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Leader (1850-1860), 7th May 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 589, Untitled Article

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      Tun Right Hon * . B . Disuakli , M . P . —In his election speech at-Aylesbury , the Chancellor of the Exchequer said , with regard to his defeated bill . " Permit me to mention what were the two principal features of the measure of parliamentary reform which I , as the organ of her Majesty ' s Government , introduced to the notice of the House of Commons . The two features were these—a large increase of the constituencies of England , and at the same time the representation of considerable places which now are not represented in Parliament . These , at least , are two great results which are not to he treated in a light and contemptuous spirit ;; and if that machinery for increasing the constituencies had been fairly brought into play , I believe that it would , perhaps , constituent

      have doubled the amount of the present body . It was , without doubt , the largest proposal for the extension of the suffrage that ever was submitted to the consideration of an Assembly . With regard to the second point , so completely had we studied the claims of the unrepresented bodies , that there was no place we could look to—no considerable place omitted in our scheme . And when that proposal was made , it was received with great favoxir in the House of Commons and the country , and many gentlemen who had voted against that measure , and many gentlemen who not only voted against that measure , but to my siirprise spoke against that measure ,. had previously , in private , congratulated the ' . Government on the wisdom of their plan and the satisfactory character of their proposition . Therefore , gentlemen , I think I have

      some right to say that that was a measure wliich was not entirely - worthy of the condemnation -which has been so lavishly bestowed upon it . " Mr . IMsraeli then spoke of Foreign . . affairs . — "lam now to be understood as speaking solemnly and without the slightest reserve . The beginning of the Italian dispute found us on terms of cordial confidence with France . The mission of Xord Cowley was eminently ^—no , not eminently , but entirely successful . The Emperor Napoleon , I believe , was sincerely anxious for peace . Austria made all the concessions that were desired . Russia , however , interfered with * the proposition of a Congress . In doing so , believe me , she was not prompted by any deep policy or spirit of finesse . France seized on this proposition without waiting to hoar the answer obtained from Austria by Lord

      Cowley . Kut this was merely because she felt sure that that mission , would be unsuccessful . The ]<] mperor of the French wanted peace with honour . It was impossible for me to make these important revelations a few days ago , because tho- country was excited by the fabrication of enormous statements , to the effect that a secret treaty had been formed between Franco and Russia , and that their fleets wore to be united . There is not a tittle of foundation for those statements . There is no treaty , secret or otherwise , existing between France and Itussia . There is no secret convention . There is what may be called nn engagement which they were not bound in any way to { communicate to this country , but which was voluntarily communicated by the

      French Ministor , and was ., that Russia should put tin army of observation on the German frontier . Moreover , wo havo with / the confidence of a power that always acts with frankness and straightforwardness , asked Russia whothor she has engaged with France to declare war against Germany , and she has told us most unequivocally that it is not so . So ' much , then , for the socrot engagements inimical to England . It was also announced that thoro was a secret treaty between Denmark and Franco , with tlio sump object . Everyone thought that the whole Scandinavian navy was united with Russia and Franco to destroy tho supremacy of England . Wo havo inquired of

      Den-Lord Stanley . — -On his re-election at King ' s Lynn , the noble lord ' s speech commenced with a survey of the state of parties . Having spoken of Lord John Russell and his followers , he said : —Lord Palmerston , in March , 1857 , was perhaps the most popular minister since the time of Sir Robert Peel ; he contrived to lose that popularity more rapidhand more signally than any other man whose name is prominent in the political history of our times . In March , 1857 * Lord Palmerston . was carried into power on the shoulders of the people ; in Fcbruarv

      1858 , he fell . £ < o voice was raised in his defence , and the conviction must have been forced upon his most sanguine admirers that a second Ministry having Lord Palmerston for its head , during tlio . existence at least of the Parliament , was not possible . That being the position of the two large sections of the parties in the House of Commons -who form the opposition to the present Government , what is the position of the party headed by Lord Derby ? It is powerful , united , compact ; it has instincts of discipline , unity of purpose , and confidence in its leaders * and never have those qualities been more distinctly displayed than during the last session of

      Parliament . It does , not , however , form a majority in the House of Commons , while the other two parties , which are unable to unite for action , arc able and willing to join in opposition .. Speaking of the dissolution , his lordship said : —It is a step that must have been taken before any very considerable period of time elapsed , and if it was to be taken ere long , I do not know that a more fitting opportunity , could have been taken than that wliich has been selected . Lord Palmerston has asked if we were going to throw the British Constitution to be scrambled for on every hustings iii the country . Now , I see no harm , I see no danger , if the British

      constitution is discussed on every hustings in the country . I believe the people of this country appreciate and love the institutions under which they live , and , while iiot opposed to fair and _ moderate reform or change , they desire to increase rather than to diminish the power and control of Parliament over the executive Government . Admitting that the question of reform is one which will l > e most prominently discussed at the hustings on the present occasion , I sec in that circumstance no danger , but , on the contrary , mucli benefit . I believe it will show the next House of Commons what the people really want , and what they do not . On

      or as fleets and squadrons careering in the Mediterranean or the Adriatic , to seize every favourable opportunity which may enable them to terminate the struggle" and obtain a settlement of Europe , founded upon justice , and those regulations which may conduce to a permanent adjustment . My policy is the policy of every sound-headed man in this country . The policy of England is the policy of peace . But have we been caught napping 'i It is not in any boastfulness , but in a manner becoming on the part of an Englishman speaking to Englishmen , that I tell you what is the situation of England . You have in India 100 , 000 seasoned valiant troops ; such troops , prabably , as never before existed in the world ; equal to " that army which AVellington

