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eaet of diplbmar to- aposfoHcal succession that ifteT have Boasted , and also , it miMt be cov ^ ffesaetf , ra the ne&of state money . The opporttinifcyof makinga Bishop , however , hashithertd depended up < m the favours of death ; and tasy Ministry in power might conaider it the height of luck for a Bishop appointed hy the opposite party to fall in—to the grave . For tben the party in power can reward one of its own supporters by making him a Bishop . Hitherto when a Bishop has become superannuated , the difficulty- waa got over by appointing a , "
coadjutor" to act for him , with probable succession to the see—an arrangement which , to a certain extent , softened the influence created by the power of appointing Bishops . No man , of course , could feel so large gratitude for being appointed Coadjutor as if he were appointed to the see ; and then , when he arrived at the see , the edge of his gratitude had been a good deal worn off . But by the new arrangement , full Bishops may be appointed faster , and , in fact , oftener . The " Bishops of Xicmdon and Durham Betirement Bill"
augments the Bishop-appointing power . The effect upon the Church it is not for us to consider . "We do indeed , with Hieistby o : f Exetj ? k , see grand objections to it . The idea of one of the Apostles retiring from his mission , on the condition of a pension of 60007 . a year , is too ludicrous to be dwelt upon . We draw back from putting the case of John and Matthew under similar circumstances .
"We abstain from asking whether any of those truly pious men , who had had the privilege of being near the person of a being infinitely above Queens and Princes , would have expected any such income . "We refrain from asking whether the " alteration of the times " will account for the difference ; -whether , if
there were a genuine apostle amongst us , he would be unaMe to preserve his post upon lesa than five or six thousand a year ? But if there waa any kind of prestige created for the Bishops by the idea of an apostolical succession , it is shown that that succession is regarded as a farce when there is any question of a few thousands . It is not the surrender
of apostolical succession that prevents the retirement ; it is the want of the income Henutt ojt Exeteb himself , who rebels at the simony attempted in the case of London and Durham , would not object either to the simony or to the apostolical deposition if the arrangements were general !
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THE RUINS OF PARLIAMENT HOUSE . Xt is to very little purpose that Lord Pal-MEB-ston is blamed for retaining the Premiership without a working majority in the House of Commons . If he has no policy , neither has the House . If ho is flippant , so is the House . Ho has been defeated upon important measures—upon the Appellate
Jurisdiction Bill , and tho Partnership Amendment Bill , in a manuer that illustrates the utter indifference of Parliament to consistency and principle . On Monday week , a considerable majority affirmed the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill ; on Thursday week , a small majority injected it . A few days ago , Mr . J . Gh Philxraroni ; moved an amendment to the
Partnership Amendment Bill , which was rejected by a numerous majority . Xot , on Monday last , a precisely similar amendment was carried by a majority of six . Ono night tho House assents to Mr . Wai-pom ' s resolution on Education j another night tho resolution is rescinded . Meanwhile the Premier boars defeat aa thotigh ho woro an independent member introducing a , private Bill . Ho bdcs tho Government measures son ! up-stairs to Solocfc Committee- Itooms , or withdraws them , or allows them to bo neutralized by Tory amendments , without allowing tho
result to aflfect -M ^ -parliamentary position . "Whereupon , the reckless members of the Liberal tend Toryparties exclaim that a Minister so continually thwarted cannot posses the confidence of the Legislature , and ought to " dissolve" or resign . Recurring to the history of administrations , we find that ; Ministers have frequently taken divisions on slight questions as tests of the Parliamentary power . Sir Bobeet "Walpole , after being twenty-five years in by small
office ^ was deposed a majority upon an election question- Liord JSTobth . resigned because he could only command a majority of nine or ten in the House of Commons . When Lord Sidmotjth ' s large majorities had dwindled down to thirty-seven ., he felt that he had not the confidence of Parliament , and retired from power . JLord JLivebpooi / , in
1812 , yielded to a majority of four , and reconstructed his Ministry . The Duke of Weliingtow , in 1830 , was defeated by a small majority upon a motion connected with the Civil Iiist , and took his defeat as a hint to -withdraw . In 1835 , Sir Eobeet Peux , the first time that he was positively obstructed in an act ? of legislation , resigned the management of public affairs ^
Of late , however , it has become the practice to cling to power , until the Minister-finds his supporters in absolute rebellion . Lord Johk E . tjsse : li » s Cabinet waa only dissolved after a series of defeats ; and though ! L © rd Debbie yielded after the first division in has new Parliament , he yielded only to the unmistakable announcement that hia policy was
one that could not be accepted by Parliament Lord Abekdhteit was many times baffled on domestic questions before the Sebastopol Inquiry drove him from Downing-street . It was reserved , however , for ! iord Palmebston to bear defeat with smiling serenity , and to occupy the leading place in the House of Commons after the House of Commons has ,
thirteen times during the session , left him in a minority . Tet Lord Paimeeston is perfectly in the right . He knows that the House only jests at legislation ; that the residue of the Tory party is incapable of government ; that Lord John Russeli , and tho Bedford connexion
are obsolete ; that the general body of members delight in an Administration which they can baffle without upsetting , for thus even ministerial supporters may play fast and loose with private bills , gratify their personal feelings , redeem their pledges , and damage the Cabinet , without incurring any responsibility . No man below the rank of a Cabinet
Minister , or a leaderof Opposition , can be serious without being voted a . bore ; earnestness is impertinent , sincerity ridiculous , pertinacity offensive . The House seldom musters in any strength , is frequently counted out , and acts as if upon tho conviction that public opinion is extinct or contemptible . Wo are at tho end of a fruitless session , and no one is able to conceive upon what principles Lord Paxmerston proposes to carry on the Government next year . It may bo that ho believes in tho permanent apathy of tho country , that l \ o mav introduce the
system of games for tho multitude , and holidays for Parliament . But tho nation will require a Minister with a policy—and that a policy of progress . No such policy can be put in action while tho exhausted parliamentary machine lies out of gear . Tho llouso of Commons sits nightly , yawning at politics , incapable of effort , uulesa under some exceptional imp 6 tus . It is worth while to set it m rapid motion once more , ami for . ono purpose—that it may construct a new electoral system , bolbro it is absorbed in tho awakoncd political lilb of tho English nation .
