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y axial motion , it may now be stated that if the planets revolved about the son , as the moon about the earth , the idea of axial or rotary motion by those bodies would never have been dreamt of . If the orbital motions of the planets were to cease , those bodies -would continue to rotate about axes ¦ within themselves , agTeeably -with the first indispensable condition of axial motion . Secondly . Every point equally distant from the axis of rotation in any of the planets , passes through the same quantity of space during one complete revolution , conformably to the second condition of axial motion .
Thirdly . Every side of the earth and of every planet moves successively upon each side of the line of its motion , and is equally distant from that line , upon each , side during -one complete revolution , agreeably with the third condition of axial motion . fourthly . A spectator situated anywhere , whether within or without tlie orbit of any of the planets , would see every side of those bodies while they made one complete revolution , according to the fourth indispensable condition of axial motion . ^ I do not mind ., in this instance the difference in time that necessarily elapses before actually perceiving one complete revolution of those bodies arising from our own change of position , as this makes no difference whatever in principle .
It must now be evident that no part of the earth ' s surface has independent axial motion ; no matter what the extent of its projection from the general level may be . A mountain may be supposed to be any height , and may even be thrown off to some distance , and move about thus elevated , as a balloon would ; but so long as it continued to present the same face to the earth , it could have no independent axial motion , it would still move about that body as
when attached . The moon moves under precisely the same conditions . Consequently , it has no motion different from that of a balloon while , floating , nor from , that of an attached or detached mountain . And as they have no independent axial motion , But partake of the one motion of the whole ; so the moon , for all the reasons assigned , has no axial motion , but ia carried about the earth , as if she were a positive portion of that body . I , am , Sir , your obedient servant , Thomas Best .
Fif thly . Every point , whether upon the surface or within the body of any of the planets , comes successively into the line of motion , and is in that line twice during every complete revolution . It is evident , therefore , that aa the planets in their motions conform to all the essentials of axial motion , that they have that motion . It is a fact , too , about which there is no dispute . Let the motions of the moon and—by analogy— -of nil the satellites be now examined , and it will be found that in no particular whatever do those motions conform to the indispensable conditions of axial motion .
In the first place , the moon does not turn about an axis within herself , because every point equally distant from her centra , or from any axis through her centre , in any direction , does not pass through the same quantity of space during any assigned revolution . _ Secondly . As the moon moves in her orbit , there is nb ^ successive and complete change of sides or of position about her line of motion , the same limb being continually upon the same side of that line , contrary to the essential condition of axial motion , which requires that every part of a rotating body about a movable axis must be successively on each side of the line of motion , and equally distant from that line upon each side of it during each complete revolution .
Thirdly . The moon cannot have axial motion , because to a spectator within her orbit one of her sides only is presented , contrary to the fourth essential condition of axial motion , which requires that to a spectator either wathin or without her orbit every side must be successively presented . . Fourthly . It is concluded that the moon cannot have axial motion , because all her points , or parts , do not come successively into her line of motion , and are not twice in that line during any assigned revolution , as required by the fifth indispensable condition of axial motion .
It cannot be denied that the moou moves , or is curried about in a circle , and presents the same face continually to the earth ; but that she should necessarily move upon an axis within herself , upon that account is a question to be disposed of in the negative , even without the arguments already advanced . We ourselves are carried in a circle about the earth , once in every twenty-four hours ; but nobody ever dreamt of his having turned upon an axi 3 within himself for that reason . When a ship circumnavigates the earth , it conforms to all the conditions of the moon's supposed axial motion ; but it would appear very absurd to state that she turned upon an uxis witliin herself , because of that circuitous journey . In fact , the best reasons , or . rather statements , that
maybe made to prove the moon to have axial motion , would equally apply in proof of the independent axial motion of every body upon the the earth ' s surface , an 1 of every conceivable distinct part of that body . I must now however admit that every body that moves in a circle , moveB , or goes about an axis . The moon , consequently , must also do so . But , where is that axis ? Certainly not in the moon—for the many reasons already given—but in the centre of the earth / for the outer , or highest limb of tho moon is always pnaaing through a greater circle than the inside , or lower limb ; just as our heads , or tho higher part of any other body on . the earth's surface , is perpetually passing through the greatest circle , or greatest quantity of space ?
