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Leader (1850-1860), 9th October 1858, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1063, Untitled Article

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      leets and powers may become as formidable as a arirc power . The writer goes onto state :--there are sinister indications which manifest the exstenee of other designs" in the mind ' of tha French ruler , ind Cherbourg is one of these . . ' ' ¦ . ., „ ¦ , And then lie refers to an article m the Revue des Deux Mondes , in which the writer says that " mease rrance does not possess herself of the dominion of " sea" —this is significant— "it would be imprulent for her to concentrate her principal naval esources at Cherbourg—her squadrons would only

      , e in safety at Toulon or Brest . " Commenting on his article , " A Prussian" declares : — The lessons of 1813 and 1815 have been lost on the artisans of' Napoleonism . Not only the military spirit f France , so dangerous to the peace of Europe , is , in pite of all its final failures , and in spite of the general eaceable and commercial character of the age , again wake , and springs forth in the petitions , addresses , and ther warlike manifestations of the soldiery ; but even ie old revolutionary idea of bringing deliverance to ther nations makes again its appearance , and tries to itch the vain and credulous multitude .

      This is indisputable . The author of the pamlilet ridicules in no measured terms the pretence hich rrance will most probably put forth for de-. aring war— that France comes to other nations , and ) England especially ,, " not as a conqueror , but as deliverer , " who is to " free the masses from ie oppressive English aristocrac y * ' who lead . a lyous life in the midst of general misery , and ^ a Dpulation wanting bread , clothing , and shelter . '' "A Prussian" thus strips the veil from this hollow etence : —

      If anything , the government of Louis Napoleon has i tirely extinguished , in the nations of the Continent , the ) pe that any assistance to freedom will come to them om France . Though many institutions of England are range and unnatural to continental life , yet the Contisrit beholds in the principles on which English political " rests , the true road to freedom and prosperity , lould Louis Napoleon dare to attack England , he may \ sure that the democrats of Europe will not be blinded r his cry of universal suffrage , and that all that is jeral and patriotic on the Continent , Constitutionalist Republicanwill rally against him .

      , . Referring to the number of pamphlets recently sued from the French press , under the . eye of our faithful ally , " all urging war with England , the llowing sensible remarks arc made : — Is it not one of the many signs that there are still Lve in one portion of the French people the old feeling jealousy and hatred , and that the Government of ance , whilst professing friendship and good-will toirds England , far from suppressing those feelings , lows , them to be fostered and to grow . Almost every y brings fresh complaints from English correspondents ,

      at the most hostile writings against this country are lowed to be spread through the provinces . In vain e organs of commercial France try to assure England at these opinions are but the utterances of individual mphleteers . In vain they may protest against any jditated breach of friendship with the English people , ie wondrous instinct of the people of England , as well France , forebodes the coming storm . The French mphlcteer is right . All the people of Europe believe mlv that " Napoleon III . is meditating one of those ent deeds with which he has boforo tins astonished the

      > rld . " We recommend these remarks to the notice of c ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer . After showing that in both countries there exists war party- ^—we do not concur in tlio assertion at in this country any considerable body of indivilals desire war , but we arc ( irmly convinced , from jrsonal observation and knowledge , that a large irty exists in France with whom war with Englund ould bo welcome and popular—the writer says : — - Thoro ia another point of contest between the two tions—thoir national pride , wo muy say thoir national nity . Each boasts of bning the mightiest and greatest tion in the world , each prides herself of being at the ad of civilisation ; oach looks down upon tho other , tlona as upon inferior races , which nro destined to How her track . Tho unequalled glory of tho "

      Angloixon race" haunts tho English ae much as that of la grando nation" tho French , In vain other nations ntoiul that tho present ago is not like tho history of tiquity , whoro only ono nation was tho loader and lor of the world . In vain they assort that tlio present vilisution is divided amongot Bovorul narTons , which ur an oqual portion , though a different share in pruning tho progross of mankind . In vain thoy may claim that ono nation oxcoln in one , tho ' othor in other branch of civilisation . No , either tho French tho Angio-Siixon must bo on tho top ; oaoli in tho ghtiuet , tlio wisest , tho olovorost , tlio bravest , tlio most fllleort nation on earth . Wo do not entirely ngroo in' Iho exactitude those reflections . Wo clony thoro is this amount ; national vanity to be found among Englishmen .

