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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . Monday , March 21 . MARRIAGB WITH A DECEASED WIFE ' S SISTER . In the House of Lords several petitions against these marriages were presented by Lord I ) ukgaknox . —Lord Overstock presented petitions in favour . 6 f the legalising such unions , from various bodies of Protestant dissenters , and from the Corporation of London . Lord Donougiimore , in answer to Lord Baxdox , stated that the Attorney-General for Ireland was about to introduce a bill to facilitate the granting of leases in certain cases in Ireland .
The Indictable Offences ( Metropolitan Districts ) Bill , the Mutiny Bill , the Marine Mutiny Bill , and the County Courts Bill , Mere all read a second time and passedithrough Committee . In the House of Common's , the Consolidated Fund ( 1 , 222 , 383 / . 8 s . 9 d . ) Bill , and the Consolidated Fund ( 11 , 000 , 000 * . ) Bill were read a third time and passed
THE REFORM Bir . L . On the motion for the second reading of the Representation of the People ( Reform ) Bill , anumber bfpetitions for , against , and for divers modifications in the ministerial measure , were presented by different lion , members . . Mr . Disraeli having moved that the bill should be read a second time . Lord j . Rcssell moved , as an amendment , a resolution , " That it is neither just nor politic to interfere , in the manner proposed in this bill , with the freehold franchise as hitherto exercised in the counties in England and Wales ; and that no readjustment of the franchise Ayill satisfy this
House or the coiintry which does not provide for a greater extension of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is contemplated in the present measure . " Referring to the secession from the Government of two of its inost distinguished members , he observed that it was an encouragement to him that they had felt objections to the bill similar to his own . He considered that the first eight lines of the bill contained its whole principle—namely that the suffrage in counties and boroughs should be uniform , or , as the Chancellor of Jthe Exchequer expressed it , identical , and that all freeholders resident in boroughs who had hitherto voted for their county
should Vote for the boroughs alone . This was acomplete change of the Constitution , a destruction of rights which had been enjoyed for a great number of years , and without any crime oh the part of those in possession of it . This change was not only unjust , but it was a great public injury , as it would deprive the counties of the Liberal character they would otherwise possess , and a power would be obtained by which small boroughs might be flooded with votes , and nomination boroughs be revived , to the pi-actieal repeal of the Reform Act . His objections to the first clause , therefore , were that it would be injurious and unjust ; that it would lead
to great discontent on the part of the inhabitants of towns who were freeholders , and to a great power of . nomination in boroughs , and that the only remedy for the evil it would create would be to resort , ^ to electo ral districts . ' " I am not going to argue for-electoral divisions , " said the noble Lord , ? ' for I own I love the old divisions of counties , cities , and boroughs . ( Hear hear . ) For my part , I have no wish that places like Winchester , Salisbury , GuUdford , and Ohicliester sliould phly be made parts of counties , instead pftpwnfl returningrepresent ; atives . ( Hear , hear , ) But I say , if that is your wishr-iffcho present Conservative Government wish to have electoral divisions , which the hon , member fof
Birmingham denied that it was his object tp have , being afraid of being thought too great an innovator if ho proposed such a thing ( laughter)—but if such is the object of tho Government , then let us arrive at that end at once ; ' and do not , in respect to these small boroughs , let us go through this , process pf nominatipn , corruption , and degradation , which must excite complaint and agitation in the country , somo eight or ten years hence , only to end in some violent process , or by then making electoral districts . ( Hear , hear . ) Lot us , I repeat , rather have them
proposed at once , and give to London 50 or 60 momborsj to which tho metropolis would bo entitled under such a system . ( " Hear , " and laughter . ) Do not leave us to arrive at that end by a process which must create general agitation and discontent . " ( Cheers . ) From the opinions sot forth in speeches by Lord Derby in 1854 , somo passages of which ho , oltod , the noblo lord / drew the conclusion , that Jf a bill such as > vas npw proposed by tho existing Government ; had been brought forward by a liberal administration , it would have encountered tho most strenuous opposition from tho present Prime Minister . Adverting to ( ho second point touched upon in his amendment , namoly , tho basis of tho representation of cities and
