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THOUGHTS, VACTS, AHD H»
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learned societies are in almost all cases nearly the same The great and signal efforts of the liuinan mind , and bj the results of which in after years society has thought itself honoured , have shown themselves in so unobtrusive shapes as to occasion wonder that men so signally gifted should not have attracted more attention in their own times . It is the operation of the same principle which accounts for the breaking up of societies formed originally for the development of results on a grand scale into sectional bodies confining their attention to questions having only a limited range of
observation . The business of the meeting-rooms of too many societies lias assumed more the character of a lecture in which effect is aimed at rather than sound scientific disquisition ; the consequence is , that severe and accurate thinkers are driven away and disgusted . Finding important subjects handled so loosely and often their own more philosophical labours thrown into the shade by the gilded gingerbread made for the market throng , they are eventually driven to the unwise expedient of forming an independent institution to embrace more genial spirits than they can discover in the parent society .
It is here the mischief , first engendered before the dismemberment took place , now shows itself in its worst forms . Every scientific body needs subscriptions to support it , a canvas for members becomes immediately necessary / the scientific standard or test of membership has to be lowered , the promoters soon exhaust their own stock of genuine discoveries and valuable papers , still , as the new society must keep up its meetings in imitation of the old , whatever offers itself must be read , to entertain the audience in the best way possible . Instead , therefore , of having well-digested scientific papers ' at these meetings ,
they are too often of but a crude and fragmentary character . Taylor ' s , Calendar contains a list of no less than thirty-seven scientific societies in the metropolis . It is utterly impossible for all of them to acquire sufficient funds , after providing for ordinary expenses , to leave a surplus which shall be adequate to vigorously prosecute original inquiries . The evil originated in the parent societies themselves . If proper care had been taken to bring forward for reading—whatever else may be doneT > y way of publication—only such communications as were of decided worth and ability , the best men would have been proud of such a distinction , and even membership itself would have been more prized , greater financial strength gained , and the cause of science would have been more effectually promoted .
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BIOGRAPHIES OF GERMAN PRINCES . No . VII . LOUIS HI ., GRAND-DUKE OF HESSEDARMSTADT . The reigning Graud-Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt—at present m his fifty-third year—first assumed power in March , 1848 , as co-Kegent with his father . A few mouths afterwards he succeeded him , and became sole sovereign . Before the revolutionary year , he scarcely exercised any influence whatever in governmental affairs ; and this is , indeed , the greatest eulogy that we are able to pass on . his life previous to 1848—for in the epoch preceding that year of popular movements the Grand-Duchy of Hesse-Darmstadt , similar in this respect to its neighbour , Hesse-Casscl , was the chosen spot of the most infamous exercise of princely rule in
Germany . . ¦ The education given to young Louis was not ot a character to impress on him any very sacred obligations of morality . His father led a life which was far from serving " to point a moral , or adorn a tale ; " and the consequences of the parental courses had been an enormous accumulation of debt , requiring frequent application to the Legislature lor tiie means of liquidating- ; applications which , however , met with a refusal . The political ^ the Pnnce
amples held before the cyos of young were equally bad . The old Grand-Duke , from tk very first year of his rule , pursued a course o policy whicli necessarily ended m the >» ost flagrant crimes . In fact , no sooner had he mounted J throne than he rendered himself odious ^ Chamber by his insolent demands of public money for the payment of his private excesses , and 1 mem to the people by the ferocious and sangu nar manner L'Jbieh L oucllcd in . 1830 , some . in » g £ ficant outbreaks of dissatisfaction among the inn * bitants of a few amall frontier places . mi .- ™ i . « i « ™;™ nf ihn former Grand-PuKc ims tcuo
, indeed , spent in the carrying out measures ot against the Liberal and Democratic party . Butiaw German principalities afforded example of so ^ Jg victims being offend up ~ of so ' »» / f" ft prisoned or driven forth to doatU and W £ lc . cruel proceedings against the . ^ "J ^ minded Wcidigf the Protestant » ' ^ ^ Uagio gleen , and his associ ate s , form one of the n o « ^ episodes of criminal justice . ? 5 » " . bbound high treason by the Grand-Duke or havn \ y « of in * the great cause of . the unity » ndguoo | o Germany on a democratic basis , » ' » 3 j £ ° the that hyina m human form , the Gauno lor « ^ Upper Tribunal , Gcorgi , a man by »» l " * rthor ferocious disposition , and whoso ferocity was k increased b / fiU of insanity , bw ^ TiSniA delirium trbmens . To this man was * liaCa the custody of ( ho political pnsouois . Xio v {{ m upon thorn tortures , unknown eve m * ^ dingcons , and which can only bo comparea ^ capo di aihnzio of Neapolitan prispnj- ^^ Germany was , horrified at ll 0 aPII / 1 ?( l t Tif : torrnWW unable any longer to boar up a S'V „ nfo Ho wftS inflicted on him , put an end to h si no . . found dead in his cell , drenched infos woow »
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given to sonie particular parish of Birmingham , or the Tower Hamlets , excited meetings will . no doubt , be held in the localities he ^ / happens to favour , and unanimous resolutions in favour of petitioning in support of the amendment will be passed amidst " tremendous cheering , " not unaccompanied , probably , with a supplementary vote that in case it be rejected Messrs . Scholefield and Bright , Messrs . Ayrton and Butler , be earnestly requested to throw out the Bill on the third reading . But the rest of the nation will look on at the ' fierce local contention with far different feelings . They will simply laugh at the vehemence of the conflict , and quietly pooh-pooh V VMVUSVMVV W <» »»»»^ w v - — ——r 9 . A w A
^ the indignant threat to kill the cow if she does not yield the additional pint , of milk . Nor will the repetition some forty times over of similar contro versy tend to generate national indignation , or even co-operative zeal , among widel y scattered localities . The obtaining of special privileges by a certain number of isolated and politically unorganised fragments of great towns is not a matter in which national sympathy will " ever be vigorously moved , and still less is it likely to be called forth , when clusters of hamlets and Villages , whose very names are unknown beyond the boundaries of their respective shires , are the claimants of representative prerogatives . Nor can it be reasonably anticipated that Government would be so . unwise as to advise that all the transfers of seats shall be
moral standard of requirements as they raise Z figure of election cost . It is truly deoloShL think that while Manchester , Sheffield S * S other places far less populous and wealthy , insist uSJ paying by voluntary subscriptions the exneuLTS the candidates of popular choice , the elections for th metropolis shouldhave becomea b y-wordfo rsltiunefol exaction . It is perfectly clear that so Ion- as tS present system continues , and that men are brou «> i t forward not for their proven merit or-service , Sot for their talents or worth , not for their wisdom o eloquence , but simply and merely because thev are supposed to be rich and squeezable , London can never hope to be efficiently represented . A handful of noisv and short-sighted tiiiKv . hnrii'ac . „ ,. ,
themselves the rjght of selecting candidates * and the mass of independent electors of every rank and station culpably surrender their equal rights in the matter . Good and able men , who mi ght and would become candidates , arc discouraged by the prevailing apathy , or deterred by the extravagant expense ; a contest ensues between two or more incompetent but prodigal men ; and then thousands who , it they had chosen to take but a little thought in the matter betimes , might have directed the whole affair otherwise , mutter in private their unavailing disgust , and flatter themselves they can wash their hands of all blame by not voting at all .
