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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . . Monday , March 21 . In the House of-Lords a petition in favour of the ballot -was presented by I-ord Campbell , from Taunton . His lordship was inclined to support the prayer . Though satisfied with the present system of voting he did not view the ballot with alarm .
THE STATE OF EUROPE . Lord Clarendon , in moving for the instructions 3 * iven to Lord Cowley hi his recent mission to Vienna , asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as to the results of that mission , and for some statement on the present condition of European affairs . The mission of Lord Cowley had been fully appreciated , for the Emperor of Austria had expressed his willingness to withdraw his troops from the Legations simultaneously with France , and had declared that he had no intention of invading Piedmont , but was ready with France and Europe to make representations to the Papal Government to modify admitted evils . He thought that , as a preliminary step to the meeting of the Congress , a reduction of military armaments ought to be made imperative . — stated that in
The Earl of JVILxmesbcry undertaking his late mission to Vienna » I : ' Cowley had been fettered by no conditions ; everything had been left to his own discretion . The result , however , had been to place the question on such a footing that a pacific solution of all the points in dispute might be anticipated , and an amicable termination of all the pending controversies was hoped for within the lapse of another month . It was riot , however , yet agreed what details the Congress should discuss . As the question so nearly concerned the social and political condition of Italy , he considered that the Italian States * one arid aUy should havethe means of speaking on the subject . Although a disarmament was not agreed to , both Austria and Piedmont had declared that they -would abstain from all hostilities .
The Vexatious Indictments Bill and the Evidence bv Commission Bill passed through committee . The Railway Tickets Transfer J 3 ill was read a second time . The Companies' Act ( 1859 ) Bill , the Medical Act ( 1858 ) Amendment BUI , and Oaths Act Amendment Bill -were read a third time arid passed . Their lordships adjourned at five minutes to seven o ' clock .
VOTE OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE . In the House of Commons > Mr . Q . Stanley said that after the statement of the Attorney-General for Ireland , the adoption of Lord John Russell ' s resolution must be considered tantamount to a vote of want of confidence hi the ministry ? he therefore announced Ms intention to withdraw the resolution in that sense of which he had given notice .
THE REFORM BILL . Mr . p , Griffith put his question as to the spirit in which Government will receive the adoption of Lord John Russell ' s resolution .- —The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought he had reason to complain of the licence taken in the proposition of a question , winch transcended the fair Jjounds of inquiry as addressed to ministers , whose measure was still under discussion . At the proper time he should be ready to . explain and justify the policy ' of the Government .
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE . Mr . E . James supported the resolution proposed by Lord J , Hussell , commenting upon the insuflicency of the ministerial measure . The various franchises created under the bill , while adding considerably to the aggregate mass of the constituency , woufd in reality give occasion for an extensive manufacture of votes , which might be converted to the worst purposes of faction . Tracing the results of the vote which the house was now called upon to give , ho declared , amidst great laughter and loud cheers , that although tlio present bill could not , pass , and the existing Government had forfeited public confidence , yet that no administration which Lord John Russell could form would enjoy a larger share of support , if its members were merely nominated
out of the Whig " stud-book . "—Mx .- Beaumont , although a supporter of £ ord Palmorston , should , without hesitation , but with regret , vote with the Government . The resolution was , in his opinion , an ingenious and well worded trap ; it did not raise the question of reform sincerely , and upon this ground ho should vote against it . — . Lord Eloho , after replying' to some comments by Mr . James upon the lettor of Lord Groy , ftddrossod to him ( LordElcho ) , obsorvod , thai ) , the Government had don © wrong in undertaking the reform question at all , ana found much to disapprove of . In this bill , Ho . nevertheless refused to support an amondmont wltfelx ho considered to bo so obviously prompted by merely factious motives .-- * Mr . EtLiQM objeotoil to the bill , which ho could not
support , considering it imperfect and one-sided .- — Colonel Smxth admitted that the bill was objectionable in some respects . As it might , however , be amended in committee , and was brought for ward by a Government which had deserved confidencej he should vote for the second reading . —JSlr . J . Locke consented to adopt the amendment , though believing that it did not go half far enough . —Lord A . W Tempest supported the bill . —Mr . M . Milnes remarked that the debate on the bill , as it proceeded , developed one satisfactory result , namely , that parties on all sides of the house were almost unanimously in favour of reform . He proceeded to set forth the principles on whichin his opinion , that reform should