boroughs , Lord John Russell contended that the biU before the House destroyed ancient privileges , without providing adequately for new claims . Presuming the present qualification as formed on occupation tenure , or as modified , and to some extent enlarged , by the yiarious franchises proposed in the Government measure , he insisted upon the expediency bot h of reducing the minimum of the borough franchise , and of retaining some distinction between the borough and county qualification . The question ,-h . e contended , ought , to be decided upon the responsibility of the administration . He said , " I confess I am not deterred from taking the course which I propose bv the observations made the other evening by an
hon . friend near me ( Mr . Roebuck ) , that if we should venture to interfere with the course of the Government bill we may have a dissolution of Parliament . I hold that it would be quite unworthy of us to pause on a question which is to affect ourselves and our descendants through fear either of a dissolution or of some threatened danger to our foreign relations . ( Hear , hear . ) It is for the Ministers of the Crown , if we come to a vote adverse to their measure , to take the course which they may think most advisable . If they should think proper to recommend the Crown to dissolve Parliament , in order to submit this question to the people at large , I for one should not be afraid of that appeal . ( Cheers . ) Let them and
hold this bill up on every hustings in England , await the response which will be made . ( Hear , hear . ) But if agitation should thereby be increased —if a general election should give rise to demands which now have not been thought of by popular bodiesj upon the Government an < * upon us will rest the responsibility . " ( Cheers . ) In repelling the charge of personal ambition , he glanced at the gallery where Lord Grey was seated , and said the charge was made by one from , whom he might ' have expected greater justice , if not greater kindness . And ^ vith respect to party or personal objects ,, it was-Ills duty not to attend to such charges , but to pursue the course which , in his judgment , was best
adapted to promote the Avelfare of the country . He concluded in these -words : "Seeing-what has been done , I Cannot view without alarm the proposition which is now before the House . I have endeavoured to call the attention of the House to two of the main , demerits of this bill . If it should continue on the table of the House , I think the measure ought to be discussed in every shape Until at length , if riot immediately , it is totally rejected . ( Hear , hear . ) I shall take this course , careless of any imputations wh'ich may be cast upon me . ( Cheers . ) With regard to this great question of reform , I may say that I defended it when I was young , and I will not desert it now that I am old . " ( Loud cheers . )—Lord
Stanley , after reminding the House of the resolution inoved by Lord J . Russell in April , 1835 , for the purpose of displacing the Government of the day , observed— "It succeeded in its object .. It drove the Government from office . It placed the mover and his political friends in possession of power , and having served that purpose , the principle which had been so triumphantly asserted by a majority of the House of Commons was suffered at once to fall into abeyance . It never was affirmed , and although nearly a quarter of a century has since elapsed no practical action whatsoever has followed upon its adoption . ( Cheers . ) . I do not allude to this historic incident of which the yioble lord , the member for the
City pf Lpndon , was the hero ( Hear , hear ) , with the view of throwing any discredit upon him . He acted , I have no doubt—as statesmen in this country generally act—in conformity with the political exigencies of tho day , and I refer , to the circumstance which I have just mentioned , because I am desirous of cautioning tho members of this House—and , above all , tho liberal members—that to reject a moderate measure of reform does not necesssarily insure the passing of one of a more extended character ( Cheers . ) It is well to remember that in politics a logt opportunity . does not always recur ( cheers ) jnnd although those whose sole object is the triumph of a party may be anxious to seo this bill thrown out , without even , considering what the result , so fur as reform is concerned , may bo , yet independent and moderate moil , in whatever narfc of the House thev mn . v tsit .
