On this page
- Departments (1)
-
Text (3)
-
Untitled Article
-
• fi£htfiYMfJ*T (ff(\Y¥Ptift{\fti\{ i\\ffi ;V^.*(i.Jj*«-tw ^UM tapHWHU^t i ?
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
ainonrr the Working classes . know / : hpvr diffiV S Ft is to get even a moderate portion of ? Sm to uitef and yet when tee . iS any talk of Sir enfranchisement we find them spoken of as jf ^ hey were perfectly agreed m objects of ^ desire , and ni the choice of particular representatives to ?^ y them out . They themselves are . conscious t fSe same diversity and conflict upon disputable matters that other classes feel and hence they Sake similar provisions , and usually-exclude political and religious discussions from then ; only ^ important . organisations — their trade societies Robert Owen ' s career , offers another illustration of this diversity ; . for while Chartist oratorsTepresented ™ t ;*;™? nhancre as the one thino- needful , lie and
his followers repudiated an agitation for the suffrage , and were supported by a large body of working men in seeking to reform society exclusively by education and co-operation . Another portion of the fallacy which assumes working men to be . all alike , is , that tkey would unite in electing democratic candidates . Such reasbners forget what took place during the excitements which pre ^ ceded the Reform Billy ; when the most popular chiefs were Si ? - FrancisBurdetl , Henry Brougham , of Brougham , Lord Cochrane , Sir Samuel Kbmilly , and Major Cartwright , of the Cartwrfchts of Northamptonshire .
It is ° not Parliamentary reform that will make England democratic ; the people themselves are aristocratic , and there is more aristocratic feeling amongst the costerniorigers than in the House of Lords . ¦ . ¦ .. It is not wealth , it is not numbers , but enlightened opinion that should rule ; and if the educated classes will exert themselves to promote the formation of opinion , tliey will find this , task facilitated by a liberal political treatment pf the working mien .
Untitled Article
¦ . ¦ . —f —¦•* ¦ . •¦ ¦ . . - ¦ ' FRANCE . ¦ ' : . . . Paris , Thursday , 6 £ p . m . PROSPECT OF PEACE . This morning the jfyloniteiir was anxiously scanned for confirmation of the rumour , which has received almost official circulation , that the French occupation of Rome was to cease immediately . The Official journal of the Empire ismute ; but ere many days be passed' it will doubtless speak in tones and accents which will send , joy to many homes in France , and revive confidence in the wisdom and peaceful policy of the Emperor . The name of Prince Napoleon has , from gome cause or other * been put prominently forward as the advocate of war and as the enthusiastic partisan , at all risks , of Italian national in dependence . The reason for this conduct
is very difficult to discover . His Imperial Highness has long passed the nge of illusions ; his portly mien ill consorts with romantic enthusiasm : and his physical frame and constitution are by no means fitted to endure ^ the fatigues and hardships of actual ¦ war . The experience acquired in the Crimea would scarcely encourage people to hope much glory ov profit from his Imperial Higlmess ' s campaigns in Lombardy ; nor is it at all probable that his Cousin would venture to entrust supreme- command into his hands , involving , as it would , the honour of France , and what isof infinitely more importance , the duration of the Imporial dynasty . That Prince Napoleon is seriously preoccupied with some particular
idea , foreign to lug general occupations and official duties ; is positive . Ever pinco the autumn , capitalists have boon anxiously waiting for the Prince ' s decision relative to the concession of the Algerian railways—works pregnant with the greatest advantage to Franco ana her colony . But still no progress U mado towards a solution , nor does thero appear chance of thero being any for sometime to come ; for when , the other day , an application was made by a person , in his intimacy , who figures in ono of the demands for tho concession , to have the matter decided , his Imnorial Hicrliness replied , requesting not
to be spoken toon the subject , for ho had other things to think of . Naturally enough , people want to know what the Prince-minister of Algeria can havo to think of that is of moro importance than the wolfaro and progress of the colony committed to his charge . Tliero is another circumstance in tho conduct of tho Prince which has created groat disquietude among the moneyed and moderate classes of sooiety , and that is his constant coquetting with the advanced members of the revolutionary party—¦> the reddest of tlie rouges . There is a pertain ox-rOprosontatlve of tho poople under tho Jlepublio who became notorious for having toppled tho President of tho Assembly out of his fautoil , and leapt
into his seat . Afterwards this gentleman became governor of Raincyy got mixed up In certain proceedings , not necessary to name , was tried , by the High Court of Versailles I think , and condemned to imprisonment , When the Empire was voted , he wrote to the Emperor expressing his obedience to the decision of the people , and was consequently set free . Since tlien , this gentleman has graced your capital with his presence and has been a constant applicant to the Palais Royal for the concession of the Algerian railways . For a long time it was unsuccessful until he proposed to use his influence as a red republican , to induce political exiles from France—men whom he euphoniously termed deplaces— -to settle down as colonists in Algeria . to have been well received
The proposition seems , for towards the close of the year the individual referred to was sent on a confidential mission to Algeria , and has now returned to Paris to bask in the graces of the Palais Royal . It is , therefore , not surprising that people—remembering who this gentleman was , how he was the destroyer of regularly constituted authority—should take umbrage and alarm at seeing him received into the confidence of the Government . . A ¦ very general conviction is growing up that the warlike penchants of the Prince are encouraged and flattered by certain parties who seek to use him for the creation of a wide-spread commotion , in order that , in the confusion , they may regain their lost power with its sweets and enjoyments . . . .
