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NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . : Sereral " Open Council" communications are unavoidably omitted this wettk . Ho notice can be taken of anonymous coirespondence" Whatever is intended for insertion roust be authenticated toy the name and address of the writer -, not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith .
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MB . DISRAELI'S DEBATE . The crisis Las not come . Toryism has "been rejected by the House of Commons . Instead of benefiting himself politically by his financial debate , Mr . DiSBAELi only exposed the empirical qualities of his mind . He spoke of a settled plan of finance , as though he were prepared with a . settled plan of events , and produced a general impression that he never can rise
above the position of a troublesome debater . The discussion , however , had results far more important than those which concern the character orprospects of Mr . Disbajeli . It showed the House of Commons shakeu into chaos ; the members not knowing how to find a way out of their antecedents , perplexities , and pledges . Mr . Boebttck and Sir Joseph Paxton
followed the Tory leader ; Mr . Layaed and Mr . Iite supported the Government ; Major Keei > , Chairman of the Anti-Income Association— -a straw flying with the wind—voted for the Budget ; the van of Liberalism and the rear of Conservatism were split by the division ; Sir John Tyrell confessed himself bewildered , and followed JJord Palmebsion into the lobby , where he found
CoRNirwALr , Lewis were allowed to pass unchallenged . The naval and military estimates may settle down to an ordinary peace level , or may experience an upward pressure ; the liquidation of the debt may be accelerated or postponed ; it would be irrational , however , to anticipate the policy of three years , and to establish a compact binding on the members of some future Government , especially as the probable course of circumstances is by no means easily defined , and as no vote of the ' —¦» " i 1 1 ¦ ' ¦ '
House of Commons in 1857 could have any practical effect on the finance of 1860 . It was , perhaps , natural , but certainly impolitic , on Mr . Gladstone's part , to act so prominently in behalf of the Tory leader , simply because that cunning tactician had flattered the Budget of 1853—the Budget that triumphed over his own , the Budget that he then impugned , the Budget of the statesman
who had treated Mr . Disraelis propcsals with scorn , as the wares of a fiscal shopman . The House of Commons , then , had no alternative but to reject Mr . Disbaeli ' s motion , which emanated neither from statesmanship nor from economy , but from faction , which had no practical meaning , and which , if carried , could have had no advantageous result . Lord JoH 2 f Uusbzei / l ' s resolution on
the tea duty belongs to a different category . It is designed to relieve tbe tax-payer , and to force still further the reduction iu the public expenditure . This is practicable , if the House of Commons will do its duty . The estimates are too large , the-army is too dear . A revenue of sixty-six millions is not wanted . Sir CornewaIiL Lewis proposes to maintain establishments too great for times of peace and too small for times of war . There seems
no reason why Lord Joeqt Russell should not extort the acquiescence of the Government , or obtain a parliamentary victory . It may be anticipated that tbe body of Bedford Whigs will follow him , aud that the independent Liberals who voted with the Ministers on Monday night will co-operate to cut down an unpopular tax , burdensome to trade . Nor is it likelv that the Tories , on whichever
side they act , will be disorganized by such a confusion of ideas as that which necessarily resulted from the feeble platitude moved as a resolution by Mr . Diskatsli . At all events , Sir John TyuelLi will know where he is , and not be compelled , for one night more , to acknowledge the noble lord , the member for the City of London , and throw a sad reproach in tbe face of his political cicerone ,
Sir Joshua Walmsley , Mr . Spooner , and Mr . Thomas Duncombe in curious fraternity . On tbe Opposition side , Sir iFiiEDEurCK : Thesioer became the momentary ally of Mr . Cobden , Mr . Disraeli of Sir James Graham , Sir John Trollope of Mr . Wilmam ~ W " il . lta-ms , and Mr . MiaxI / and Mr . Mubeough of Henley , Jolliffe , and Tyler . General Peel voted on one side , Sir Hobert Peei on the other . The recent elections had
given Lord Palmerston several supporters . But it was to Lord John Eussejll—the conspicuous expectant— -that lie principally owed his safety . Not one of the hereditary Whigs conspired with the Tories . When Mr . Locke Kin a , however , had driven the Opposition and the Ministry into the same cam pa hundred and seventy-nine Liberals voted against the Government . Had the Tories been absent , the majority against Lord Pai / merston would have been as four to one . In connexion with
the subject of parliamentary reform , therefore , he represents the Tories , not tho Liberals . Of this argument much use is made by the Tories , who com plain that tho Cabinet , though professing Liberalism , rests upon Tory support . But they , in their turn , when they attack tho Government , solicit Liberal aid , and , without it , aro reduced to incapacity . What would have been Mr . Disraeli's following on Monday night , had he not coalesced for the time with Mr . Gladstone and a number of independent members ?
