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Some have thought ihat Mr . Disbaeli is rather outgrowing tie satisfaction of his chief ; there has been a talk , even in this session , of his being superannuated by his party , on a retiring allowance ; and if Lord PaiiMERStoin" lias outgrown the ardour of youth , he has a chanee of becoming the successor of Mr . DiSKAEiii .
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THE TRTJTH ABOUT NAPLES . We are in a position , we believe , to state the actual facts connected with the recent operations of British and French diplomacy at Naples . It is often the fault of those who attack the G-overnment in or out of the House of Commons , to overstate their case , as Mr . Disbaeli oveistated his when he
destances in themselves sufficiently deplorable . It is enough that Naples has been agitated and disappointed by the diplomacy of the allied . Powers ; we predict the failure , however , of every attempt to implicate Lord P aimer sroN in an act of positive treachery . He may not he a Liberal ; lie may not declare all his opinions ; but he has the heart of an English gentleman , and the grounds of his differences with Louis Najpoleon , in connexion with the affairs of 3 STaples , were rather honourable than otherwise to-Iris judgment and to his personal character .
clared the existence of " the secret treaty , " thus converting a discovery into a blunder . The simple truth is , that when Grreat Britain and ITran . ce undertook to exert a pressure upon the Government of Naples , it was felt , as has been correctly stated by the Morning Star , that the Neapolitan , people contemplated a change of government , and would
probably take advantage of the allied demonstration to break into general insurrection . The question then arose , what course 3 ? rance and England should adopt du the presence of such em eventuality . It was distinctly intimated by Lours Napoleon that he could not permit a Kepublican Grovernrnent to be established in
Naples j but it was suggested that the Neapolitans should accept Prince Mueat as their constitutional king . Lord Palmerston would not countenance this scheme ; and we believe it will be found he expressed himself to the effect that , opposed as Great Britain must be to the creation of a Muratist kingdom in Italy , she preferred Constitutionalism to a Republic ; there was no promise given or implied , that British force should be employed to suppress an Italian revolt anywhere . Of course , there was the formal expression of a hope that the Neapolitans would not proceed to extremities ; but the
point at which the French and British Grovernments parted , was that at which Lotris Napoxeon disclosed his Muratist scheme , a project lying at the bottom of all his Italian diplomacy . Lord Palmeuston resisted it with the utmost decision ; he saw that it was impossible to advance another step in conjunction with France ; Loiris Napoleon understood clearly enough that without engaging England he could not hope for success ; and thus , when the expodition had been prepared , and Naples expected the coming of the fleets , a difference of policy between the two cabinets neutralised all the measures that had been taken .
_ It will he seen from this that the versions hitherto published have been substantially incorrect as well as incomplete . Lord Pai , - mejiston did not undertake to suppress a Ilepublican movement in Naples , lie never offered to bombard the capital ; he merely objected to a Muratist conspiracy , and exchanged some diplomatic notes on the probability of a Republican , insurrection which resulted in mo pledge being given on either side . " We even doubt whether French intervention dn Naples would be tolerated by Lord Palmdjistom ' s Government .
The moral of this narrative is identical with that which we have frequently deduced from events arising out of the Anglo-French alliance . Two Governments baaed on totally hostile principles can nover co-operato with any advantage to mankind ; in the present instance , the empirical action of England lms barely sufficed to check the imperial action of France ; but it is of no advantage to any principle or party to misrepresent circum-
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of Commons . These remarks do not apply to Mr . AViMiTAM Coningham , who , with many prospects of success , is canvassing Brighton against Lord Alfred Hebvet , whose Liberalism is of a tepid and Treasury fervour . Mr . Coninguiam is already an accepted representative of the forward Liberal party . In 1847 he polled nearly nine hundred votes at Brighton , and in 1852 nearly eighteen hundred votes for "Westminster . At one period we should have hesitated to describe him as a practical
politician . From his recent conduct , however , and the language of his addresses , it is evident that , without sacrificing the intensity of his convictions , he is prepared to recognize in Parliament the political exigencies of the day , and not to rush afc chimeras for the sake of consistency . It cannot be fairly inferred from Mr . Coningiiam ' s language that he offers any homage to Lord PAiiMERSTOK ; he supports his actual policy , but at the same time is an advocate for an extended franchise , the ballot , and the other measures included in the
Libe-POLITICAL ASPIRANTS . A general election invariably brings forward two classes of aspirants , —independent men , animated by public spirit , and desirous of giving effect to general liberal opinions , aud men who , having carried on for some years a retail business in politics , are desirous of trading , for the future , on a parliamentary
