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A COURT PARTY . Those "who watch closely the moves of the political game would not be surprised to discover that Lord PAiiM ^ JBSTOiir has resorted to certain "peculiar tactics in order to strengthen his position as First Minister . Whether by design or fortuitously , his policy has been very successful in limiting the independent action of the House of Commons . It is fortunate for him . that he happens to concur , on some points , with that ' mysterious personage' mentioned by Mr . Ltgon , '
wishes everything to be transferred "to Kensington / and whose speeches have just been published , members of Parliament being solicited by circular to take copies . It is , probably , untrue that the National Gallery is to be removed ; but will any member of the House ask whether any resolution has been formed with respect to the Vernon collection P It may not be long before the VEukoir pictures are among the Kensington
trees . Lord Pai / merston may not be aware of it , of course ; but undoubtedly he , in this way , ingratiates himself with H . I& . H . — -for the present . It is no reproach to Lord GJ-baitviiiiiE to describe him as Courtly ; he is essentially of the WindsoT-Castle party , and since he became K . O ., has been toucningly petted . Now , what is the connexion between this almost royal Earl and the Yiseount at the head of the Government ? More intimate
than public . May he not be a link between the Premier and his powerful friend ? and , as Lord Paxmehston has turned upon Lord John HtjsseIjIi , may not Earl Granvxl : le be glad to avenge himself upon the forward Whig , in whose interest he was once deposed from , the Presidentship of the Council ? Here is a glimpse of Camarilla combinations , especially when another courtly politician becomes an embryo Educational Minister , and stands with his back to the pseudo-Liberal Premier , and his affable face to the "WTiigs . We know not what
permanent advantage Lord PaiiMERSton can anticipate from his sudden Hqyal Highness ' alliance ; is he not afraid , when he has served a purpose , of being pinned to the wall ' like a ( political ) rat behind the arras , ' and deprived at once of courtly influence as well as of popularity ? But the one object of his life is to . govern Parliament , and Parliament , this session , has been meek indeed . Does the public suppose that the loss of his Oaths Bill is a grief to the Premier ? Possibly it is ; but he is too perfect a master of tact not to perceive what benefit he may derive from the impracticable portion of the Tories . The rejection of the Jew Bill is a bar against Lord Dejbby ' s return to office . While that
question remains unsettled the Whigs are safe ; and why should a Whig Minister go out of his way to remove the bar , by forcing the Oaths Bill through Parliament , and releasing Lord I > bebt aud Mr . " WaiiIPOIiE from a situation of impossibility ? Thus , for the present , the Tories have locked themselves out by establishing an irreconcilable contradiction between themselves and a standing majority of the House of Commons . They might find a loophole in the Xords , although Lord Djsbby is a bad manager , and not so ambitious as his
lieutenants . But there is a Liberal opposition ? TJndouibtedly , with Mr . Roebuck manoeuvring in front and breaking- the force of every shock . It is either hia plan or his fate to strengthen the Government by every move he makes ; he leads a sham opposition in which the good men are swanvpedi , and from him Ldrd jPalmerston has nothing to fear . We trust that the 3 ftrst Lord is not insensible to these advantages—closo and confir ^ lential relationship with the Court , the Tories ' reduced to impracticability , the Liberals , for
the most part , bewildered , because the member for whom it was agreed last winter to form a following is doing ministerial work , and throwing his party into a state of discouragement and confusion . Probably , Mr . Koebuok : understands by this time , that a number of the more spirited Liberals have systematically thrown him off , and are acting in total independence of him or the twice
dwindling band of retainers wnom or thrice each session he leads into a hole . On the occasion of the Persian debate Mr . Disraeli alluded to him in covert terms as the member who managed the Liberals for the Government . We know not who has been served by the Persian and Jewish votes , and by almost « very other move of the session , if not the Premier .