, be based . The popular masses were , he believed , not very enthusiastic on the subject . There was , nevertheless , a general demand for a more considerable extension of the franchise , with which he thought it at once just and expedient to comply . He intended to vote for the resolution , as accomplishing their object more satisfactorily than the bill brought in 'b y the Government . — Sir J . Graham said he wished not to see the day when it became necessary to reconsider the fundamental principles of the constitution . The measure of 1832 produced an immense change ; it had been called a bloodless revolution : it took power from the aristocracy and gave it . to the middle classes , its object being to blend property better
and numbers . Since that period we had enjoyed legislation , more prosperity , and less civil discord than at any other period of equal duration . Upon the whole , therefore , the experiment had been successful , and he had hoped that it would have been a final one . In this he had been dissapointed , and the object of all Reformers should be , when change was required , to prevent the necessity , if possible , of further alterations . In this bill three principles were contained—namely , identity of suffrage , electoral districts , and voting papers . It seemed as if the bill- —too clever by half—had been framed so as to obtain support from every quarter of the House . Identity of suffrage was the key-stone of the measure , and collateral
with electoral districts voting papers as arrangements . These , he maintained , bordered upon , and could with slight change be converted into the chief " points" of the democratic charter , equal electoral districts , manhood suffrage , and vote by ballot . Sir J . Graham then explained the part he had taken in framing the resolution before the House . Lord John Russell , who with himself were the only remaining members of that House who had served on the committee which prepared the Reform Act of 1832 , had conferred with him respecting the present measure when first laid on the table .. They both were prepared to vote against the second reading if a direct negative were required , but concurred
in thinking that the capital defects of the bill could be set forth in a resolution of the means suggested for remedying them . This had been done ; the proposition lay before the legislature , who would exercise their discretion in accepting or rejecting it ; but if accepted , the responsibility rested with the Government of modifying their , measure in accordance with the principles so established , and which he thought would render the bill safe , sufficient , and acceptable alike to the House and the country . The right honourable baronet then criticised in . succession the different provisions of the ministerial measure , showing how inadequately they fulfilled the essential conditions of a realreforin
bilL The bill had been called by the Colonial Secretary a ' ? middle class " bill , and it appeared to be supposed that the middle classes might in their selfishness support it . This expectation would , ho believed , be disappointed , and lie was assured that the time had coino for recognising the rights of the industrial classes . Reverting to details , he objected to the proposed voting papers , as presenting a near approximation to the ballot , a system to whiqh he still maintained his antagonism , though confessing that the demand for it was rapidly spreading among the public . To the lodger franchise he also entertained serious objections , as comprehending a floating arid irresponsible class of the population ; and if the minimum of rental was reduced , as had been suggested , to 4 s . per week , bringing about
something very closely approximating to universal suffrage . Passing on to future contingencies , the right hon . baronet declared— . "If the Government do not ; think it consistent with their honour to take this resolution and proceed with the bill , and if they desiro to appeal to the country , advising the Sovereign to exercise her prerogative for that purpose , I shall bo found most unwilling to take any factious course which might impede them in that proceeding . ( Hoar , hear . ) But I say thfs , that a day of heavy reckoning will Qomo in the next Parliament , and within my memory no suoh responsibility was over incurred by any oxocutivo Government . ( Crios of " Hear . " ) Those considerations are ' theirs ; our con ,-sidcrotlon is fearlessly and untimidly to do our duty In this House . ( Cheers . ) I should hrtvo thought that the carrying of the resolution would havo boon regarded aeamikler course than the rejection of the
