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to Jtave weted mMs patrttdnsaitary tenacity in . behalf of his client , * nd so to haveinfhnged the privileges of the House ; and in . evidence ofthis chatge two sums , 300 / . and 2000 ? ., are sworn to have been paid to him for Ms good offices , in inducing either the Board of Control -or the IKrectors of the Company bo send out a despatch to India reinstating the Ameer in his lands , and to enable him , Mr . Butt , to go out to India to complete the affair . Mr , Boat ' s exertions in behalf of the Ameer are testified by Mr . Vjebnon Smith , Mr . Majskles , and Sir James Hogg . It -was he who advised and
arranged the petition to the House , which was presented by himself in June , 1856 ; and in June and July he Was in constant communication with the chiefs of the Board of Control and of the East India Directorate . It would appear to have been at his instance that Mr . Vernost Smith was induced to interfere with the decision of the lieadenhall-street Board , which was opposed to making any change in the judgment confiscating the lands of the Ameer . Mr . Vernon Smith thought that the Ameer had been too severely dealt with ; in deference to his views the East India Directors agreed to write to India concerning : tie Ameer ; wnile they
recommended him to return at once to India , and to show by his good behavionr that he was worthy of having the sentenee relaxed . The recommendation was sent to the Ameer , who immediately prepared to act upon it by taking his departure for India , but the letter or despatch to the Indian Government concerning him was never sent . According to Mr . Edward Coffey , the Ameer was led by Butt to suppose that the document had been sent to India and had reinstated him in his lands ; and it was for obtaining the document that Mr . Butt was paid the large sum of money stated . Mr . TJutt ' s answer to the charge is that , upon the arrival of the Ameer Axi Moorad in England , VUV ulaai t- * A W * u * iv < ii r I' i a ¦ 'i I : ¦ t'r ¦¦ ----¦¦ — ¦ - - - ***¦ - ¦^ j- »^» ¦*«¦« ' ¦» - " ¦ " » -j
. ' Mr . Edward CJoffey was introduced to him by Mr . James Coetey , his brother , and consulted him as to tiie best course to be taken with regard to the object of the Ameer ' s journey to this country . Mr . Butt advised the presentation of a petition to the House , and a petition was accordingly prepared and presented by him on the ^ £ 2 nd of June . Shortly afterwards he gave notice in the House that he would call attention to the petition on the occasion of going into committee on the Indian Budget ; but he was prevented from bringing on a discussion of the subject by the interference of the Spea-XER on a point of order . On a subsequent occasion he moved for papers referring
to the Ameer ' s case . Later still , when there was a talk of presenting a petition from the Ameer to the new Parliament , Mr . Butt considered that it would be ill-advised in him to present the petition , as there might be a prejudice against him in the House for the Tote he had given on the China question ; and from that time he considered the > , case taken out of Whs hands . At a later period " it was suggested that the Ameer should return to India , and then , in the expectation that the Ameer ' s claims would receive attention from the Indian
Government , it was suggested by Mr . Coitey that Mr . Butt should go to India to conduct the Ameer ' s case , for which service the Ameer offered to give him 10 , 000 / ., —3000 / . before leaving England , and the remainder of the sum secured upon bills payable in India . This offer , after sbme hesitation , and after consulting various friends , legal and Parliamentary , Mr . jBtrpr » t length determined to accept . Thus the arrangement , according to Mr . Butt , was made solely in his legal capacity , and without reference to either : past or future services in the House of Oommons .
