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bill . Under the existing law all pauper children abandoned to the care of the po . orrlaw authorities ¦ were registered and educated as Protestants . 1 his regulation , iii districts were the . majority , or even the whole , of the population Were Roman Catholics , was considered unjust . The question had excited much irritation , which the present bill , whose details were brief ! v explained by the hon . member ,, was designed to remove . After two or . three speeches from independent members , a cry was raised tor Mr . Whiteside and then for Lord Naas , to state the view of the Government . They did not respond and Mr . B . Osbqrne made an -attack , upon them for thus abdicating their functions . —Lord . Naas , on behalf of the Government , professed his inability to decide on the spot upon the merits of a bill Ayah whose details -ho was only just made acquainted . —Mr . Whiteside having briefly spoken , the debate was adjourned . . The House then rose at six o cloche . Thursday , March 24 . " In the House of Lords , on his accession to the title , Lord Tucklow took his seat , and signed the Parliamentary roll . INDIA I . O . VSS . Lord ELLEKnoKOUGHi in moving for certain papers relating to India , gave notice that he should call the attention of the House to the state of the Indian money-market . TRADING COMPANIES' ^ VIXDIXG ^ tTP BirjL . On the order of the day for going into Committee on the recommitment of this bill , [ Lord DoxouGHMoitE , " in answer to Lord Grey said that since the passing of the Limited Liability . Act , in 1855 , 1 , 988 companies , with a collective capital of £ . * 5 , 442 , 887 , had been registered under tha t Act . Out of these , between sixty and seventy had ceased their Operations , and the remaining 1 , 030 had at present a capital of upwards of £ 55 , 000 , 000 . It was his opinion that the Act had exhibited little practical result . — -Lord Overstose wished to know how much of the capital of these companies had been paid up . Previously to the passing of the Limited Liability Act , in 1855 , he had pointed out the fraudulent practices which the Act would develop ^ and the result had justified his prediction , for but of 1 , 098 companies , between sixty and seventy had been already wound up . The Act was founded on dishonest principles , and he should oppose it on every occasion . —Lord Stanley of Aldbrlev was in favour of the bill . —Lord Grey hoped the statement of Lord Overstone would prevent individuals from putting any confidence in ioint-stock companies of limited liability . —The Marquis of Ci-axricarde considered the bill an excellent one . The bill then passed through committee . Several bills were then read a second time , and reports on others received . The Manor Courts ( Ireland ) bill was read a third time , and passed . The House adjourned at seven o ' clock . THE GOVERNMENT EEFOR 51 BILL . Jn the House op Commons , among the questions addressed to the Government was one by Mr . Mitchell , whether they persisted in maintaining the uniformity of town and county franchise as the principle of their Inform Bill ; to which the Chancellor of the Exoiikqveu gave an important , though guarded reply . He said : — " Sir , it is impossible for mo to give n . categorical answer tp a question of this kind addressed to me at this moment . It would demand a . statement , both of argument and of detail , which could not be compressed within the legitimate scope of ft reply to a question put to a Minister on this occasion ( Cheer ' s ) . But , Sir , this I will say to the hon gentleman , that when I introduced the bill for the amendment of the representation of the people it was the opinion of my colleagues that there was no provision in that measure ¦ which might not in Committee be beneficially submitted to that qalm and impartial consideration ( cheers and laughter ) which the houso had pledged itself to Her Majesty to give tp this question ( renewed cheers ) , and without which pledge on the part of this assombly , considering the circumstances under which we acceded to power , that bill would certainly not have been introduced" ( Cheers . ) TUB ADJOURNED DEBATE . The debate on the Representation of the Poople Dill-was resumed by Mr . Milner . GhwaoN , who said the speeches from tlio Treasury Bench , wero deficient in one material particular ; they had not stated , supposing tho Ilouso should adopt tie Bill , what advantage would bo conferred upon'thc country , and what improvements would bo introduced into the constituency of England and Wales . Ho should approach tho consideration of this measure , brought forward by tlie Conservative party , without any prejudice $ but ho was not prepared tb pass any measure which he conceived to be injurious or imperfect . What , then , did tho Government propose to effect ? Ho did not call this a Reform Bill , but a measure to operate in a peculiar and novel manner upon tho county and borough constituencies $ and '
