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-— " • — jy. , — : — •. J^Uulir Stillltt^V "i *
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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October 4 , 1856 . ] . ¦' . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ , ¦ ¦; "' >;¦ , ¦ 'V- ggr-H-11 XEABER . ; , : 947
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NOTICES TO CO-RESPONDENTS . "We do not undertake to return rejected communications . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the naino . an . il * address of the writer ; not necessarily for puMLcation , "but as a guarantee of his good faithi
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THE EMBARRASSMENT . The Circular attributed to Prince Gtoetscha-KorF , though , not yet authenticated , ia believed to be a genuine document . There is no doubt whatever that it Tepresents the views of the Russian Cabinet with regard to the coercion of Naples and the occupation of Greece . But the assumption that the " Western Governments have been checked by the circulation of this manifesto is purely gratuitous . They had not to learn for the first time from Prince G-oetschakoti * in
war should be adopted by our Ministers for secret reasons . Where are the official papers ? We hare the King of Naples' replyto the demand of the " Western Powers . What were those demands , and in what form were they presented ? What are the relations of our own Government with that of France ? Above all , what are the agreed objects of their policy ? They ; must knowthat , in spite of Conservatism , the encouragement of any liberal action in Italy is an encouragement to a revolutionary war . The policy of putting off is not more safe than creditable . For England , at least , it would
be an unprofitable undertaking to be the plug nra dyke that must burst and break up the wretched imposture that prevails from the limits of Spain to the eastern borders of Europe . The occupation of Greece , for example , is a hopeless propping up of incompetency and bad faith . The attempt tomediate between , the national party and the unuational Governments in Italy ia practically an infatuation . Should five squadrons appear off the Italian coast , and should several provinces of Italy appear in insurrection , what will be done ? Seize the King of Napxes with one hand and the Revolution
with the other , exasperating both , satisfying no one , and leaving the true objects of Italian national policy unfulfilled ? If that be our design , it were better to abstain altogether ; but , happily , there are forces in existence which cannot long be repressed by diplomacy . The Liberals in England ought at least to b © powerful enough , to determine what tlieiv Government shaHdo .
what light the Russian Cabinet would view their projected intervention in Italy . Neither Lord PAiiMisotsTON nor Count Walewski could have anticipated the assent of Russia . The real difficulty , so fai * as any reality can be discerned through the haze of diplomatic duplicity and ¦¦ mystification ^ was at Biarritz . The demonstration against Naples had certainly been determined upon , and prepared ; what is less certain , is the form of interruption which produced the delay ; and what is utterly uncertain , is the political purpose of
the French Emperor . Count Waiews' ^ i has felt the tightening of his master ' s hand , and there are changes talked of in Paris . Possibly the internal condition of France , the low * ebb of her finances , the crumbling of the artificial schemes by which labour has been made abundant and food cheap , the inutterings of the urban populations , the exhaustion of the great gambling fund of the [ Bourse , has produced a state of anxiety "which inclines the Emperor to pause at the outset of a European adventure . But even more probable than
this , as a reason for the postponement of an act which had undoubtedly been decided upon between the Cabinets , is the obvious fact that the Governments are playing at cross-purposes , and only following the same course that they may outrun or obstruct each other . Such is the present value of the alliance . A prospect so confused has not been opened within the century . Here are four Governments ostensibly working to one end , the reclamation of ' tho Government of Naples . England probably takes the initiative , and fits out a squadron for the Italian waters , Lord PAiiMEitsTON being in these matters much in harmony with Lord Nelson , who thought
that diplomacy was never so effectual as when heading a procession of ships of war . The objects of the British Government we may infer are of the " Whig Constitutionalist character , humane , moderate , preventativc , and backed by the prepondbmnce-of-Great-Britain idea . France could not Buffer the British squadron to depart on such a mission alone , could not assent to a stroke of hussar policy in tho Mediterranean , and attached to the Clarkndon chariot the weight of Count Walewski ' s co-operation . The Austrian semi-official journals state , in fact , that the French Government , desirous of breaking the force of Lord Pal * meksto 2 t's impetuosity ,
proposed to act m concert with him , so that half the game might be taken out of his hands . In the meantime , Austria , which seems to have spoken to Naples in two of the varied dialects of diplomacy , hangs in the rear of the Western Powers , watches them , takes counsel with them , contributes to the general delay . " While Russia is shaping the expression of her policy , Sardinia—which was excluded from the Tripartite Treatyadopts the doctrine of liberal intervention ,
and increases the embarrassment by demanding to be associated with the other European Governments in the work of coercing that of Naples . Thus four Governments are engaged , professedly with the same object , yet , demonstrable , in different interests . " What object can Austria pursue in Italy in common with Sardinia , or Sardinia in common with France , or France in c ' om .-mon . with Austria , or either France or Austria in common with England ?