scale . There is a third class , composed of individuals whose candidature is not serious , but "who , having an interest in publicity , take advantage of a general election to publish a personal advertisement calling attention to themselves ; but these gentry may be dismissed very summarily in a supplementary paragraph . It is observable that , since the announcement of the
dissolution , several names of untried aspirants have been brought conspicuously under the notice of the Liberal party . Among the most prominent is that of Sir Arthur Haiiam Eltoit , who , in 1852 , con-tested the eastern division of Somersetshire . This gentleman is an independent Liberal , who has thought out his opinions , who seeks to enter the House of Commons with no personal object save the honourable ambition of public life , who has never trafficked in polities , or
concealed his opinions for the sake of popularity . Such a man would materially add to the strength of the Liberal party in the Legislature—to its moral influence , and to its intellectual authority , and therefore to its chances of success . Surely , a nondescript Mr . Way , whose-sole qualification appears to be a near relationship to a young man of fortune , can have no chance against the man who fought the battle of Free-trade when Protection was in office . We do not wish to institute
offensive comparisons , but it is a duty to warn our more impetuous friends against those stoek-politicians who advocate constitutional changes which- they know to be impracticable , and social theories which all rational men know to he impossible . Place them in Parliament , and Parliament would extinguish them , exactly as it extinguished poor Ejsahgus O'Oonnoh , and Mr . Gkouge Thompson , neither the one nor the other ever making
the slightest figure in that assembly . Iilvcii Co"UBET'r was comparatively ineffective in tho presence of Sir I-toujsivt Pjsel . And what would be the fate of Mr . Henry Vincent , were tho electors of 33 ath to do that which , of course , they will not dream of doing , and constitute him their representative burgess ? He would , to the end of his parliamentary career , be a dumb and wasted man , utterly uiiablo to copo with the spirit of tho House of Commons , deprived of his real vocation ,
so honourable in itsolf , and devoted to another in which it would bo impossible that ho should succeed . The constituent classes in America , which may be supposed to understand well enough the workings of Liberal institutions , never commit tho mistake oi qualifying for the Legislature , by their votes , tlic parallels of Mr . UnNny Vincent and Mr . Ehnkbt Jonicb . If these politicians have a sphere of usefulness , as lady lecturers call it , that sphere lies outside of tho House
programme . We wish all success to Mr . Coningieam , and we would remind the electors of Brighton that he is the man to raise their ' const ituency-to" an important political rank . Lambeth appeal * 3 . to be perplexed by the candidatures of Mr . Wilkinson , Mr . Wiiiiiam Wixxiams , and Mr ; UouPEi / Li It would be satisfied , perhaps , to elect all three , but that being impossible , it is necessary to make a selection . Mr . Will . tams has been
more assiduous than Mr . WiiiKiNson in attending to his Parliamentary duties , but both are Liberals . Then why not re-elect both ? it may be asked . Because we believe Mr . Wilkinson has too often by his votes or by his absence neutralized Mr . Williams . Because we should like to see Mr . Eofpell returned to the Parliament of 1857 . He is a local man , of considerable practical experience ; a known Reformer , active , intelligent , devoted to his principles , and likely , we think , to render good service to the Liberal cause in , the House of
Commons . Moreover , Mr . Hou p ell is gaining ground in Lambeth , and is likely to outstrip at least one of his opponents at the poll . We attach no importance to such a candidature as that affected by Mr . James Hanna . y iu an address to the electors of Dumfries . Ilia sole claim upon their confidence is that lie was born there ; but if that be a claim there
might be a good many candidates for London . As far as wo know anything of Mr . Hannay he is addicted to genealogical studies , and to voyages of discovery among tho classics , a very genial occupation for an adult student .- Most ; men , however , have forgotten all that tho now candidate for Dumfries seems to have detected in . Pjsjisius and Marti ax . However , his feudal aud classical
principles may have conciliated the Mansfield , Queunskeiiuy , and Buooi / eugii infiucnceB , though wo rather doubt it . Twice , in former days , did a gentleman of the same nanio start for Dumfries—in 1832 and in 1835 — and on both occasions ho was particularly well beaten . But wo were referring to politicians , to candidates whose pretensions are serious . Mr . Cox and Serjeant Patiry , in Finsbury
, have tangible cluiina upon tho electors , who arc still amused , however , by the fantastic syntax of Major Kerb , though ho might amuse them still more by describing how ho was returned as a Conservative by a hundred and twenty-live British free and independent , at A . bingdon . They heard of that fact , howover , from Serjeant Parky . Mr . John Sxaitibton ia a promising Liberal aapirant at Berwick ; at Canterbury Mr . Pvnton
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March 21 , 1857 . ] THE LEADEB , 277
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 21, 1857, page 277, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2185/page/13/
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