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    begins . The cowardice sometimes finds its excuse in the harshness with which , error is reproved . Those who are most charitable assume , even in the most charitable actions , an aspect of harshness which is not intended . Thus , Aline ' s husband—her real Jmsbiind , not the phantom bridegroom of her school-days—discerns that there is some secret which she is nursing ; addresses her in terms intended to be reassuring ; but the avowal of indulgence for certain imprudences which be conceives possible almost implies censure foT the very conduct which she cannot forget . Thus charity often assumes that very right to condemn which it waives , and in the act of pardoning raises-alarm for the sentence which might have been pronounced . Such an attempt to win confideace defeats its purpose . In the sequel , indeed , Aline ' s husband proves , by a noble and unqualified generosity , bow comp letely he might have been trusted ; but how was Aline , brought ty > . among suspicions , stern constructions , and harsh , censure , even to coneeiv ©;' ihe completeness of the generosity which she afterwards experienced ? # Although the purpose of the book is a moral one , the manner is not didactic ; although it is a history of the feelings , and therefore necessarily

    mingled "with reflection , it does not proceed by precept . This perhaps is thu reason why the lhnits- ' within which frankness is absolutely necessary are not strictly denned . It may be said that no close relation can exist between two ' people without a perfect frankness on their own relation . If any man should marry a ¦ woman without making her distinctly understand , his actual position , whatever it may be , it inevitably modifies his conduct to herself ; it deprives him of the power of explaining his actions , debars her from understanding what his real feeling is towards herself ; and the one reserve is sure to beget others , until the life of each must be to a great extent divided from the other . In most cases , however , the very man who exercises the reserve for himself , will expect a return in implicit confidence . He knows that he has no right to it , but if it is withheld he is aggrieved . He sees in the separate action of his wife the conduct of one who is opposed to him , the machinations of an enemy ; fear engenders doubt , doubt suspicion , suspicion dislike ; and the reserve , which began by preventing the completeness of a union , ends "b y converting the two into adversaries , if not enemies .

    It not _ unfrequentiy happens that the reserve is the natural refuge against exaction . In order to n complete understanding between any two persons , there must be proportionate frankness on all the relations between themselves ; but in this world , as it is constituted , our relations are so interwoven with those around , as to prevent pur being masters of all that we might do or say with reference to third persons . Those that give an imperfect frankness themselves , will yet exact from others a fulness of avowal inconsistent with duties to third parties ; and the evils of reserve are aggravated by the exasperations of inconsistency . Reserve is sometimes a i * efuge from the spirit of dictation , or contentiousness . The quiet man , who dislikes being called to account , or is averse from ' scenes , ' holds his tono-ue ou points that may be debatable . Sometimes it is caused by iricompatibiTity

    of disposition which makes the pleasure of one the anuoyance of the other , or the pride of one the scoff of the other . From -whatsoever cause arising , however , reserve is a positive obstruction to completeness of union ; and its commonestcause we believe to be the want of courage either to say or to hear ; for timidity as often shrinks from listening as from speaking . The cowardice does not always exist , even in the gentlest . The courage to hear may draw forth the courage to tell . A perfect strength of affection and . of understanding will know how to confront the perplexities of life , without permitting them to become the master considerations . When there is this large courage , frankness may exist to the extent of thinking aloud ; andin that

    . case one mind becomes augmented by union with the other , one spirit enlarged by incorporation with the other ; and this union is completely above any of the machinations which succeed in breaking feeble ties . A Deverell may tear apart the couple already estranged by mutual reserve ; but is destroyed -when she risks herself in the endeavour to break a . stronger union . In one respect the book is singular : its moral , and the illustrations , will be approved by the most orthodox and conventional , while tbey will be cordially welcomed by the most advanced ; and yet again , while the moralist will read with pleasure , the ordinary novel-reader will be drawn on by that agreeable and unusual variety—a mystery that he does not penetrate from the first .

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    A BATCH OF AMERICAN BOOKS . The Republican Pwrty and its Presidential Candidates . By Benjamin F . Hall . rp , v- ., _ _ . . Trubner and Co . Jhrce 1 ears on the Kansas Border-. By a Clergyman of the Episcopal Church . ti r \ r / y t t r i m r -r , Trubner and Co . d / te Life of Colonel John Charles Fremont . By Samuel M . Smucker , A . M . ™ v *• ¦ , * . * * Trilbner and Co . i fie Xowuj Americans' Life of Fremont . By Francis C . Woodworth . Trillmer and Co . It was in the year 1810 , during the Presidentship of James Monroe , of Yirgmm , that the territory of Missouri memorialized Congress for authority to form a State government , and to be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with tho original States . The Bill for this purpose would no doubt have almost

    passed without discussion , had not General Tallmadge sought to introduce an amendment , prohibiting the introduction of slavery , or involuntary servitude , within the boundaries of the proposed new state . An animated and even fierce debate thereupon ensued . All the old familiar arguments tor and against the existence of slavery were abundantly produced , and Where reason failed , abuse was not wanting . A compromise was at length euected . The Missouri act was passed without restriction upon the state ; out throughout all tho territory Avest of the Mississippi , and north of the parallel of 36 * 30 ' , tuo institution of slavery was absolutely and for ever prohibited . But American laws , in durability at least , bear no resemblance to those of the Medea and Persians . The Missouri compromise , as it was caned , remained undisputed and undisturbed exactly thirty years—the American idou of eternity being thus apparently limited to tUe average existence of a single generation . In 1850 a now compromise was brought , about under pretence of ' saving the Union . ' California waa admitted as

