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Leader (1850-1860), 26th July 1856, Edition 1 of 2, Page 711, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      jXthw e . "Wlw > made Major Botle Membe * for Trome ? Tfce BtiXXffi family . Neither of these places iV to Be found in the modem gasetteere ; but they divide between them a tbree-htrndtedih part in the government of the British Empire . Taken together , they represent as much parliamentary power as I ^ ary lebone , with , its twenty thousand elecand seventthou

      tors , and its three hundred y - sand inhabitants ; whereas their united registrations amount to little more than five hundred electors , and their united populations to less than fifteen thousand . This is a conspicuous illustration of the plan by which onesixfcli of the registered voters of the United Kingdom are enabled to return a majority of the House of Commons .

      We say enabled ,- but we might aay forced . What is Calne ? A little borough mouldering on the banks of the Merlan , a relic of potwallopper glory . Many German dukedoms are more important , tike those sovereign dukedoms , it has a constitution and a standing army , the constitution being a mayor , four aldermen , and twelve councillors , and the standing army a beadle . In ancient days , when Bruce and Balioi , were candidates for the Scottish crown , when Coevino

      was preaching to the Tartars , when Grenoa begun to glow in marble on the purple coasts of the South when the Knights Hospitallers were retiring to Cyprus , the Merlan weavers , subjects of the Barons of Kerry , were first represented in Parliament by one member , and so have they continued , and now , being an appanage of the same family , -with , the eightfold coronet of Lansdowne , they elect the L / ANSdowjste member . Generally the Marquises have chosen one of their own blood to occupy this seat in the House of Commons . Now

      and then , however , they have picked out a favourite of their party , as Dunning , Baebe , jEKYliI / , MacattXiA / t , and Gremeral Williams . The constituent body , however , composed of five ancient burgesses and about a hundred and fifty-two ten-pound householders , is gradually dwindling away , so that , ultimately , a jury of broad-cloth weavers may represent the British Constitution at Calne .

      ! Frome is a more lively borough , the Botles not having bought u p all the electors . Frorae possesses , in fact , an independent party , which has endeavoured to vindicate the eternal and inalienable rights of the human race , by declaring that though the Boyles belong to JVome , Prome does not belong to the Boyi / es . The vote of one Somerset brewer , however , is said to have turned the scale , and the Earls of Cork and Obeeey are still the feudal Seigneurs of Frome . The history of this borough involves us in less pedantry than is inevitable , when we trace with , admiration tlie chronicles of

      ancient Calne decaying , on the banks of Merlan waters . Promo was not an integral part of the British Constitution until 1832 , when , to balance the new constituencies , such as that of Birmingham , tho Cork and Shep-PA 3 ii > interest wis endowed , with the votes of about three hundred electors , there being , even then , a small independent party at Pirome . We know not what lias become of

      the Shkppabd people—of that Thomas Sinorvjlivd who progressed so magically from Liberalism to Liberal Conservatism , to Conservatism , and to Protection ; or of his heirs , representatives , and assigns . Certain it is that , fifteen years ago , the SiiEri'AitDS discontinued their old practice of sending themselves to Parliament . Whether their influence was bought , borrowed , broken up , or carried away ; ox whether they retired , like weary emperors , from publiocares , thcBoYi-ns , whom thoy had defeated in two elections , oloctod themselves in July , 1847 , July , 1852 , March , 1853 , and July , 185 G .

      Three times without opposition ; Btrt / ffo ^ cloth and silk-weavers , ale-brewers , , and ironworkers ofJTrome have long determined ^ to see their borough free , and Donjled Nichoi , known to the City of iLondon ' as- an'Ex-Sheriff , and to a certain class , in a certain way , as an employer , is the elect of the Frome Liberals .. As when the Greeks andTrojans , Guelphs and Ghibellines , the Bed and White Boses , the Church and the Reformation , were at wax , and shepherds saw from afar the smoke of

      burning cities , so did the battle rage , and telegraphs flashed hourly to an expectant Commonwealth the announcement that BotiiB had headed Nichox ,, or ISTichol headed Boyle , that the bloated aristocracy had trampled down the nation , or that the man of the people had triumphed and asserted Magna Charta , the Bill of Eights , and those glorious principles which have made Great Britain all she is , and will make her all she can ever hope to be , with more to follow .

      Boyle , however , beat Nichol . In the morning JN " icHoii was in a proud position , at the head of the poll , being two in advance of BoYiE . The Boylians then rallied , and NichoIi , nine in the rear , was compelled to remind the IFromites that England expected every man to do his duty . Whereupon the independent electors made a national effort , and placed the two candidates upon a level . The heart of Nichoi , throbbed . But " a Boyjle , a B . otie , " was sounded , and ISTichol was one behind . Him rescuing , a pale silkweaver , passing through the ranks of three thousand non-electors—as

      base as the rabble of Brain tree—gave his name firmly at the hustings , and once more it seemed that the vital prinoiplc 3 of Llie Constitution for which our forefathers fought and bled , and which carried England in safety through the convulsions of 1848 , Sir , would have a memorable triumph at Prome . Coek and Orrery , however , possessed a reserve , and , at the last moment , when Nichoi * not one voter left , that inauspicious brewer at the butt end of the election rolled to the front , proved his qualification , gave his