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP UNITED TRADES . ( To the Editor of the Ikadkr . y [ London , July" 7 , 1856 . Si # , —I am glad to find that Mr . Campbell , in his last letter , has adopted a milder tone , although ; I dispute the correctness of hia reply . We maintain that it was impossible for us to inow who they were , or what they were , otherwise than as represented by the press . Their address never reached us until after our first letter appeared in the Sentinel , forwarded by Mr . M'Bonald , the secretary to the miners , to whom we were much obliged .
This recrimination , however , will neither aid the cause of the -workmen in . England nor that of Scotland ; and , as far as this association is concerned , there is an end of it ; yet we should be wanting in candour and good fellowship were we not to record our views upon the important step which- the trades of Glasgow have taken . The same necessity exists in Scotland for a confederation of labour as in England . Capital there as well as here assumes high authority , and -wields its power with equal force and potency . Capital , skill , education , and indomitable perseverance are arraigned by the side of labour , poverty , wretchedness , ignorance , apathy , and , worse than all , prejudice of class , sect , trade , and position .
This committee hope and trust that no petty jealousy of power or authority will creep into their councils ; that no obstacles will be thrown in their way by officers of established societies ; that the higher-paid trades will agree to work with the lowlypaid trades ; and that all will consider themselves as men belonging to the same class ,, engaged in the same cause ; determined as one man to go steadily on in the great work of social « nd industrial reform until their objects are attained . The great disparity in the prices paid to each class —the almost numberless causes of disputes in some branches of industry over that of others—must not deter them from combining together for each other ' s good .
_ _ _ . The weaver , with his hundreds of chances of dispute , must not be laid aside by the more favoured artizan or mechanic : all nmst row in the same boat , if real benefits are to be obtained . "When their organization is complete , the members must not expect impossibilities ; they must not join expressly either to prevent a contemplated reduction of wages , increased hours of labour , abolition or modification of any local or peculiar grievance ; or for the purpose of demanding extra wages or extra privileges . . No ; they must be content to join simply for the purpose of forming a confederation , which shall watch current events , and then act as their wisdom and prudence may dictate .
They can only now lay down principles upon which they will in future act . Having done that , let them appoint to office men of integrity , whose judgment will not be warped in case of disputes between master and operative , either through the fear of the one or applause of the other ; for men , as well as masters , are liable to err in their intentions as well as ia their acts ; their passions become heated by prejudice and long-standing oppressions and grievances , as yell aa those of tho purse-proud masters who believe in . their own greatness and right to act as they please , without reference to right , law , or reason .
Arbitration and mediation wo hope will be the leading * features in tho confederation : men must make up their minds to it and suffer many defeats ; they must also give up all local or sectional power into the hands of their executive , or their labours will be fruitless—nay , worse , they might l > e mischievous , if entered into tho arena of strife and broken down in its infancy . Tho executive , wo hope , will bo men able and willing to try to adjudicatoupon any one of tho thousand phases of dispute which will present themselves : this they will be able to do after a regular course ol study , and they become somewhat practically acquainted with the various technicalities , wants , dcaires , and mode of working in tho various trades and sections of trades .
Wishing them every success in their laudabK undertaking , I beg to subscribe myself , Your obedient servant , Thomas Wintkti , Corresponding Secretary 2 G 9 , Strand .
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There is no learned man but will confess he iiath miich . profited by reading controversies , hia senses awakened , and M » judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable For him to read , -why ahcvulct it not , at least , be tolerable for- his adversary to write l—T&xuxon
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Jto-T 19 , 186 & 1 EH-B- IEADBB . 687
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Leader (1850-1860), July 19, 1856, page 687, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2150/page/15/
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