There is another curious circumstance , which has contributed materially to cast ridicule and odium upon avargot up for the reconstitution of thenationali ties . It has been asserted in influential quarters , altlipugli the necessary permission for publication has been refused , that in a . case of this sort France herself does not come into court with clean handsthat she has appropriated in her geograpnieal development certain provinces inhabited by nation ^ alities distinct to her own . It has , therefore , be ? n proposed , no dOubt in perfect good faith , that , in Order for France to be justified in her demand to Austria , for the restoration of Lombardp-Veiietia to Italy , she ought to begin by restoring which ht nder
Corsica to Italy , , was only broug u French domination within the memory of many men still living , and for which the Italian national party propose their willingness to exchange Savoy , insisting upon the justice and wisdom of the restoration . How the Emperor would like to sacrifice possession of the cradle of his race to the doctrine of nationalities is not ^ stated ! Again , it is proposed that France should -withdraw her army of occupation from Africa , and restore the province to the nations of Ishmael , — - that she should return back the Rhine - Provinces to ( Germany , whence Louis XIV . wrested them , and whose inhabitants are still German in language , habits of thought , and hopes—some of them not a century since carrying their hatred of to in
French dominion to such an extent as request their wills to be buried with their faces downwards . In tho north-eastern corner of France is the Flemish race , whose nationality is constituted in Belgium . In the south-western corner are the Basque races that belong to Spain . Avignon , the Comto de Venaissin , and the principality pf Orange , have been brought under French domiriiou since the first revolution ; and , with the jealousy pretended for the property of St . Peter ' s—which Central Italy is said to be— -it is not surprising that some should propose to restore a city , in which tho Popes so long dwelt , to their successor . Such is the inevitable conclusion , of the doctrine of nationalities honestly curried out , an , d its ridiculous , impracticable character ; s made apparent to the" commonest understanding .
THE ATTITUDE OF TnjG NATION . In whatever -ivay the present crisis may terminate , J , think the attitude and conduct of the nation , under extraordinary temptation and coercion , will command the respect , sympathy , and admiration , of the world , They have evinced a clear and honorable perception of the value of public treatios and ahoarty deference to tho public law of Europe , An organ of tho manufacturers says , in as strong terms as could bo expected would bo published-- " FOr tho suko of withdrawing certain Italian states from the too severe domination exercised by Austria , it will be necessary to violato the treaties of 1815 , and those treaties
have found in nearly all tho Cabinets of Europe tho strongest possible support . " Now this is tantamount to telling the nation that if Franco violate these treaties sho will incur tho opposition of all Europe . Tho invincible hostility of tho manufacturing and intolUffent classes to war for tho gratification of Imperial idealogues is mado day by day more apparent , and is manifested under a variety , of forms . Publlo opinion , after noarly ton years suppression , jls again making its influoneo felt , and would appoar to have acquirou additional forco and authority from tho long Jnaotion to which it has bocn'oondomneu . An unusual number of resignations have taken place among tho Deputies to the Legislative Body ,
nofc unaccompanied in some instances by contemptuous expressions for the office under the actual system . The Deputy for the Drome said he had not time- to attend to public affairs , thus placing a . share in the government of the nation , —as M . de Moray told the Deputies , was reserved to them under the Constitution—at a very low estimate indeed When it is remembered that the Deputies receive a very handsome Remuneration for attending to the business of the nation—or at least p ' retehding to do sothat these places are sinecures—that they are flattered in every way , and have many means of making perquisites opened to their cupidity—the voluntary resignation of these material advantages is