Assuming these Governments to > make their representations successively to the King of Naples , ^ would be a strange " satire upon their humanity , were he to propose a reciprocity of reform——to offer France the keya of his political prison , in exchange for the keys of Cayenne- —to declare that he will release PoEMo , when Cxcebtjacchio is produced ; and forbid the use of the bastinado in Naples when the use of the scourge for political offences is discontinued in Austria . Ifc is not
a little singular that the retorts in his recent stolid letter were addressed to England and not to France ; otherwise , we might have been annxsed by Ferdijtand of Naples quoting Louis BiAirc in refutation of a charge from Paris ! The position of the Russian Grovernnaent is , at least , clear . The Circular places this fact before Europe ,- —that Russia attempted to intervene in the affairs of a neighbouring
state , and was not ; only prevented , but forced to make a public renunciation of her claims . Now , however , Great Britain and France , the powers which prevented her , absolutely keep the King of Greece in bondage , and threaten to coerce the King of Naples into the adoption of a particular line of domestic policy . If our own Government were sincere it would avow that , in the actual condition of the world , the doctrine of
non-intervention is a chimera , and that particular acts must be determined by particular reasons . Tho affairs of Europe are ia such a state that a liberal government must either exert its influence , or lcavo an aggregate of despotic governments to work their will by obliterating from one country after another every semblance of freedom , responsibility , and law . If , then , any reply be addressed to the Russian Government , it will be mere vanity to quibble away the truth , tbat intervention is allowable in some cases , and not iu others . Europe has been submitted , indeed , to a system of
intervention , so that only a few of its Governments can be described sis independent . The smaller States exist by tho sufferance and through the jealousies of the greater . " Were England to retire from all active participation in the policy of the Continent , there would speedily be new boundaries and new partitions . Wo have no right to suffer this , and we have on interests inconsistent with the bold performance of our duty . The year that sees the Old World governed by even comparatively liberal institutions , will open to England a century of increasing commerce and sources of incalculable prosperity . But before a decisive course is taken , tho English public should bo allowed to understand the grounds of the policy to which it will be committed . ~ V \ r o havo a right to ask that no step which may lead to revolution or
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JUPITER TONANS AND THE THREE PER . ' ' ; : ; : ; CENTS . -.. Loiris Napoleon has undertaken more than he can perform , and . we who go halves with , him in some of his games are about to share some of his disasters . He is a man of much , more ability than we gave him credit for possessing at first ; but no man bora of woman can be a second Providence to a great country , and he ha 3 broken down- in the attempt to oarry out an impious ambition . Henry the Fifth professes to have the
original right from Heaven to be King of the French people . He believes , and some Frenchmen who are neither lunatics nor knaves also believe , that if Henry the Fifthi were to sit upon a crimson cushion in Paris , the fact would be so pleasing to powers above kings , that France would be restored to prosperity and greatness , and the King and his people would live happy ever after . These arc obsolete notions , inconsistent with the pretensions of the Bonaparte family , and Louis Napoleon despises them , even more than he despised the Republicans of 184 : 8 . He puts a different construction upon the
ways of Providence . Like our great physiologists , he studies the laws of Providence in the working . Ho finds Democracy , Socialism , Commerce , and some other great agencies , moving the world ; and he takes a leaf out of every" man ' s book . With tho Democrats , he appeals to universal suffrage ; only he dictatea to tho Democracy tlio election of himself . " With tho Socialists , ho admits that tho iStato should find enn > loyment for the workmen , lodg'ings for the workmen , ' ami that it shall arrange the combination of capitalists ; only it must be tho Elected of December who shall rulo overall these things ; while the expenses shall fall upon tho Electors of December . Tho Joint-Stock Companies developed the commerce of England and her whole empire , and ho will permit Joint-Stock Companies to commence a new commercial era in Franoo ; credit swells the wealth of England , and credit shall be organized in his own land .
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SATURDAY , OCTOBER 4 ,. 18 . 56 .
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¦ — —?— • ¦ There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep ' things fixed when all the woild is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db-Abnold . ¦ ... ¦ ¦ ¦ - ' —?—?— . ¦ ¦ ¦
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 4, 1856, page 947, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2161/page/11/
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