_ livery body having axial motion rotates as a unit . Every conceivable portion of tho earth , or of any thing upon its surface , having ho separate existence , or action , in relation to that motion , constitutes tho only pftrt of that unity , and partakes of the whole , ihere is no separate axial motion by any part of tho earth , arising © ut of tho einglg individual action of the whole ,
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* At I * eoil 3 and Rochdalo for example
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few have done so , and lost thereby ; and some fewhav * greatly thereby gained ; ? but , as a rule , the peopl e Zl most remarkably contented with things as ihev a ™ ignorant of how to do better , averse to troubling them selves to improve , and especially averse to paying S for any future probability however advantagW But present to the people a sensual treat , be it Xi { w military equestrian , or pyrotechnic ( day or nfc £ will make no matter ) , and there will flock , not £ sands only , but hundreds of thousands . Once Y thought that a great majority of the people wanted and were anxious to obtain the Charter : facts harp dissipated the mistake , and I now see the people vinr something else . What it is the people do want I think may he judged of by what they attend to and are willing to pay for . '
Now , what meetings do the people attend in laree numbers ?—and I urge that number is a good test of the estimate of importance . Exeter Hall occa sionaily has large attendances ; the Charter lias fey fits and starts , had large meetings in its favour ( not latterly ) , but who for a moment -will compare these numbers with the attendance at the Derby , Epsom Manchester , or Doncaster races year after year ? Again , what are the people willing to pay for ? The Charter , if worth anything , is worthy of suppoit ; but do the people raise a tithe , for the Charter , of the sums that they invest in ledger clubs , sweepstakes , or even goose clubs at Christmas ? Alas ! And yet there is no act of Parliament compelling the
people to pay for these and not to support the other . The people have plenty of money to sport away when they like ; and what they do like may be judged of by what they spend . One other instance of popular estimate ought not to be forgotten . John Frost zs a people's hero ; for them he worlcedjWas sacrificed , betrayed , and suffered ; aud after fifteen years' transportation , he returns , still true to the good cause , the people , and the Charter . Now , if ever man deserved a popular ovation , John Frost did deserve it . London , the metropolis , determined upon a demonstration ; and how does "T , G ., " an advocate of the Charter himself , say it ended ? "
"In the ridicule which the public press has heaped upon the tawdry paraphernalia of a congress of ' roughs on an idle Monday . '" I , however , suggest it " was the moral sense of the people that prompted them to hold aloof from a demonstration which outraged common propriety and good feeling . " Without deciding whether the demonstration did so outrage propriety and good feeling , it is certain , such is the mode in which demonstrations are usually made . But it must not pass that the moral sense of the people was so shocked as to be the cause of popular contempt . A race or a fight , or , still better , a clo-wu riding in a tub on the water drawn by swans f ?) ,
does not shock the moral sense of crowds far larger than John Frost has yet seen . Why , on the same day that the London ovation failed , the paltry hamlet of Holbeck had at the races thousands more , by the lowest estimate , than Frost had by the highest ; Pontefract races , on the Tuesday following , had twice as many , —and yet these are of top little importance to appear in any racing calendar ; and , on the Friday following , Doncaster had the largest meeting , according to the papers , that lias eveT yet been known of . Shall we make " comparisons so odious "—John Frost , v . a race—a race , v . the Charter : which beats—in numbers and cost ?
CHARTISM AND SOCIALISM . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) Sib , —It was indeed a pleasure that your Open Gouiicil opened to me , at the sight of the above heading . Is it that these matters are of no importance—or have they lost all influence—that so little has lately been said thereon ? Your correspondent , " T . & ., " thinks otherwise , and is " inclined to favour the Charter as a measure of reform , " and as a warning he points out two evils that " menace the cause , " viz ., the absence " of virtue in the leaders , " and the presence of " Communism in the ranks . " I presume "T- G . " has satisfied himself the leaders are not
virtuous , and . that Communism is an evil . The said leaders would , however , probably incline to dispute his assumption ; and I , for one , equally object to his opinion of the evil of Socialism and Communism such as I see them . Remedies should be calculated to meet the speciality of the evil ; and , as I believe the great evils of the day are m social derangement , " I do not think that any legal arrangement will effect a cure . Our great evil arises from the inequality of wealth and of the advantages of art , science , and civilization . There is wealth , but there are too many poor—there is abundant material for comfort and plenty , and yet we find the great mass without them .