very significant ; It shows a wide spread apprehension of future danger which no" present benefits will induce people to encounter , arid a firm determination not to be associated , even in so remote a degree as a Deputy , in the eventual responsibility for the present war policy . When the adherents of power begin to " rat , " their motives must be very powerful . Men rarely desert a prosperous cause which gives them wealth and rank . The course taken by the public has astonished and perplexed the Government . People object to have their imaginations fired by visions of glory , and laugh at the chauvinistic appeals of the Presse and dynastic journals . They seem to think it extremely ridiculous , the figure they are made to appear by the bombastic and inflated verbiage of Imperial pamphleteers and speechmakers . They can and sham of the whole proceeding
see the hollo wness and much regret that those who assume to be representatives of France should assume the bullying tone and swagger of " mine ancient Pistol . " The partizans ¦ ¦ of -war are annoyed beyond all measure to find their appeals to bellicose propensities fall flat on the public ear , and produce no effect . The most servile law court in France would scarcely havo t-he courage to doom men to Cayenne or Lambessa , because they do not throw up their caps and clamour for war , —being content to leave the question to the ineffable goodness and Providential wisdom of his Majesty . Nearly every day there is a meeting of the Cabinet Ministers , in the presence of the Emperor , the Prince Jerome , and the Prince Napoleon , and the ingenuity arid resources of the Minister for the Interior are sadly tasked to devise means to dispel public apathy arid to kindle a noble ardour
for war . - . The most significant intimation the Government have yet received of public opposition to the war ,, was given yesterday week by the senate—a veryobedient body , composed of gentlemen " who were nominated by the Emperor , and are paid some 1 , 200 / . a year ( each ) for their services . The order of the day was to discuss first a Bill for increasing the annual allowance the Imperial Princes and Priricessess to 88 , 000 / ., secondly a Bill to vote Prince Napoleon £ 320 , 000 for bis marriage expenses , and to in of his death
set up housekeeping , and , lastly , case to provide £ 8 ^ 000 a year to bis widow with a suitable dwelling . The speakers were the General Marquis de Castelbajac ,, Count de Casabianca , Count de segur-d'Aguessoau , Cardinal Donnet , Count Lemercier , the President of the Council of State , and the Marquis de Boissy who married Byron ' s Countess . Guicciola . Yet in a body of what may be called pensioners of the Emperor— -his mere nomineestwo voted , against the bills , while one of the Senators , said , he should have much ' pleasure in voting the allowance to Prince Napoleon ' s widow .
Elections in Fjkance . A curious illustration has recently been afforded how the Government here wield universal suffrage , and vote by ballot to their own purpose . When the election took place of a deputy for the first electoral circumscription of the Department of tho Indre , tjliere were two candidates ; ono , M . Charlemagne , nominated by the Government , and tho other M . Da Iiancosme-Brovoa . Tho first was , of course , elected by the " activo and oppressive interference of the Government , " From a statement mado by M . Ernest Picard , quoting from the letter of an elector , it appears that , " the voters wore compelled to vote with open tickets , in tho nrcsenco of a reinforcement of Gendarmerie ; that : nt oi
nibljo servants and workmen , in the employme supporters of tho Government oamliJato , wore threatened with instant dismissal if they did not vote for M . Charlemagne ; and theso throats wore openly uttered while tho voting was going ou . ih © writer of the letter had boon placed under tho police measure of Gouoral Safety , in consequence of his previously announcod opposition to the Government candidate , and it was stated on the yxUic place , by officials , that all who did not voto for M , Charlcmivfino would bo subjootod to tho same persecution . The opponent to tho Government candidate was not allowed to distribute his voting tickets > his addresses wcro torn down , or pasted over by tho orders of tho authorities . In one commune the Mayor stood by tho jnllot-box to noto . fvom inspection of tho opon tiokote , for whom tho voters gave thoir sufiVagos . Tins open
• Fi£Htfiymfj*T (Ff(\Y¥Ptift{\Fti\{ I\\Ffi ;V^.*(I.Jj*«-Tw ^Um Taphwhu^T I ?
¦ ¦ © i [ i $ pt djjamsgj&ttdim *^
Untitled Article
^^ M ^ S , 185 C > . 1 TBE I ^ APE * . ' 307
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), March 5, 1859, page 307, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2284/page/19/
-