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RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT . Amon g the ' distinguished emigrants' have sought refuge in the colonies , without causing that move to be mentioned among the fashionable departures , has been that somewhat parvenu party ' Responsible Grovernment . ' In the quietness of his going he only conforms to the usage of gentlemen in embarrassed circumstances , but he is decidedly gone , or is packing up . Several events prove it . "We have very able , kindhearted , well-informed men at the head of affairs , but they are not at present ^ Parliamentary men . They are of the bureaucratic order . That is , we must necessarily watch them with jealousy . Our Premier , bred in the foreign Office , is only Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Republic in the New Houses of Parliament . He is an excellent fellow , and knows when to win by Fabian forms of attack ; for , like Milton ' s Eve , he is never so overcoming as when yielding . Sir De Lacy Evans brought forward his resolution , shaved down to the most ' practical ' unobtrusiveness , for introducing ' competitive
examination' as the rule on the admission of young men to the army . He was met by WiiiLiAMS or Ears , and even by Windham of the Uedan , in a somewhat pooh-poohing strain , and might easily have been thrown out , though still detrimentally struggling . But he was to be perfectly quieted ; and who could do it so well as the Premier himself ? Instead of repulsion , he was met half way ; Lord Paimebston offered to accept the competitive principle for the staff ,
though not for the whole army . This was not done coldly or reluctantly , but in a really cordial manner ; and what was the consequence P Sir Djej Laoy Evans ' s resolution was converted into one of approval of the Government . It has been the same in other things . The Cabinet keeps ahead of the Administrative Reformers , and has bankrupted the joint-stock association set up for that special business . We get a number of improvements from the contractors who now do for us on the
Treasury Bench , and their name stands high , and will stand high , as supplying useful reforms ; of which several are always kept on hand . But we are not sure that the effect is the best politically . The Government does what it must or what it likes . It cedes to the House of Commons without the least pride , but expects the Quid pro quo—the House must occasionally yield in turn .
Mutual concession is the rule ; but it is a game at which two can not play equally , especially when it is carried on between one long head , and six hundred and fifty odd , long , short , square , round , of all sizes and shapes , and easily set at loggerheads . The fact is , that the House of Commons ought to bo the final arbiter in all things sav-o state prosocufcictas , which go to the Lord ® , * m& in distribution of honours , which belong to the Orovrn ;
but by the new practice of a commonplac e virtue , the House is getting to share the disposal of public affairs with the Cabinet , 01 authorities behind the Cabinet . There are some striking instances . Som ebody has resolved to found a Museum of Patents at Kensington : who is it ? The question was put in the House by Mr . Ltgokt .
" Who is the mysterious personage ? " JSTo answer whatever was given to this qnestion Who bought the Kbxtger collection of pictures ? No answer ; yet , on the new principle of going halves in authority over the public property , the House gave the money for these unauthorised proceedings . Politeness is undermining its independence . It is understood that the Vernon' collection is to
followto the ' Court Suburb , ' Kensington ; and some say the National Grallery also . Now , who wants these things to be taken out of town , six , or seven , or « ight miles from working men ' s quarters ? Not the Public , whose property they are ; Hot Parliament , trustee for the public property ; not Pai , merston , who really does not care about it . What peccant P . is it that is walking off with our things ? Ministers won ' t even tell us , and the House of Commons has lost the courage either to demand disclosure « , nd discontinuance . This indicates some progress in
demoralization * Even the Ministerial submissions may be turned to account . Lord Naas forces Ministers to accept an arrangement for the Civil Service , of a kind which the Cabinet does not really approve , and Lord PaIiMEEston gives in . Now this is not quite proper . A Ministry should not consent to accept any measure which it conscientiously ^ disapproves ; and there are only two courses in the case of such a uroiect beiner pertinaciously offered
to Ministers—one , if the measure is unimportant , to defer ib until another Government is in power ; the other , if the measure is important , for the Minister to resign . By the present arrangement the House of Commons beeomes responsible ; it is placed in a false position ; and the Cabinet has a concession set down on the credit side of its account , which is really of no value to the public , but will enable the Cabinet to demand some other concession . Possibly some other foreign marriage , with a dowry and an allowance , adverse to every interest of the
British people . The principle of bartering mutual concessions belongs to a certain class -of statesmanship ; it is the same class which has for its idol ' the Balance of Power in Europe . ' The ( Balance of Power' means the arrest of antagonistic principles in Europe ; it means , for instance , the prevention of any process for extending constitutional government on the Continent . It means , not to let Sardinia rise j not to let Austria fall ; not to let Russia encroach , but yet not to crush her . Imperial France is about to visit Osborne , s say to reassure our virtuous Queen on the subject
of the alliance ; for there has been a suspicion that France would subserve the purposes ot Russia in India . England is in difficulties just now , and France is to be magnanimous . It is not easy to shut out the idea that France would be rather pleased if a concession were nrade on our side—if not an equivalent , at least some trifle ; eucb , for
instance , as the -expulsion of political refugees . It is a qiadpro quo in which the profit woula be all on this side , at least in the official view—^ Trance to guarantee India against Russia , England to guarantee France against MAZzitri and Lepjut Roi < i-isr . _ How do we stand on those points ? ^ ° cannot get the slightest informatiou . Information , in fact , is about the last thing vre can get . The Commons are losing th « s
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<— «« THU LEABES / . . £ Na . 383 ,, Atotjst 1 , 1867 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 1, 1857, page 734, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2203/page/14/
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