      We believe , on the other hand , a little more practical vanity would be of advantage . We know of no race who will take , and does take , open abuse of themselves or their institutions so readily as Englishmen . The Anglo-Saxons are the only people who yield to others that superiority which they themselves may justly claim . Let any one enter a public meeting or a discussion society , and they will find that the most popular orators are those who abuse England and Englishmen the most , nd who glorify other nations at her expense .

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      THE PRUSSIAN REGENCY . The Crown Prince of Prussia still hesitates to assume the sceptre . Loud and vehement discussions as to his right to do so are week after week prolonged—the sober-minded indulging in no end of logical argumentation on the point , and the more energetic giving way to fierce taunts and bitter personalities . No better proof of the truly anarchic state of things which the present interregnum has begotten can perhaps be found than in the unwonted licence tacitly accorded to the press . For years past the censorship has been exercised

      inexorably over all political journals in Prussia , and were the King in his senses , or were his brother actually on the throne , no such latitfude as that now enjoyed by political writers of all descriptions would be suffered to exist for a day . In the all but total suspension , however , of royal authority , things are allowed to take their course , and the currents of opinion are permitted to ebb and flow as though there had never been a system of control based on right divine to order their wayward motions . The strangest part of it all is that the entire machinery of administrative absolutism

      remains standing and perfect , just as . it was when the kingly pendulum stopped . It seems to need but a touch to set it going _ again ; but the touch has not yet been given , and the German metaphysicians cannot make up their ' minds' about the point of spontaneous action . In other words , Prince William Henry demurs to the step of proclaiming himself Regent , and Baron Manteuffel and his colleagues demur to enacting the farce of advising the maniac monarch to appoint his brother Regent or to commit the fraud of ministerially countersigning a decree which their old master is incompetent to understand .

      Lord Thurloe and Mr . Pitt were troubled with no such qualms in 17 S 9 , The circumstances were in many respects jflcntical . George III . was as jealous of his heir as Frederick William ; and the English Queen was as obstinate and unmanageable as her Prussian Majesty . How long the interregnum might have lasted here , Heaven only knows . The ordinary business of Government going on as usual , and every now and then the Keeper of the Great Seal coolly forging the royal sanction to groat acts of Stnte-r-for the public gobel or foivthe benefit

      of his party—had it not been for the existence of that Parliamentary clement 'in our systom of rule , winch Mr . Carlylc is thankful the Prussian monarchy during its uprise has never been troubled with , and which , no doubt , would have been a serious hindrance to the robber heroism of Frederick the Great antt his progenitors . After kcoping the King secluded for some months , Mr . Pitt came down to Parliament with a Regency Bill , and with certain-reservations proposed to vest tho prerogatives of the Crown in the heir apparent . Why , it may bo asked , docs not Mr . ManteuHel take a similar course and convoke the Prussian

      Chambers , such as they are , for the purpose ? The answer is plain and obvious . Whatever his own opinions on right divine or the theory of monarchic succession may be , we nmy be quite sure that his opinion regarding the futu . ro administration of Prussia is that ho should continue Minister ; but of this ho knows there is no chanco unless in tho present crisis ho bends to tlio humour of him who " shall bo King hereafter . " If tho Crown Prince desired to govern by a parliamentary titlo ho would throw no obstacle iii the wnv of such a convocation

      unless , indued , from tho exclusive and oligarchic composition of tho Chambers , wo fear , that an attempt might , successfully bo made tor make him only co-Regent , with the Queen—an offer which it would bo , lolly to expect him to accept . For years ho has consistently held aloof from the councils of his brother , because in foreign policy they were ovcrb ' orno by the influence of Russia ; and of that influence the consort of Frederick William was the indefatigable instrument and agent , It is therefore

      quite conceivable that the Upper House , whose predominant sympathies have hitherto been considered Russian , and that possibly a majority of the Lower Chamber likewise , elected as it has been by a narrow constituency and under direct , official interference , might refuse to create a Regency such as he would or ought to undertake ; and if this be so , it explains what to us may seem at first sight so unaccountable at the present juncture . There are not wanting those , however ,. who assert * we fear with too much reason , that the Prince is at heart averse to the idea of resting his future authority on any constitutional sanction .