The resolutions of the select committee are to the effect that Mr . Btjtt did not enter into any corrupt agreement with the Ameer to prosecute his cause m trie House of Commons in consideration of receiving a certain reward in money ; that he did , in the month of July , 1857 , enter into an agreement with the Ameer to go to India to assist him to regain his lands , in consideration of the Amoor undertaking to pay him 10 , 000 / . j that ho did , between the month "df *^ rwBierl 856 raitd-the-month-ofwSeptombor ,, 1857 ,
assist the Ameer , and have on his behalf frequent Sjraonal communications with the President of the oard of 'Control and with the Chairman of the Board of Directors ; that , on the 11 th of August , he 'did receive from the Ameer the sum of 800 / ., but'tfhtit'it hns not been shown that such payment had-at * y reference to any proceedings in Parliament . ' 9 eld ( dM / perhaps , has any judnoial inquiry ro-SultcU * hx a dfeciaioa more completely accordant with the lhetits of ' the case and with what will bo the genwdl wishes « f the public . We do not suppose
there Can be much doubt upon the facts or their character ; Mr . Btttt ' s best friends wiH-scarcely argue that he had restrained himself to a course of conduct which was above misconstruction . Yet there are many reasons why a condemnation would have been so painful as to be generally lamented . The case for the prosecution was anything but clean ; the principal witness stood himself in the odious position of being a participator in the acts inculpated , an unfaithful servant , and an informer . There was every appearance on that side of an attempt to strain the facts to make them look worse than they really are . Mr . Butt is eminent in his profession , he is esteemed as a politician who has been in the main consistent without being
bigoted ; he is a man of very agreeable personal qualities , and is much liked . For an Isaac Butt to be condemned on the evidence of an Edward Cofpey would have been a case of flagrantly unpoetical justice , if justice rt could be called . Everybody will rejoice , therefore , that the case against Mr . Butt fell short of producing a conviction ; at the same time , it is advantageous , for the public that conduct of the kind should be dragged to light , and should be marked by a reprobation which it challenges . It is no excuse to say that many men in the House of Commons hold at once the position of members acting for the country at large and of advocates pleading , with more or less tact , with more or less 3 kill in evasion , the cause of
private clients who pay them . It is no excuse for them to say that Mr . Butt brought that equivocal combination of functions under a glare of publicity by a want of tact and discretion . The risk which he has run has shown at last that such conduct is dangerous ; and if other men will follow up the duty that Mr . Rohbuck has so manfully fulfilled in this case , a reform may be worked in the House of Commons scarcely inferior to Lord Robert " Grosvenor ' s plan for suppressing cabs and banners at elections .
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BRITISH MUZZLES AND MAD POODLES . It certainly gives some sort of popular corroboration to the assertion so frequently made that Lord Pal-MEHSTOiT embroils whomsoever he profess ^ s to extricate , when we find him undertaking to vindicate the English people from complicity with assassination by such a silly prosecution as the one we last week noticed . Against French despatches and French colonels Lord . Pa ^ M-Erston resolved to defend us , and virtually pledged the House of Commons to pass an impromptu bill , which was to show to all nations concerned the strength and sincerity of
British detestation of plots of violence and principles of blood , which had been hastily , and unwarrantably imputed to us . Simultaneously with this laudable proceeding , he instructs the upright and estimable counsel to the Treasury , for whom personally we have great respect , to elevate * 240 , Strand , ' " before the eyes of the world as one of those c dens of assassins' which the clairvoyant colonels of the Moniteur had frantically surmised . Following in this irake of ridicule , Lord Debut , with characteristic zeal , is about to Bodkinizc * 39 , Rupertstreet , ' on account of a Lettre au Parlement ct a la Presse , " which scarcely half a dozen Englishmen
would ever have heard of but for his Lordship s pompous announcement . This is the very conduct on the part of the Crown which will give to other nations precisely the impression that the late Conspiracy \ Bill was ostensibly designed to correct . These wanton , petty , and idle proceedings will bo likely to persuade the world that assassination is after aH an ingredient in John Bull ' s political diet . The least you expect from a Prime Minister is , that he shall have a decent respect for the character of the people whom , ho represents , and that he at least shall not aid in tlieir defamation before the world . Has Mr . Tb . uei . ovb ' dangerous political sentiments P * Is 'W . E . Adams * a ' disaffectedpartyP '