_ There are two modes of arrangement by which it is asserted the people may reach the goal of plenty and comfort : the one is political , the other social , and their several advocates urge forcible reasons on each side for the superiority of each . The political section aim , by compulsion , to move the mass within from without- ^ -the Socialist party wish to move , by culture , the mass from within . " T . G . " seems to think the Charter is all we require . I think the knowledge of right and wrong , of true and false modes of action , and the culture of good habits , is the true reform . I deny that the Charter and twelve points would be of the slightest benefit if the people
remained with their present knowledge , appetites , and habits . Suppose now we had the Charter , we must have virtuous leaders , or it would be of no use . Have the people hitherto shown they could select fit and virtuous men to represent them ? ' T . G . " says no- ! and yet neither aristocracy nor middle-clas 3 had any influence to prevent it . The people had the six points in their selection , ' and good men , true men , offered themselves as leaders : Thomas Cooper , Joseph Sturgc , and a host of others , able and virtuous ; men who had worked and suffered for years for the people and the Charter , were set aside for Feargus , Finlin , Frost , Jones , and Co ., leaders , according to " T . G .. " of easy virtue .
JLJut suppose virtuous representatives were chosen , upon what are they to legislate . The Charter is only a means , and the how is still to be worked . And here , I take it , the model men must enter into the questions of " Socialism and Communism "—the evils "T . G . " ranks with a lack of virtue . All political , must end in social questions—the Chartists are no exception , for proof of which I will give two extracts from one of the Tracts for Working Men issued by the " Executive Committee of the National Charter Association " : " What then is needed for your prosperity [[ the people's ]?—Firstly , To place at your disposal the public lands , and enable you to obtain land at a reasonable price ; and .
Secondly , To enable you to Btart mills , shops , factories , and agriculture ; by supplying you with the necessary capital , under safe and suitable restrictions . " That is , all this is to bo done by Act of Parliament , which seems to me most " suspiciously like Socialism and Communism both run mad . " Land for nothing , or at the price the people think to be " reasonable , " is somewhat an inversion of what is usually deemed equitable , on the principle of competitive market value ; and for tho people to draw from Government taxation that which they might subscribe for thernaelves seems a very roundabout mode of doing business . If tho people want " mills , factories , shops , and agriculture , " they neither need Government fund ? , nor restriction . Legislature has latterly decidedly favoured combinations , to the end that tho people may themselves purchase , conduct , and reap ihe ben / fits pf trrtdo and manufactures . Some
" Hippolytusto a Satyr ?"—Alexander to a robber ? Let me reflect . Reflection -will show us that a few do care for the Charter extremely , and would work it well and honestly ; a large number would take it , it it cost nothing , and gave no trouble , —that these would use it well is doubtful , —but the vast masscaro nothing for either the Charter or any thing else , save their pipe , pot , and the merest animal and seitsual gratifications . These would soil twenty Charters , and birthright included , for a mess of pottage . It is a wretched pity that this should bo so , but the truth ought to be known .
And this being so , how arc we to deal with the people in order to elevate their tastes and to improve their habits ? Will an aofc of Parliament do this ? Alas , no ! To the extension of knowledge , and to better arrangements for the distribution , as well as the creation of wealth , the wise will look , as tho only true remedy , hy elevating the jieople themselves . Questions of Socialism and Communism had better not be left until we have got the Charter ; in order to use the power . New arrangements of social questions involve a peradvonture betwixt theory and practice ; ot
and I , for one , advocato a practical application Social principles , —with tho power wo have already in hand , in order to test their value in ¦ working before we have n surplus power to dispose of . I" - ' the people create wealth for themselves , and no one can prevent them from having tho Charter and aa many points as they like ; "but , having tho Charter , they may , without knowledge and discipline , des troy all that they now possess , the Charter included . Suclj is the opinion of one who has long worked with ati « for the people . Youra most truly , Ncvilott . John Holmes .
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[ S Having brieflstated those essential conditions of 1000 . THE LEADERS Xo . 343 , ^ RD .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 18, 1856, page 1000, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2163/page/16/
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