There was roally no financial question at issue , touching tho financial sehemo of tho present year . Mr . Dibkakh proposed to lay down rules for the guidance of the Chancellor of tho Exchequer in 1859-GO ; but ho failed to Bhow that » largo deficit would be probable in that year , oven if tho plans of Sii
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CHINA IN PARLIAMENT . Lord Derby's speech on Tuesday evening was an imperfect compilation of the Cauton despatches . Lord Clarendon's reply placed the whole question clearly before the House . Iu the first place , the Tory Earl had falsely described the relations existing between the British and Chinese authorities before the 8 th of October last . Instead of being amicable , as he stated , they consisted of justifiable vexation on the part of tho English .
and irritating insolence on the part of the Chinese . There was not a merchant in China who had not satisfied himself that it would be impossible to continuo long on friendly terms with tl \ o representatives of tho Imperial government . No such feeling as amity existed at Canton ; the English had ceased to reside there : tho
encroachseem to have been embittered , until W autumn they resolved to fly in the face of the White Devils upon tie first opportimitv That their proceedings were directed against the English , and not against their own suspected countrymen , was proved by their gross disrespect to our flag , and by the defiant attitude they at once assumed as though it were their object to force a quarrel It is not contended , even b y Lord Deeby " that Mr . Parses did not " make the most courteous representations befor e he called .. » - ¦ __ ^^^^¦^ W^^—
in the plenipotentiary or the admiral . But as Lord Clarendon very properl y pointed out , an Opposition in search of a political excuse is scarcely as well qualified to estimate tbe necessities under -which our representatives have acted in China as the British community on the spot , and by the British community the conduct of Sir John Bownnm and Admiral Seymour is all but unanimously _ _ * . _ ___ Jl fill . ' . ___ 1 _ __ i * . i J less than the
approved . They , no native inhabitants of Canton , have suffered from the bombardment ; much of their property has been destroyed ; their trade has been interrupted ; in some cases their lives have been endangered ; yet they do not complain , for they feel that the British authorities have acted in their interests to protect them in future from outrage and offence . The assailants of the Government have found it
necessary to overlook this essential element in the case . The Arrow , it is now shown , had a right to carry the British flag . " What was the value of that right if it did not bring the vessel within the meaning of the treaty of 1842 ? A British flag does not confer British rights as regards British jurisdiction only , but confers British , protection against all attacks whatever . That is the distinct , settled principle of all
international law . The Aitow , therefore , belonging to Hong-Kongj manned by a Hong-Kong crew , placed on a British register , and provided with a British flag , was in all respects British , and , as such , entitled to the guarantee which accompanies that character hi all parts of the globe . It may be said , perhaps , that the Chinese of Houg-Kong are not British subjects . Supposing , however , the Isle of AVight was ceded to Prance , would the natives of that island be French or
British subjects ? Would an Isle of Wight ship be British or IVench ? We exercise in Hong-Kong a right of sovereignty precisely on the same basis with that we exercise in Malta . But it is objected that the Arrow had allowed her register to expire a few days . Lord Clarendon supplies an answer even more decisive than we had expected : " Although tho register had expired a few days , there was a provision that ships should not be obliged to renew their register if they remained at the station . She was there ; the English flag was flying . " This is altogether satisfactory .
The collateral question , whether the British Government has the right to grant such registers , has been disposed of with equal success . Similar registers have been granted for a long period at Gibraltar , and for several years at Singapore , and on the Malabar coast . In the presence of barbarous governments , always eager to make an arrogant show of their authority , incapable of logic , and disdainful of general interests , it has been found imposof
sible to . foster tho commercial enterprise British subjects in tho En atom settlements without some such regulation . Tho Imperial Court of China naturally regards with a sort of viiulictivo jealousy tho Chinese in Hong-Kong , released from its control , owing allogiance to an outside power , and thereforetakes every opportunity of snatching them back within the limits of its irresponsible jurisdiction . They who know China know
monts of tho govornor and his police becamo continually more and more aggressive . Nor is it correct to describe the Lorcha rupture aa having closed a peace of fifteen yeara' duration . Tho Bog no fort a were captured in 181-7 , and 800 guns Averc spikod b y General b'Aouilah , to chastise an act of unendurublo contumacy . Since that period the jealousies of tho native ollieinla
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204 THE L ^ AJV ^ R . [ 3 STo ^ 362 9 Saturday ; fl ¦ ¦ 1 ¦
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SATURDAY , FEBBTJARY 28 , 1857 .
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? There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very Jar of its creation in eternal progress . — Aknold .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 28, 1857, page 204, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2182/page/12/
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