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3 um of 51 , 0002 ., as interest alleged to be due on account Bf certain bills of exchange drawn by Mr . S . Kelly , the late manager of the Tipperary Bank , and discounted by the plaintiff . -After some consultation , the counsel for tie official manager , on behalf of his client , considered that the jury should return a verdict of 25 000 ? ., and 6 d . costs . Tlie verdict for 25 , 000 / . was accordingly taken by consent .
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AMERICA . The Washington correspondent of tlie Neiv Tori : Herald states that the startling developments made in that journal as to Walker's ulterior views have materially injured his cause there , as well in diplomatic as in other circles , and that the Cabinet , regarding the question as one of the greatest magnitude , are about to adopt a new course of policy to check the Filibuster in his scheme of erecting a new Southern Republic independent of the United States , and , to some extent , antagonistic to it . According to the correspondent , the Government intends to send a Minister to the Republic of Guatemala , for the purpose of opening negotiations with Carrera , the permanent Dictator , and of urging him to form an alliance with the other Central American republics against Walker . Collateral means to bring about the result will not , the correspondent says , be neglected . Further , the writer asserts that Mr . Marcy hopes , daring "his remaining term of office , s © to shape the ? policy of the United States in regard to Central America , that it will be difficult for the Buchanan . Administration to effect a change . He will strain every nerve to overthrow Walker . . \ ¦' . :. .. / . ' \ \ . ' ' ,. ¦ / ; ¦ It is stated that matters in reference to the massacre at Panama have been arranged fcy Mr . Marcy and the New Granadian Minister . It is also said that , at the instigation of Messrs . Marcy and Cushing , the President has refused to recognize Mr . Oaksmith , the envoy of Walker . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ : ' " . ' : . ¦ ¦ ¦ ,. ' ' - : ¦ ,
Nine Frenchmen , political prisoners , have arrived at New York from Cayenne , whence they had escaped . The farther search for the boats of the Lyonnais has been abandoned , the Marion having returned to New Yorkv The only lope now existing hangs on the probability of some vessel bound to Europe having picked up the boats . ¦ The steamship Texas has left New York for San Joan , Nicaragua , with a large number—upwards of four hundred—of recruits for " Walker . Kansas appears to be again tranquil . The land sales are passing ofF quietly , and Governor Geary has suspended the Lecompton trials . The republic of Guatemala continues to make large preparations against Walker ... . ' The Mexican troops still pursue their operations against the insurgents at Puebla .
The New York commercial advices report the market for stocks as being rather firm , and that prices were generally higher . Some interesting remains hare been discovered in Texas , according to a story in the Galveston Gazette . Some gentlemen were hunting a panther with dogs , and the animal took refuge in a care , where he was shot . The hunters then entered the cave , which was nearly circular in forth , and about twelve feet high , apparently connected with another by a small aperture . Having procured a lighted torch , they passed through this aperture , and "found themselves in a room about ten feet in breadth by eight in height , and some forty feet long . To their astonishment they beheld at the further extremity of the room what appeared to be two human bodies , one stretched at full length on its back on the
floor , and the other lying with the head partly elevated on the wall against which it leaned . They were , indeed , two human forms entire , complete , and perfectly petrified . The feet and hands were bare . A garment , which must have resembled a hunting shirt , seemed to have been worn by each , and , partly preserved by petrifaction , was distinctly visible , especially at its seams and folds . On the waist of one was a buckle of pure gold , almost three inches in diameter , securely imbedded in the body . The features were not much shrunken ; the eyes were partly closed , and even traces of the eyebrows could bo seen plainly . The party who discovered these bodies intend to remove them to Joneaborough , where they may be seen by all who wish to examine them . They probably lived before the race of Indiana at present found in Texas . "
From Buono 3 Ayres -we learn that Colonel Oliveira , chief of the Italian Legion at Bahia Blanca , lias been killed by his own soldiers . Large bodies of Indians were collected on the frontiers , and serious invasions by them were feared . An attempt at revolution in Santa . F « has been suppressed by General Lopes . " The charge of dishonesty and treachery made by Mr Randolph against General Goicouria , lately agent of Walker , " aays tho Daily News , " caused the latter to KrW ? * « wdolpn , on the 22 nd ult ., a verbal chal-Slve ft ^ Ortal s C 0 \ h ' which R «" i ° » Ph "fused to writS Jf eqai ? £ communication to be made in Thai eSre S ? Goicouri « immediately sent a written bTtween ? m 7 Han ^ rOmptly acc ° Pt ^ . . Tho meeting SSJ 31 ee ^ 5 eilfS i ' ° *™ ™™™ did not *? k m « SS 35 «
Randolph insists that the distance shall not exceed six paces , which has not yet been assented to by his antagonist . "
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ADDRESS OF THE EMANCIPATION OF ITALY FUND COMMITTEE . Is our last address , annexed to the appeal from the working men of Genoa to the working men of England , we stated the object for which thi 3 Committee was formed—namely , to collect subscriptions iuaidof Italian Emancipation , pledging ourselves that the sums received should be applied ' within the limits which the lawcompels . ' As yet , though some few frieads of liberty have come forward with their pounds or their pence , our appeal lias not elicited such sympathy from England as deserves to "be called National . Some have met our appeal with the selfish and shortsighted reply , " Am I my brother ' s keeper ? " Such we leave to the teaching of the future . Others , however , there are who sympathize with their oppressed fellow-men , but feel that any action emanating from England ought to be well and maturely weighed . They ask—First , Ought there to be a revolution in Italy ? Secondly , Ought Englishmen to interfere actively in its favour ? Thirdly , Is there that hope of success without which revolutionary attempts are criminal ? Fourthly , Is there not danger that we may be impeding the action of Piedmont , wlio to many persons appears the natural leader of Italian Emancipation ? These objections are often urged , in sincere earnestness , and must be answered .