bill on the second reading ; but if a sense of honour and duty should lead the Government to consider the resolution as equal to the rejection of their mea sure , and they should act accordingl y , they must meet their'fate . ( Cheers . ) I have not ; and lam sure they will admit it , taken any factious course in > O pposition to them . ( Hear , hear . ) I have not desired their overthrow , and I do hot now desire itbut if they think fit to meet their fate they must encounter all the danger as well as all the difficulties ( Hear . ) Our course , however , is plain . "We must do our duty , while we remain here the representa tives of the people of this country , to that nobl e people whom we represent . ( Cheers . ) We shall be
ready at all times to give an account of the manner in which we have acted , and , for my part I cannot hesitate both to support this resolution , and , if necessary , to vote against the second reading of the bill . , ( Cheers ) Sir Sir John Pakington rose ( at eleven o'clock ) , and made a very spirited reply . He complained of the course taken by Lord J . Russell in raising a debate upon an abstract resolution , instead of meeting the bill with a direct negative . He had taken some pains to ascertain from the highest authority , far the noble lord ' s proceedings were consistent with the usual practice of the House , and he had no hesitation in declaring that they were irregular and
unparliamentary . The right hon . baronet proceeded to comment upon the objections which had been made to the bill , saying—" We are told by the opposite side of the House that we ought to accept this resolution . and to go on with the bill . The last time we heard this was on Friday evening last from the noble viscount , and I am sorry to say that that opinion was expressed by the noble viscount in ( I can speak ofitinno other terms ) , a tone of arrogance . ( loud cheers ) altogether unusual between gentlemen who sit opposite to each other in this House . ( Renewed cheers . ) In that tone the noble viscount presumed to tell us that we should take a course which he must know perfectly well no gentlemen would condescend to take ( cheers ) , and he must
know equally well that if it had been offered to liiniself in such a tone , he would have rejected and spurned it with indignation . ( Loud cheers . ) The noble lord . went , on to say what I heard with- the greatest astonishment and disapprobation . I refer to what he said as to the possibility of a dissolution of Parliament . ( Cheers . ) I could regard that part of his speech as being nothing less than an attack upon the prerogative of the Crown . ( Cheers . ) The noble viscount said , ' You shall not dissolve Parliament . We , the House of Commons , will prevent you You cannot dissolve Parliament without the concurrence of the House of Commons , and that concurrence shall be refused . ' ( Cheers . ) I say that was language I should not have expected to hear from a . statesman of the noble viscount ' s
long experience and standing . I can look upon that language in no other light than as wanting in due respect to the Crown (^ Opposition cries of 'Oh , Oh ! ' ) and as a violation of one of the most acknowledged prerogatives of the Crown . ( Cheers . ) Under what pretence , and for what reason , dM the noble viscount use such expressions ? I beg to say that the Government have never threatened Parliament with a dissolution . ( Oh , oh !) I challenge a contradiction of that statement . Wo are not responsible for whaf is said out [ of doors . We have not what
presumed to threaten Parliament in any wny - ever . All that j we have said is this—that ; in the event of any defeat in this House which should make it impossible for us consistently with our own honour to proceed with the bill , it will be our duty , as it always is the duty of every Government in srnnmr circumstances , to tender to 'the Crown such uavico as ., we may think most consistent with our own dignity . " The right hon . baronet added that . ministers were ready in committee to disouss any amendments , but would not -consent to bd tottered W ( l nreliminnrv resolution , proposed in an unusual-wnj ,
and for a factious purpose . Sir J . l ' ukington commented upon the recent deterioration in tho dmrnei " and conduct of public men , observing tliat ; * ° "l ' ! f years all motives of public interest had boon uu » oidinatod to party intrigues , nnd that too ninny instancos had occurred , of which ho contended o present discussion furnished an example , to « mt advnntago was taken of tho oirounistuncos mine hour to bring forward motions merely doston ^ disconcert or eject tho administration , A no iik »« - hon . baronet than adverted to tho details oil « measure , and added , " The resolution at tho w «™ , 1 I cannot help regarding as characterised by 11 spm « of unfairness ( licar , hoar ) , and I fool sanguine in rosnoot to its rejection . ( Hoar , hwr . ) Tho 1 [ 0150 of Commons Is , I nm sure , doslrous , now that tiiij question of roform has been broached , that It » . " < << bo settled * . ( Hoar , hoar . ) I hope , thqwrforo ,. hoi 1 . m » bors will doal candidly with , tho proposal in rolci ^ ic " to it , wljlou the Government have nmt 0 ' ,,:,,, / , motion of tho noble lord I enn attribute only to 0 persuasion upon his part that lie durst not nicti i | lu
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Untitled Article
¦ 420 THE IE ADEB . [ No .-47 ~ U April 2 , 1859 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 2, 1859, page 420, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2288/page/4/
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