Does Rupert-street represent any possible section of English politicians P xet this is what these trum-Eery proceedings indicate , if they indicate anything ut , fussiness _ aftdioUy .. _ J ^ h , on , the French colonels arrive at Charmg-cross , what a rush they" will make at 240 , Strand !—numbor one of the ' dens of assassins' discovered by Pamukrston , and revealed to the astonished denizens of London . What will bo the coming colonels' disgust at finding ft most tamo second-hand book-shop—a plaster bust of JTrankmn over the window , and a dop 6 t of that very safe and innocuous philanthropy which Mr . Robert Owen posts quarterly to Hek Majesty and Prince Axtjert . The turpitude of the political soliool to which Teublovb belongs is to be measured by the
Millennial Gazette , which , we Irave heard , is regularly forwarded to Buckingham Palace , with equal regularity courteously acknowledged in a letter to Mr . Owen ( the venerable Gazetteer ) on the part of Her Majesty , and , we may be permitted to add , never read . Our Imperial ally will live long enough if never assailed by any more formidable bombs than those which issue from 'three doors West of Temple-bar . ' Did the solemn debating society meeting at the ' Egg and Tea-spoon cofieeshop , Watery-row , when they , with boisterous
enthusiasm stimulated by cocoa at ' three halfpence per pint , ' requested 'W . E . Adams' to publish his penny rabies on 'Tyrannicide , imagine that they were about to disturb the slumbers of the Tuileries , and endanger the stability of the British alliance with our gallant neighbours ? Surely this transcends all storms in a teapot ever heard of . The levity of Lord Palmekston has of ten been the subject of grave complaint , but never did rollicking Premier poke such idle fun at the Gallic cock as this . Whether Lord Dekjby will
think it becoming the dignity of the new Government to continue this wretched farce time will show . In all seriousness , however , it becomes the duty of the public to take care that out of this folly spring no danger . Tampering with the press , while juries arc under a false excitement , may lead to mischief , and it would be well if some perfectly constitutional and legal organization , in no way identifying itself with the sentiments or tenor of any wild or wanton publication , nor holding
itself responsible in any degree for the barking of mad dogs , should take care that liberty of speech in London be not assimilated to the state it is in in Paris by the tendencies of any possible trial . British liberty of speech is not secured to us by positive law so much as by the atmosphere of public opinion , and every precaution should be exercised , without compromise or relaxation , tp keep that opinion , our national safeguard , instructed , vigilant , sound , and free from stain or flaw .
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THE BEGINNING AND END OF THE ROYAL BRITISH BANK . In the early part of 1848 , a number of gentlemen from various parts of the United Kingdom found themselves drawn together by the attractive force of an idea . The leading persons among these were , Mr . Mettzees , the man to whom the idea belonged , and who Lad some time previously held an appointment in the General Register House at Edinburgh ; Mr . Mulxins , a solicitor ; Mr . Edward Moxhay , the owner of the magnificent commercial premises , known as the Hall of Commerce ; Joair Macg regor , Esq ., M . P . for the city of Glasgow , and formerly Secretary to the Board of Trade ; Mr . James Godfrey Elster , late a partner in a house in the Baltic trade ; and some others of less note . The idea which had attracted these gentlenujn was nothing else than the formation of a London . ' Joint-Stock Bank upon a system , at work in Scotland , of cash credits , ' and exceedingly advantageous to the tradesman , for whose convenience , in foot , it was proposed to found the bank . At a meeting of the above-named worthies , hold at tho house oFMuluns on the 8 th of November , the ' idea' was elaborately expounded by tho honourable member for Glasgow , aud all present pledged themselves to work it out . Operations were immediately commenced , and for some time carried on with more energy than success . But at length , directors , manager , servants , fine building , nnesounding name , a good deal of money subscribed , everything , but as much money as was desired , was secured , and the Royal British Bank ws lairly wider weigh .
... . ., , Here -was introduced a second idea , * clever , ' but dangerous . Not having sufficient money even to obtain a charter , the directors , without hesitation , pretended that the money was collected . At tlio actual commencement of business on the opening of tho bank in November , 1849 , its working oawW did not amount to more than 17 , 000 / . or 18 , 000 / . ¦ ' One'Vflio-was-behind-lhe ^ swnes ^ iias ^ xptocii that the " paid-up capital of 50 , 000 ; ., required by the Act of Parliament , was reduced by preliminary expensca and coat of buildings , with ftttmgs-up , &c , to the above sum , of which a great portion was said to have been borrowod from a well-known establishment and repaid from tho deposits , s » 0 ™ v after tho purpose that rendered the loan mcuspenanble had been served . " , , ,, With its merely protended paid-up capital uio Royal British Bank would havo had a short exist-
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1 g £ 3 THE Ii E A P IE ' R . [ No . 415 , March 6 , 1868 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 6, 1858, page 230, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2233/page/14/
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