To the first we say , ' Twenty-four millions of Italians ask leave to live , physically , intellectually , morally ; to commune freely with European life ; to unite as a nation , in all noble progress , under the symbol of their own now-forbidden national flag . Is it for the free nations of Europe to suffer this divine life to be stifled by Austrian and Papal power ? If the right to live can only be won by a revolution , is not that revolution a holything ? To the second question , What is the duty of England ? ^ we say that we have not the responsibility of initiating insurrection , because we have not the power to do so if we would . Insurrections , whether petty and useless , or grand and successful , must arid will be
repeated until they have done their work and the country is free . Italians believe that if only France remained neutral , they could now achieve freedom for themselves ; and it is undoubtedly , in the power of England , without war , to force Louis Napoleon ( who knows well that the mere rumour of a war with England would endanger his throne ) to withdraw his troops from Italy . Let the British Parliament only pass a vote that the French occupation of Eome is contrary to the Law of Nations , and no minister will dare to continue the baneful system of truckling to the French Emperor which , ever since the affairs of Rome and Sicily in 1848 and 1849 , our ministry has adopted . What we ask is , that public men who share Mr . Gladstone's sentiments concerning
Naples , will openly express to Europe what the heart of England feels concerning the right of Italy to be free from the incubus of Austrian and French armies , which alone keep the wretched Italian potentates on their thrones . Perhaps it is not too late for mere words from England to free Italy , if Austrian and French ambassadors were not allowed to dictato what liberty of speech the English Parliament is to use . Even if Austria and France were the allies of the English nation ( which we totally deny , so long aa Parliament has no voice in treaties and alliances ) , the desire not to affront an ally could be no excuse for complimenting away tho inalienable rights of Ital y . The pusillanimous injustice of England towards Sicily , and Rome , and Hungary , was
defended for a while by the argument , that had we dared to bo just , we might have involved ourselves in a European war . The course pursued has involved us in European war ; for it is notorious that nothing induced tho Emperor Nicholas to attack Turkey , but his belief that England would not fight . Tlie Russian war has shown even to statesmen of Mr . Cobden ' s order that England will not and cannot permanently isolate herself from the quarrels of the Continent ; and that if , under the plea of non-interferonco , she allows such interferences aa those of Kussia in Hungary , and of Franco in Rome , the sole result is that she takes upon herself the wars in which Poles , and Hungarians , and Italians , and Germans , would be principals , and she , at most , would havo to give words , arms , officers , and a squadron
of ships . Let us not bo told that England has adopted non-intervontion as a policy , and that wo vainly strive to alter it . The fact is the other way . Within recent memory , England has interfered to set up Belgium against Holland , Greece against Turkey , to put down Egypt in favour of the Sultan , and to crush tho Whig party of Portugal . This last waB in 1847 ; shortly after tho samo ministry saluted the insurgent Sicilian flag , and promised to recognize tho Duko of Genoa as Kingof Sicily , if tho Siciliana would elect him . Could the same ministry pretend that tho principle of non-intervention prevented their doing for Hungary exactly what they did for Sicily , which , in Kossuth ' s expressed opinion , would have mado Gttrgcy ' a treason impossible ? Tho answor is plain : tho principle is a sharn , invented for thorn by others , and used by thorn to cover cowardice .
