence . Tho proceedings of the 8 th of April were very important . Tho speakers were Count OutOFF , Count Walewski , Count Buot , Baron Hubnek , Lord Clarendon , aWu' Count Cavou » , all of whom , to say nothing of remarka by other speakers , delivered themdelves at son >© length and to very'substantial purpose . It is notable > how M . Lejoxivet * s accomplice concentrated his admiring attention
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3 MU * 3 , 18504 THE LEADEB , 421
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 3, 1856, page 421, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2139/page/13/
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