      suffrage , and decided that the family , not theborough , should be represented in Parliament . Meanwhile , at least three thousand nonelectors , full-grown men , looked on , or stayed at home , animated or otherwise by the farce . They were of the residue—if they had opinions , it would have been impertinent to repress them . The three hundred voters would " indirectly" guard their interests , and Major Boyle , the representative of a hundred and fifty-eight subjects of his family , would go to Parliament full of urbane resolves in their

      behalf . But there ia yet one chance against him . There will be a scrutiny , and tho result of this scrutiny may be that two of Major Boyle ' s constituents may be expunged , and the hundred and fifty-seven voters be represented instead of the hundred and fifty-eight . That will indeed bo a triumph . Only , suppose tho majority of the nation were to object to this process , and to insist that an election should be something more than a farce ? They might then substitute a real for an unreal representation , a serious parliament for a parliament that ia ( superannuated and ridiculous .

      Mit . CHAKI . TC 8 Mathicwh , the comedian , has filed his Hcliedulo in the County Court at Lancaster , under tho Insolvent Dot > tora Act . Tho documont contains a number of creditors , Tho debts in tho aggregate are sot forth nt 9781 / . Of that sum , 0267 . uro without consideration . Upwards of 1000 / . arc more * than once entered on the schedule , reducing tho debts for which value had boon received to 7651 / ., incurred from Juno , 1851 . Tho insolvency ia attributed to tho unfortunate speculation in the ; Lyceum Thcutro ( by which 5000 / . wore lout ) , and to tho renewal of old debts under bis bankruptcy . Mit . Thackkuat haa a now serial work , in monthly >/ irlw , in preparation .

      Untitled Article

      A REMONSTRANCE WITH THE CRITIGS . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ' ) Sir , —Although you seem to differ from me on some of the details of Italian politics , I trtest you will give me an opportunity of answering' in your columns certain unwarrantable remarks that have been made in the English press with ; reference to my recent work on the Subalpine Kingdom . I address myself to you , partly because on most matters-of principle and political doctrine I cordially agree -with you , partly- because I know that the Leader is much read and respected in Italy . I wish my explanations to be known in Turin as well as in Ixmdon .

      I have often observed that if in ordinary life you make a statement , modified by restrictions , to an irritable person who expects you to agree with him unreservedly , he ia apt at once to class you with determined opponents of his views . Because I have not joined in the foolish , unrestricted praise which has hitherto been lavished on Piedmont , or rather on the persons actually in power in that countrypraise put forward by interested individuals and repeated from want of information—I am accused of being inimical to its progress . It is curious to notice that even in English papers Piedmontese politics are

      discussed in this eminently Piedmontese way . Nothing satisfies Count Cavour and his party except awe-stricken admiration . The writers for the ministerial press of Turin are generally the pique-assiettes of some powerful courtier ; and it is easy to recognize the parasite in their style . It is not to be expected that such persons should have any very great regard for truth ; and accordingly the statements circulated in England , generally with reference to Piedmont , and particularly with reference to my work , are characterized by extreme recklessness . The ignorance of editors has been calculated on , and not without reason in some cases .

      I should rather say that statements are made concerning me personally totally at variance with fact j and : it is this new style of criticism that chiefly provokes me to write . Several journals have indulged in small biographical sketches , against which I must strongly protest . It seems to be agreed unanimously that having spent the greater part of my life among " Red Republicans" in Paris , I was transferred to the society of extreme liberals or democrats in Piedmont ; and that I have made it my business to reflect blindly the opinions of the men with whom I have come in contact . It is quite a revelation to me if this be the way that writers in the English press come by their ideas . I suppose that critics speak from their own experience ; and because they make themselves the echo of one circle , fancy that whoever disagrees with them must make himself the echo of another .

      The time has not yet come for me to write my autobiography ; but such accusations having been put forward most perseveringly , I hope it will not be thought that I am eager to take an opportunity of speaking of myself , if I say that my system of obtaining information has always been the very opposite of that attributed to me . I did not ; go to Prance for my democratic opinions , —I was born and bred to them ; and before I went to Paris was too confirmed in my views to run any risk of being corrupted in that capital of extravagant theories and unpractical men . Where do tho reviewers see any traces of my adoption of French ideas ? What French republican will accept mo as a comrade and endorse my

      views of the policy of his party ? It is quite true that I have not joined in the vulgar and ignorant abuse that has been lavished on men who , with all their faults , are the most respectable that France possesses . It ia quite true , also , that although I have taken my liberal principles from England , I have endeavoured to leave behind English prejudices in discussing French facts ; and was not disgusted , because , when our neighbours overthrew a government which wo would have overthrown ourselves , they took counsel of tho circumstances by which they were surrounded , of their past history , and their nationul character , instead of stupidly endeavouring to apply some English remedy to their case .

      In the absence of an honest dynasty , monarchical constitutionalism is inipoasiblc in France . Englishmen who become convinced of this fact fly into a passion , call for despotism , and , when it comes , say , " The only government lit for tho vagabonds ! " I think I am more moderate and reasonable in maintaining that , respect for monarchy and respect for aristocracy being eradicated from the Gallic race , tho establishment of a democracy would do no more than place that country on a- level in progress with ourselves . An English House of Commons , elected in a little fairer way than our present one—say according to the law withdrawn "in tears" at the commencement of th » wax and never heard of since—

      Untitled Article

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 26, 1856, page 711, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2151/page/15/