made either to new segments of counties , or new confederacies of . hamlets ; or new fractions of great cities . We may take for granted that they will recommend a little of each ; first , because that ' is plainly the right thing to do ; and next , because it is the only course that would have any show of fairness about it . The metropolis will , we presume , be awarded some six or eight additional members . Kensington and Chelsea would have constituted a new borough had the bill of 1854 been allowed to pass , and had not its author been bullied and hustled by the anti-Reformers , who then as now would have no
Bill at all . An equally strong case exists for the division of Marylebone , Finsbury , Tower Hamlets , and Southwark . Perhaps , on the whole , the best thing to be done would be to lay down anew the whole of the boundaries of metropolitan boroughs without regard to the map , already grown obsolete , of 1832 . It were simply absurd to suppose that a House of Commons like that now existing would ever seriously entertain the idea of giving London anything like the proportion of members it might claim on the strictly arithmetical rules of property and population . The capital is , and will always be , regarded with too much jealousy by the country at large to render such a concession obtainable ; and there is no doubt something to be said on the ground still
that proximity to the seat ot Government , ana more the tribunifcian power exercised by the press of the metropolis , render it less dependent on its parliamentary representatives for the protection of its local interests . Let it be frankly owned , however , that there is too much truth in the pica so often urged against increasing the number of metropolitan members , namely , that those already sent to Parliament are not , as a body , entitled to be regarded as true or fitting representatives of the greatest city in the world . Without sinerlincr out individuals as
ex-THOTJGHTS , PACTS , AND SUGGESTIONS QIC PARLIAMENTARY REFORM . No , VII . The question of redistribution of seats is confessedly that which presents the greatest amount of difficulty in the settlement of the Reform question . Prom all we hear of late we are disposed to believe that Ministers are ready to propose a great extension of the franchise ; and although two-thirds of the Liberal opposition may recommend the insertion of the ballot in the bill , they will not venture to refuse the measure after their
recommendation has been rejected . The most protracted struggle will be in committee on the boroughs enumerated in the schedule r s . To schedule A , which will , we presume , consist of an enumeration of the places no longer deemed worthy of separate or distinct representation , there may not be much resistance . JBut when we come to Schedule B , which , will probably contain the list of new constituencies , all the selfish interests and passions of family and of class will be called into action ; and we may consequently prepare to witness a long and doubtful struggle , It will , indeed , be a struggle
within the walls of Parliament , but one in whose issue far less concern than some persons imagine will be manifested out of doors . To the Duke of Norfolk and Earl de Grey nothing of course will be so interesting as the new appropriation of the seats for Arundel and Ripon j and if , as some suppose , Lord Derby means to suggest that the four or five nearest country towns to each shall with it constitute tke electoral wards of a new incorporate boropgh , every owner or ocoupant of property in theae will , of course , be full of new-born ambition and anxiety until the fatal clause in their behalf ahall have been decided . Should Mr . Bright move as an amendment that the sequestrated seats be
amples , one may safely assert that the metropolis has never of late years g iven satisfactory proof that it really valued the privileges it already possesses . It is notorious that with two or three exceptions its delegates to the Imperial Legislature have no weight there ; and it is painful to be obliged to add that , having regard to the wealth , skill , learning , moral energy ^ and intellectual refinement they affect to represent , they do not , as a class , deserve it . A habit has grown up during the last ten or fifteen years , whenever a vacancy occurs in any of the metropolitan boroughs , of privately hawking about the seat from one reckless or prodigal candidate to anotherThe scandalous sums , worse than
. wastefully spent in contests , tell but too p lainly the purpose of these preliminary negotiations , llie borough is virtually put up to auction without its knowledge or consent by some half-dozen individuals , who , though personally above the imputation of desiring to share thp plunder they exact , are not above the . weakness of desiring to have the scattering of it among their hangers-on and retainers . ITew men of political mark or worth will listen to their terms . They go to one after another of the class whose names are inscribed in the books of the wholesale member-inakers of the West-end , and lower their intellectual and
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• 1420 THE LEADER . [ No . 457 , December 24 . 1858 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 24, 1858, page 1420, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2274/page/20/
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