      He has long been accustomed to look forward to the succession to the crown by hereditary right . If he should not outlive his brother , he has habitually learned to feel secure that Ms son would succeed to the throne by the same undebatable title . Now that he has unexpectedly been called on to ascend , its steps in the physical lifetime of his mentally defunct brother , he finds it hard to ask leave of those whom he believes that he was born to govern . And this apparently is why lie does not terminate all doubt and controversy by proclaiming himself Regent under the fifty-sixth section of the constitution , which declares that ., in case the king , for the

      time being , shall be a minor , or otherwise incapable , the nearest agnate of the royal blood shall be Regent of his kingdom . Prince William Henry , as is well known , ' has steadily refused on all occasions to conceal his disapproval of the constitution . Passively , he has indeed been forced to acknowledge it ; and it can hardly be supposed that he contemplates any coup d ' etat for its peremptory suppression . Perhaps , like another Royal Highness , he would condescendingly affect to say that " representative institutions are upon their trial . " But while for peace or policy sake he may be induced to tolerate the experiment a little longer , he cannot

      brook the notion of assuming the sceptre of his ancestors by virtue of parliamentary law . Proud and inflexible , candid and wrong-headed , unambitious , but unyielding , lie lias been content to spend his life in loyal and ' irugal retirement lather than trouble the councils , of his country by thrusting his advice or service upon them . And nov , when those councils are paralysed and there is need of his presence and aid , he is as ready to take the most responsible place , only it must be on his own terms . It is difficult not to feel a certain sentiment of respect for the consistency and simplicity of character which marks the man , and it is impossible to deny that in a private

      station he is just the sort of person whom his fellows would sjieak well of as a straightforward , independent , honourable member of society . But unfortunately these are not the only qualities requisite in a sovereign , nay , they are quite consistent with the existence of oUicrs calculated to make his path one of peril , and his reign one of woe . The incapacity to comprehend tlie situation in which he is politically placed , and the refusal to accept it , are faults more fatal in a king than a thousand meannesses and foibles . James II . was unquestionably a far more conscientious man

      than his corrupt and prolligatc brother ; yet Charles II . reigned merrily over England for threennd-twenty years , and to the day of liis death could ramble about the parks wit It no other attendants than his favourites and his spaniels , while in little more than four years James contrived to enlist against him the Church and tho army , the nobles and the mob , and found it no easy matter to escape out of the kingdom with Us life ; so true it is that a man to be thoroughly mischievous in a political station must bo thoroughly honest . We do not wish to utter auguries of ill regarding the future ruler of Prussia , but we own that we regard his present equivocal conduct , niul the motives whiok . are belioved to govern it , with grove misgivings .

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      LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND LORD DERM . Some of our contemporaries have lately occupied themselves in discussing tho question , whether Lord Derby and Lord John Russell huyo been putting their licails tog-ethor in the ooncoctiou of a now Reform Bill . On the ono hand , it is made tliosubieot of bitter reproach to Lord John that he should have boon inquired of on such n sAiWooft * by the head of tho present , Government i ft »" . s ( jU mor 0 so that he should have responded in a Hank and friendly tone to such n eoiiimumcation . Ho ought to " have , liku a staunch \ lug , refused peremptorily to give any aid or help ton lory Minister ; for , by doing so , he lessons tho dit-

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      Ho . 446 . October 9 , 1858 . 1 THE LJADEE .

      1063

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 9, 1858, page 1063, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2263/page/15/