Ar≫Dress Of The Emancipation Op A ^ K Htat V Fmj) Commit Tee A * Iy * Ud I11 Lhd
Interference is habitually practised by us where it ~~ pears safe , as against Holland , or Turkey , or Ef » vnt P " Portugal . It is deprecated where greater * ££ ? £ involved , as Austria , France , and Russia . These X allowed to practise it against the weak , as we have < W ourselves , and thea the parrot cry is raised that it T * Principle ! We do hope that so much fruit has conS Af the agitations of tha laat seven years , that even the r , r sent Parliament will not allow tlie deplorable deeckTf 1849 to be . repeated . If Rome ot Milan were no ? fr for ^ a . single week , and the English puMic demand *! their recognition as they called for that of Hunmirv 5 n 1849 , we do flatter ourselves that they would nieet with a far different response now from Parliament and frnm the English ministry . m
These considerations suggest two modes of action to English sympathizers . The one is that chiefly adonted by the ( late ) Society of the Friends of Italy—viz tft act on public opinion through the press , by lectures public meetings , and in all constitutional ways in order to influence Parliament . For the present , while accom plishing what good we may by these means , we have enough to do in-the second mode—namely , assisting the Italian leaders with the funds necessary to enable them to hold their place and perform tlieir functions as leaders The most timid need not fear that in this way they will have the responsibility of initiating a revolution . So for as the Italian potentates caa effect it , all political action , all transmission of news , all concert and co-operation , are stopped , and can only be supplied indirectly . If they can , by preaching smootU doctrines of humanity in Piedmont and in England , induce the friends of
freedom to refuse funds to the Italian leaders , it may become impossible for the latter even to send a message to an oppressed district warning it not torevolt . Tyrants who know that insurrection must come , have the hereditary policy of getting up prematurely , here and tjhere , sham insurrections by their own agents , in order to prevent any . simultaneous action of the people . To hinder them , the popular leaders need much vigilance , and , in any case , to keep any lead at all , and to save the insurrection from being the irregular , unplanned outburst of tlie passions , they must have some small funds at their disposal On the other band , wlieii insurrection is imminent , its success or failure may depend on so trivial a cause ,. ' as that one of the . men to . whom Italians look for direction has or has not a single hundred pounds at command . On his ability to send a secret messenger
or to travel in person , to a certain place ,-within a certain time , events of the greatest magnitude may depend . Amongst other uses to which money may be applied , which must command almost universal sympathy , are the relief , and , if possible , the rescue of political prisoners . The admirably planned and executed escape of Felice Orsini from the dungeons of Mantua , could not have been effected without some pecuniary means . To contribute to such funds is a fit task for the English friends of Italy , if . they will but trust those Italians whose lives are devoted to their country , and for whose blood its tyrants thirst . But to insist on knowing beforehand what is to be done with tlie money , thiswithout meaning offence—we must call a pedantic conscientiousness , which is like refusing bread to the starving , lest it should choke him .
Thirdly , Is there a probability that a revolution in Italy could succeed ? for if not , it were policy to husband life and resources till better times . To this we reply , that in 1848-9 the Italian people would have liberated itself , if , fir .- , the glorious national movement which liad reconquered Italy from the Austrians , had not been changed by the false , selfish , and cowardly policy of Charles Albert into a mere dynastic , selfaggrandizing war : secondly , if it had not listened to the mediation of its double-minded friend , the English Government . These statements are as near to historical certainties as anything that has not been actually fulfilled enn be . Even in 1849 the Republic of Rome would
have stood , and Venice and Sicily would have been free , if England , instead of backing up Louis Napoleon in his infamous restoration of the Pope , had recognized tlie Roman Republic as promptly as she recognized tlie French , had sent an ambassador to it , and had forbidden French invasion- It is curious to observe that it is the lukewarm , or only half sincere friends of liberty , who appear to have least faith , in its triumph . Not so the Governments who would delay , if they cannot prevent , what they anticipato and dread . Lord Clarendon , in the secret correspondence , has lot out that Iiis only fear is , that tho oppressed nations have too muck chance of success . On March 28 rd , 1853 , ho wrote tlms to Sir Hamilton Seymour : — "Every great question in the
West will assume a revolutionary character , and em brace a revision of the entire social system , for which the Coatinental Governments are certainly in no state of preparation . The Emperor ( Nicholas ) i « fully cogniznntof the materials that are in constant fermentation bonenth the surface of society , and their readiness to burst forth even in time of peace ; and bin Imperial Mnjesty w'l probably , therefore , not dissent from tho opinion that tho first cannon shot may be the signnl for a state «» things moro disastrous than even those calamities which war inevitably brings in its train . Hut such a war inny bo the result *) f tho dissolution and dismemberment ol tho Turkish Umpire , nnd hence tho anxiety of her Majesty ' s Governinont to avert tho catastrophe . " In pin " words , Lord Clarendon knows that victorious Europeaa
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 13, 1856, page 1180, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2171/page/4/
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