      rendered immortal . A great portion of these troops are to quit India , which England had there at her command . And if they come here it is not to relieve England , but , owing to the happy course of events in India , and the position of-the Indian Government , it is rendered desirable they should quit India . You have in England 100 , 000 valiant and disciplined men , not perhaps equal to those who have been seasoned in the recent illustrious campaigns of India , but disciplined soldiers , and valiant , I need not say , as they are your countrymen . You will'liave , before six weeks elapse , not only a powerful fleet in the Channel , but a powci'ful fleet in the Mediterranean . What nation in the world , then , can compare with England ? For you have , with

      all these , the condition of your finance most wholesome and most healthy ; and this great armament will never be exercised except for defence or for the maintenance of your honour , and the vindication of your absolute interests . "" Our finances are inexhaustible , an income-tax of 10 per cent , would be heartily given , our national debt is a fleabite , and additional loans of 20 .. ' millions per annum would scarcely be felt . Looking at this league of kings and , emperors , I know well , if there is to be , a war of nationalities , of opinions and races , of revolution- and reconstruction , who can weather the storm . It will not be England that will suffer . It is Europe that will be desolate , it is'Europe that will be injured . The time is coming , if it has not already come , when the

      the franchise his opinion was thus expressed—I have always thought the county franchise was fixed too high , and 1 cordially concurred in the proposition of the Government , l > y wliich it was reduced from 50 / . to 10 / . On a former occasion I felt it my duty to vote against Mr . L . King ' s motion , and I now tell you , standing here , that my only reason for giving that vote and resisting the change he then proposed was , that I thought the question of a 10 / . franchise one which could not be considered separately from a general scheme of reform . 1 think I may venture to say , that the sincerity of that assertion has been proved , so far as I um concerned , by tho insertion of

      question of the balance of power can no longer be confined to Europe alone . Since the days when that doctrine prevailed great communities have grown up in anothcr . world , who will not permit the question of the balance of \} o wer to be limited to Europe . You have on the other side of the Atlantic , vigorous and powerful communities , who will no longer submit to circumscribed and limited theories of authority . You have tlic Australian colonios— -they are in their youth it is true , but it is the youth of a giant ^ -they have already as it were thrown their colossal shadow over Europe ; and it is for old Europe I lament , that she should so expend her resources and her energies in these wars . I wish old Europe to prepare for that awful competition that in coming time she

      must inevitably incur . England , although she is bound to Europe by tradition , by affection , by great similarity of habits , ' and by all those ties which time can alono create and construct , is not a mere power of the , old world ; her geographical position , her laws ,, her language , her religion , connect her as much with tho new world as with the old . And although she has occupied not only an , eminent , but , I am bold to say , the most eminent position among European nations for ages—if ever Europe , through her own short-sightedness , fulls into an inferior and exhausted position , for England them will yot remain an illustrious future . Wo are bound up with the communities of tho now world and those groat powers which our own planting and our own colonising

      tho 10 / . franchise } for counties in the Government RefprmBill . 'Now , gentlemen , wo have all hoard a great doal of criticism upon that part of the Government , scheme by which it was proposed to assimilate tho borough and . the coiinty franchise's . For my . own part , 1 listened most carefully to tho arguments against that proposal . ' . I have weighed them in my own mind as fairly as I could , and 1 confess that they arc objections to which I attach very little weight . I still think that as long as you havo an unequal frunchiso in tho boroughs and tlio counties you will havo a dissatisfied class . Lord . Staiiloy next spoke of Indian aflUirs . Tlioso who have thu administration of Utfaiivi in India , whether in thin country or on tho'Spot , havo laid upon them onool tho greatest burdens of responsibility which ovoriull to tlio lot of any public man in this country . Ihoro is involved in tho caso of tho Indian Administration every clamant of dlflloutty . Thoro is tho distance , thoro is the clhnato , and thoro is that opposition oi classes and jealousy of race which inevitably attend tho condition of a conquered community . Bournes all this , you havo thoro to deal with a form of governmont which , howovor necessary and however suited to tho country in which it provalla , is not in accordance M'itli tho habits and ideas of tho natives . We 'inveto add , that at tUo present moment tho finance * ' ( Sm /"' . ' /« M 8 0

      enorgy havo created , wo are bound to thorn by ties of , interest which will maintain our power and permit us to occupy as great a position in tho futuro as wo do now in the prosont , and ns we havo done in tho past . And thoruforo . now , if Europe is on the eve of war , I say it is for Europe ajul not for England that my heart sinks , and 1 hopo it will bo by tho influence of England that tho war which is now opening , or has oponod , may boa war of limited duration , that it may bo local in its character—that it may bo limited in its conduct— 'and that after soino encounters of armies both Franco and Austria mny fool that it may well by tho Inilucthco of thoso who havo not boon reduced by their political passions , to terminate tho strife , and scouro at tho sanio time tho butter government of Italy , and the peace of tho world .

      mark , our friend , a power which of late exhibited tho utmost friendliness towards this country , and I havo tho best authority for hero publicly stating that there is not a shadow of foundation for this report . And God forbid , if wo had occasion to call our allies and friends to rally round our standard and support tho cause of froodbm , truth , and justice that wo could not with the utmost conH ) clcu . co fool , tho spirit of Scandinavia would bo enlisted on our side . It is not for mo to stand horo and denounce tho Powers of Europo , bpoauso I do not think that England and Russia should forego their position as modlators , but that tjiey ought to bo proparod whothor na an army of observation on tho Gorman frontier ,

      Untitled Article

      THE ELECTION OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT .

      Untitled Article

      IMPORTANT POLITICAL STATEMENTS . '

      Untitled Article

      ygo . 476 , May 7 , 1859 > 1 THE LEADER 589

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 7, 1859, page 589, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2293/page/13/