    a state , New Mexico erected into a territory , and a stringent law passed on the proposition of Mr . Calhoun , for the capture and extradition of fugitive slaves . This compromise was subsequently interpreted as a dissolution of the compact of 1820 , when the bill for the establishment of a territorial government for Nebraska was laid before the Senate . The whole question of slavery was thus reopened , and a terrible agitation pervaded both divisions of the Union- The despotic Southern party , however , described by Jefferson as existing "by the continued exercise of forces , against the employment of which all the logic and all the philosophy of our government are necessarily arrayed , " with its unity of purpose and vigour of action , could hardly Sail to gain the victory over the merely theoretical and speechifying Abolitionists . It is not , therefore , to be wondered at that the act of the 25 th of May , _ 1854 ,-whichorganized the territories of Nebraska and Kansas , should contain the following declaration : —

    The eighth , section of the act , preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union , approved March Cth , 1820 , being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress in the states and territories , as recognized by the legislation of 1850 , commonly called the compromise measures , is hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and . meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or state , nor to exclude it therefrom , but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions iu their own way . The preliminary arrangements having been completed , the Hon . Andrew II . Reeder , of Pennsylvania , was appointed the first governor of the newlysettled territory . It now appeared that the principle of non-intervention , was construed by the slave-holding states after the Hibernian notions of reciprocity—it was held to apply io one party alone . When the period arrived for the election of a delegate to Congress , a band of armed men crossed

    over from the state of Missouri , and elected a representative whose views were in direct variance to those entertained by a majority of the resident citizens of Kansas . Again , in the following year , a still larger force , accompanied with artillery , invaded the territory , and dictated the election of members for the first territorial legislature . It is unnecessary to dwell upon the scenes of lawless violence that subsequently took place , the demolition of ivate houses , the bombardment of towns , the imprisonment of obnoxious persons on a charge of treason , the persecution of all who were suspected of being opposed to slavery . These almost incredible facts are of too recent date to require to be recapitulated . Were the southern states to pursue good purposes with half the energy and determination they have expended on a bad one , they would become a model to all the peoples of the world . Even if they confined their exuberant vigour to the internal

    affairs of the United States , other nations , however much they might re < rret such waste of productive power , would have no reason to watch their proceedings with , jealousy ^ and disquietude . Unhappily , flushed with success at home , the democratic ¦ * platform' has avowed its approval and adoption of the doctrine of the Ostend Conference , that ' might makes right . ' In other words , this party professes its intention to annex and absorb any state or .-. territorythat is unable to defend itself , and tb seize by force of ai \ ins whatever is unattainable by money or diplomacy . In justice , however , to Mr . Buchanan and his friends , it must be admitted that gross exaggeration has prevailed , on the subject of this famous circular . The circumstan < jes that gave it birth were purely exceptional . Not only Europe , but the whole world , seemed at that time to be seized with a social and political vertigo . Old things were passing away , and new things were looming hazily through the future . It is possible that the American ambassadors then in Europe

    did not altogether escape the moral epidemic , and may have dreamed of combinations not immaculate in their conception , but which , were afterwards stifled in the embryo . It is equally possible that the paraphernalia of that popular comedy may again have been put upon the stage as an electioneering catch 'to make the vulgar stare . ' But it is utterly absurd to imagine that a statesman of Mr . Buchanan ' s vast experience and intimate knowledge of European affairs can harbour any real intention of systematic hostility against the Old World . Towards this country he has at all times expressed himself in terms of the utmost respect and amity . JSo man is more thoroughly sensible of the expediency , not to say necessity , of cultivating a close alliance with Great Britain . Indeed , there is no American , possessed of taste and feeling , who does not look with affectionate reverence towards the land that contains tbe ashes of his sires , and whence his forefathers crossed the dark waters of the Atlantic to found a new empire . It is still his Fatherland :

    C est la cendre de 3 morts qui crda la patrie . It is , therefore , idle to anticipate war , or even a temporary alienation and rupture of friendly intercourse , becauso of some ' brave words' hung out as a party emblem at a time of intense and vital agitation . The first Thought of the new President will be to dispel all anxiety from the mind of the British public , and to give every assurance of his hearty desire to maintain a cordial understanding between the two great cognate peoples . With the internal administration of the United States we have no right or pretext to interfere . In the abstract , every Englishman is opposed to slavery , but so likewise are the majority of the Americans , even in the slave-holding states . But Government cannot be conducted on abstract principles . Government itself is a great wrong , endured for the sake of expediency- In like manner slavery is a fact , and must be accepted as such , however much we may lament that the millennium has not

    yet commenced when the slave shall starve like a free man , and white man and nigger shall drink out of the same pewter pot . Theoretically , we deeply regret the tendency of tho southern states to force their institutions on the new territories . JLJut , on the other hand , it must be remembered that they have been goaded on by the injudicious meddling of the Abolitionists , who omit no opportunity to insult their opponents and mis-state their views and intentions . Perhaps ^ strictly speaking , both parties are to blame for prematurelj forcing their respective opinions upon unsettled territories not as yet sufficiently organized to decide upon so important a question as the employment of free or slave labour . Both have been hurried away by passion . and excesses have been committed in the heat of tho moment which startle and horriiy the conventional notions of constitutional and easy-going England . And it ia eveu to be i ' eured that if the two divisions of tho Statet

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    JSTovjsmbeb 15 , 1856 . ] THE LEAD ER , IO 99

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 15, 1856, page 1099, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2167/page/19/