will , I feel persuaded , think twice before they reject an opportunity of dealing with this great question , more favourable in many respects than any which hereafter is likely to bo afforded . Tho noblo lord said , tho amendment , if carried out , would lead to this practical result , —that no legislation upon this subjcot could tako place during tho present session . No political party was now against Itoform . Since 1801 bills had been repeatedly promised } but it was only under tho present Government , after eight years of promise , that a vote was asked 'to be token upon tho question . In tho present tompor of tho country no , large measure of ofectoral reform was . possible , a , nd if the Government moasuro wore rcjoatod thore M'as little prospoot of any more comprehensive pohomo being carried , oven if it were introduced—[ At this point in tho noblo lord ' s speech somo
interruption was caused and some laughter excited by the circumstance that the cry of a child ( understood to be Lord John ' s son ) was heard to proceed from the ladies * gallery . The interruption lasted , however but for a few moments , and the noble lord continued !' Adverting to the terms of the amendment ' , he contended that it was ingeniously framed so as to raise a false issue , and attract a majority of votes , while carefully avoiding to challenge an unbiassed verdict upon the second reading of the bill . The real ques - tion was , not whether the measure should pass into a law , but whether political power should pass into other hands . On this basis he consented to accept the issue of the present discussion , and stake thp
fate of the bill upon * the ultimate result . jjOr ^ Stanley then noticed ; successively the various objections urged against the measure . The - trainers had been charged with refusing to recognise the just rights of the working classes , but upon -analysing the various franchises created by the bill , he maintained that a wide and liberal provision -was-made , bv which every man who chose to exercise a moderate decree of industry and thrift could easily obtain his due share of franchise privileges . What the' bill did not do was , that it did not admit the working classes indiscriminately and in a body , in which case their numbers would overbear and swamp the votes oi every other class of the community . Two tests , he
submitted , were available in the determination of fitness for electoral privileges . One was based upon education ^ which , being as yet new and Untried in the constitutional system , had not been included in the bill . The other consisted of . a moderate property qualification , and this was the presiding principle , interpreted in a most liberal-spirit-wherever electoral rights -were conceded under -the provisions of the measure . The noble lord then noticed and-vindicated the Governnient proposition with regard tp the treatment of small boroughs , the novel elements introduced into the county constituencies , and . the identification of the county arid borough franchises . The measure brought forward by the Government
was ; , he contended , practicable , safe and equitable . Nor did it deserve tp be stigmatised as trivial or inadequate . The new 10 / . occupation franchise would add . , 000 to the electorate , ' and the silviiig-s-bfink , lodgers , and professional clauses would furnish another 100 , 000 . He denied that the British constitution was aristocratic : it was more essentially middle class . The noble lord concluded as follows .- — ' ' '• We hear it sometimes assumed that the Government of this country is exclusively or mainly in the hands of the aristocracy . I apprehend that is an entire mistake . I believe that practically , ever since the passing of the Act of 1832 , what is called the " middleclass" has had the preponderating- power in our government . In . all countries the importance which belongs to the middle class and the amount of power
which it possessos have been taken as a fair test ol social progress . In England it is that class which has always most strenuously vindicated tho principle of personal freedom , both against royal prerogative and ecclesiastical power . It is that class which has given us Protestantism in religion and constitutional government in the State . It is that class which has laboured to protect the ' finances of t inglaml against the extravagance of armies and of Courts , and which has striven to preserve tho poaco . of England ugiunst the popular passion for war . It is by that class that British trade has been extended over every quarter pf the globe , that British shipping has boon boh t into every sea , that India has been conquered , America colonised , Liverpool and Manchester created . I see nothing in the manner in which tho members ot that class have used the preponderance of political power nnii
rested in them during tho lust 2 . > years to cc believe that they are unworthy to possess it still , n may he right that they slipuld share that power , it is not right they should Joso it ; and lose it they will if by an indiscriminate extension ot tho franoiiwt . ( for you will find it no easier to stop at 0 / . tlian ai 10 / ., and what you give to the boroughs you viU noc bo able to withhold from tho counties ) you bUojiki plueo every class in subordination to one , iukI tmtc ono by no fault of its pwii , but by tho nature ana t » tnecessity pf tho case , tho least indopendont nini » ' »< - least instruoted . " ( Cheers . ) Mr , HAh Hti ;« t . < ' < imu ! - torised tho bill as a snocimen of piecemeal l «| mintn > " . Ho could not understand why tho county iiR'niboro in that Houso showed so much , npprohonsjon o iwmlfi . Tor his nni-t . ho ftillv tnirttod tho jxjopio ,
Jind should vote against any proposition cnlmlato m diminish tholr political rights . JJolnjf unxloi . , novi - evor , to secure tho accomplishment ot u buUMUuou moiuuro of roform during tlio present wff > > ' fboling that if ho voted for tho . resolution thai oiyui v / oultl bo nmrrocl , ho should vote « Kttm » t tho row i tiow and for tho second reading of tho hlll .-r - «» " Buky was sorry that the Government- , Iiim >" ducod this bill , and objected to tho bill linoII . J only for tho small moiwura of rot » nn it ( ti » J , " htwuso it was roform not In u right < Hrwihn . un ' BOttlod ovorytiling and settled nothliitf . ]!< . «»« " | vote for tho resolution nnd ngnlnst tho hill . — < m » . jw . »
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Untitled Article
388 THE LEADER . E-N " o > . 470 > March 26 , 1859 . j
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Leader (1850-1860), March 26, 1859, page 388, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2287/page/4/
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