he asked the Government what good the country would derive from a IQi . county occupation franchise , coupled , with the condition that freeholders in boroughs should be deprived of their county fraiir cliise ? On this question of franchise Jie thought the principles laid down in the resolution of Lord John Russell were ; , oh the whole , sound and adequate as a basis for representative reform . The right hon . . member then examined the details of the bill , objecting to many of its provisions , especially the opportunity afforded for the manufacture of fictitious votes . The question , he insisted ought to be discussed without regard to class interests , and while protesting against any measure which left
the working classes out of view , he deprecated the attempt to enlist the sympathies of another section of the community iii ' behalf of the bill as being essentially a " middle class" measure . This was not reform ; it would produce universal dissatisfaction ; and was it not better , instead of killing such a bill by a slow process , as proposed by Sir . Horsman , to slaughter it at once by adopting , the amendment ? This was the fairest course towards the Government as well as to the House . — Mr . Auderley -maintained that the opposition to
the bill was untenable , so long as the opponents refused to tell what better measura they were prepared themselves to propose . He observed , that the issue now plainly before the House was between two broadI principles , —' first , the extension of the electoral franchise on the basis of qualification , -with a test of fitness , namely , property ; second , its extension without limit , as a matter of equal right to all citizens , that is , oil the basis of numbers . Which of these principles , he asked , did Lord J . Russell adopt ? He nuctuate-1 between both ; he -was said to be "in the same boat " with the advocates of the
latter principle , whereas in his speech he had declared for a property ¦ qualification . The bill was based upon the first principle , but it provided by the savings-banks suffrage for . the indefinite extension of the franchise to the working classes * Mr . Adtlerley then discussed the , amendment , replying to the objection of Lord J . Russell * " that the bill intefered with the freehold franchise in boroughs , and was a violation of prescriptive rights . He contended that the bill merely adjusted the balance between urban and county influence , disturbed since the bill of 183 . 2 . Iii conclusion , he warned the House that this was , perhaps , the last , tlie golden opportunity it had of standing upon the principle of
propertvy observing tliat . it was a grave matter for the consideration of the great Whig party , whether , agreeing as they did with ; the present Government upon that principle , they would hand over this question to a' party that demanded the electoral franchise without limitation , and founded only upon numbers .- —Mr .. IIeadlam contended that the Government , in bringing forward a measure of Reform , .-had no right to fetter the bill with conditions which rendered it impossible for the House to accept it , and that the amendment , the adoption of which would be fatal to the bill , was reasonable and proper . He condemned the new device of uniformity of franchise , and dwelt upon the mischievous faciliresident voters
ties offered by the admission of non- . —r Mr . Bkntinok consented to vote for the second reading of the -bill , although he disliked some of its details , and thought that it did not do justice to the counties . He regarded this contest , he said , as a more political and party struggle , and , after reading a lecture to Lord J . Rubsell upon his dealing ? with this question , called upon him to declare distinctly what were his views and intentions respecting Reform , adding that it had been asserted that there wag to be a coalition , and that he and Mr . Bright were associated—a statement which drew from Lord J . Russell an emphatic " No . "— -Mr . W . Djgnison in a few sentences , supported tho amendment .-
—Mr . L . King acknowledged the concession granted by the Government in adopting the 101 . county franchise , for which lie had himself so often contended . But in adopting his principle ho found that the framers of the bill had so spoiled and mutilated his measure for reducing the county franchise that ho could not give it his support . His hiil disfranchised nobody ; this bill deprived a whole class of the franchise . This bill professed to ho a Reform bill , but he should have expected that any Government which thought it right to propose a Reform Bill in 1869 would , have adopted tl >© same
principle as that of 180 S , and that certain small boroughs would bo included in a schedule A ; whereas they were carefully prosorvod in this bill , There wore four points which should bo found in a ' Reform Bill , but in which this bill was deficient—the dlsfrunchisemont of small and inslgnilluant boroughs , tlie enfranchisement oflargo towns , the extension of tho county franchise , and tho extension of that for . tho boroughs ep ns to admit tho working classes .- ^—Mr . Duxxon should vote for tho second reading of tho Bill . — -Mr . W . J . Fox observed that they had heard strong laudation of tho middle olnsBCs , which came very oddly from those who had opposed measures for tho bonofit
of those classes . The -middle- classes wero now anxious t h at , the working classes , should be admitted to the franchise , and he had always regarded a Ileibriu Bil ' as a measure for their enfranchisement , to which al ] had been : looking year after year . In his opinion they might be safely trusted , not as governors of the country , but to . support the men who were to govern it . He treated the apprehension that it' those classes were enfranchised all power would piss into their hands as a mere chimera . The machine of government could never work harmoniously until all classes were admitted to an equal share of political privileges , ^—Mr . B . Hoi'E combated the objection , to tlie bill founded upon the so-called disfr . uiehisenicnt oi
borough freeholders and the nominal assimilation oi the town and county . franchises . Thegreat object was to continue a full and f : iir '' representation bcith foi counties and boroughs . It' this were accomplished minor considerations might be disregarded . With respect to the claims of the working classes , lie ' said , granting their morality and their intelligence ? , the franchise that would give them the preponderating influence of number . * , with their incomplete knowledge of political science , would make thjin tools ir the haii'ls of others to advance the doctrines o : socialism . He denied that they- possessed- an indefeasible right to the franchise . If that principle were admitted , it would be impossible io stop short ¦
of universal suffrage . Hsj was nevertheless readj to give the working man a larger share of electoral privilege . ' but always as a reward to bs won by perseverance and ¦ industry . He -should support the second reading of the bill , ho said , as is . did not proceed upon lii ^ h theoretical principles , but went to work in a practical manner . — Mr . Beestal Oseorxe said he thought the Government had . fully redeemed the plodge they gave last year , but that it would have been better if they had proceeded in a larger and more-libs-nil -way-to-settle this question ; for , unless it was settled-. upon a permanent basis , it would be better not to bring in a Reform Bill at all . Whv was a Reform Bill called in
for ? The act of 1832 was defective totally omitting the great body of the working classes from the franchise , and if a Reform Bill was wanted at all it Was to redress this grievance . Did the bill propose to do it ? Sir B . Lytton had expressly told the House thatr lie declined to admit the working men to power ; and they were never recognised in the bill , except ¦ ¦ when they were . to be disfranchised , as the dockyard labourers . Neither- the lodging-, house franchise nor - the savings-bank franchise would admit working men ; the Government did not want them to get it . " With regard to these various ' fancy franchises , "' said the hon . member , ' I must say that I quite agree with tho , hon . member for Birmingham—though to say so , I 6 qppose , will be , according to some hon . gentlemen oil the
other side , to admit that I am a revolutionist . ( 'Hear , ' and a laugh . ) I agree with that , lion , gentleman that these fancy franchises arc not the things for the poople of England . They are the mere political millinery of Downing-steet . ( Loud opposition cheers and laughter . ) What we want \» a broad and simple test . Have variety of suftrage , if you like , but let the test be broad and simple . ( Cheers . ) Many questions liaye been asked mo as to what I am for . I confess that I am for a property test . ( Hear , hear . ) I admit that that is an imperfect test , but still it is a test which is simple and can be understood ; because , as has boon well said , by one of those writers of ' deplorable rubbish ' to whom tho right hon . gentleman , ( Sir E . B . Lytton ) has alluded , the inheritance of property implies
education , arid the acquisition of property implies intelligence . Therefore , I say , what is the use of these fancy franchises ? " ( Cheers . ) Tho bill would disfranchise the noble body of borough freeholders . In reviewing the reasons urged against tho amend * rn ' ont , Mr . Osborno passed some severe strictures upon tho speeches of Mr . Horsman , whom ho Btyled " a dyspeptic politician , " and tho Solicitor-General , and , in conclusion , denounced the bill as an act of spoliation and injustice , ft change without progress . ---Mr . Walpolb rose next amidst a . hush of profound attention . In the course of his speqeh ho laid groat stress upon tho nocessity for faoilitiiting voting , repeated liis opposition to tho ballot , and approvod of t . hft voting rumor nortion of the bill , except that ,
one of the witnesses should be a public offleor . ue defended also tho extreme moderation oi tlio aisflranehiroment proposed , and challonged tho locates of redistribution to say what description of boroughs should bo regarded as nomination boroughs ( Mr . Olboroo exclaimed " Mldhurst , " for which Mr . Walpolo formerly flat . The omouiation . excited great laughter and oheenngi but Mi , Wulpolo retorted , with equal effect , that though an utterly rotten borough , when it escaped disfranchia-monti by the Whigs , it is now aj ¦ lndoncndoiit ns tho borough of Dover , ) . Ho condemned the disfranchisoniont of small boroughs , except in onseni of proved corruption or nomination . If , ho observed , tho Ilouso wished to
Untitled Article
• . ' : . ' Ho . 470 , March 26 , Ig 5 ^ ^ h E A D E R' : l ^^ l „„ .. ^ BL ,
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Leader (1850-1860), March 26, 1859, page 391, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2287/page/7/
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