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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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he swept himself clear of his oavu cobwebs , and the subtle crotchets of the acute dialectician gave place to the strong sympathies of the soundhearted mail . Lord John Kuss . cH followed with less brilliancy , but with equal vigour ; the cold skin of aristocracy seemed to grow warm , and the hiJe-bound condition of the . Whig was apparently exchanged for the expansiveness proper to a great statesman at an important crisis in the history of nations . The question was , nominally , whether the House of Commons sliould intei-dict her Majesty ' s Government from assisting ut a
eonfor-¦?—— " ~ THE NEUTRALITY CANT . The debate on Lord Elcho ' s motion- on Monday night will long be memorable for the bold and distinct utterance of sound principles that characterised the speeches of Mr . Gladstone and Lord John Russell . Rarely has any minister of the British crown so thoroughly emancipated himself from red tape shackles , and assumed so clear and lofty a tone , as that which dignified the Chancellor of the Exchequer on this remarkable occasion . It was not only the trammels of ofHce that Mr . Gladstone cast aside ; for once , at ' least ,
partiality for Austria , and assumed an attitude scarcely less than threatening to IT ranee . We do not accuse them of hypocrisy when they say they desire . ' the--. increase of freedom in Italy , because we believe they are growing with the growth of the times , but there is little wisdom in professing to wish for a result , and , at the smie time , to object to every possible method by which it can be accomplished . If the demothe in
cracy of Italy stirred , they joined Whigs calumnious , denunciations of Mazzini , and when a chivalrous sovereign offered a monarchical solution of Italian difliculties , he became as odious in their sight as a red republican or a saws culotte Our true policy , according to Lord Elcho , is " non intervention , not that this country should roll itself up like a hedgehog and take no trouble about what was going on , but only that we should not interfere unless where the interests
of this country were concerned . " That is to say , we should only unroll ourselves when there was an opportunity of getting something to eat . A nice position this for a great people : —to ignore all comprehensive human interests , to be false to all the duties of world-citizenship , and declare , that in all international relations , it would simply act and live as the guardian of its own selfishness . Such a principle not only opposes to warlike intervention , which we all desire to avoid , but strikes at the root of anti-slavery associations , missionary societiesand that moral aid which the
, English people have ever given to any cause which they believed to be ' right . ] VIr . Gladstone put the House right upon this question of the reciprocal duties of states ^ and reminded it that when Mr . Canning felt it would be wrong for England to take up arms to resist the French invasion of Spain , he denounced the infamy of the act , and " interposed a serious impediment to the repetition of such dangerous experiments . " . " This , " exclaimed Mr . Gladstone , "is the kind of neutrality by which her Majesty ' s Government will be actuated . " It may be added that this is the neutrality which will win the
approbation of the nation in spite oFa'H the sophistry employed by the friends of despotism , or of those curious individuals whoimagine that all interference leads to war , the horrors of which they deplore chiefly on account of thefr liorror of paying for it . Mr . Gladstone ia right in deprecating the Elcho-Johnsonian neutrality which , he said , would have the effect of " leaving France to struggle in difficulties and in the end sink under them , however much she may desire to further the fair and temperate-wishes .. of the Italians for constitutional freedom . " Such selfish
conduct , so far from being peaceable m its tendencies , would deservedly exasperate the French nation against , us and increase chances of collision , which ought to be removed by the offer of frank and generous friendship' upon honest terms . Englishmen may be slow to believe that the French Emperor ' s intervention can benefit Italy , but it is a wise policy to multiply his inducements to act fairly , ana to assure him of , at least , a firm moral support , if he pursued a course which we arc able to approve .
It is a misfortune that the past conduct of public men has undermined national confidence , and , instead of taking it for granted that the proceedings of the Cabinet will be based upon the principles they have laid down , the friends of liberty fear lest they should again find grejat interests botrayod , nnd receive another lpsson on the well-known proverb , that " fine words butter no parsnips . " The Premier ' s career is full of this storv , and Lord John Russell has too often made big words a cover for h ' ttle deeds . It is , however , uaolcss to net upon a principle of distrust , for condemning men in anticipation oiton leads to their going astray . Take the ministry at its Syord ; hold it fast to its promises , mid above all thinjrs lot it bo assured of
p opular support in any wise efforts to advance the liberal cause . Mr . ' Gladstone hns declared his adhesion to the historical truth , that " for ( JLVO-andibrty long years , whorovor liberty moved its head in Italy , whorovor there was the slightest ; or tho most moderate attempt towards procuring even tho hundroth part of those franchises which we , as Engltahm . cn , hold so dour , then the iron hand of Austria interposed for tho re-establishment , in all thoir rigour , of the abuses of tho actually existing Governments . " The inlluonoo of Sardinia , the opportunity for French interposition , ho likewise traood to its truo source , that " Austrian influence which has pervaded tho peninsula from one end to the other , and which cauaos every man
ence to settle the details of the Italian peace , but really whether , under the guise of neutrality , the moral power of this country should be employed in the interests of the House of Hapsburg , and against tho national development of tho Italian people , kord Elcho had looked into " Johnson ' s Dictionary , " and found " neutrality " to mean " a state of indifference , of neither friendship nor hostility 5 " to this fishy condition ha wished to reduce the Government of England at a time when the sword of Franco had carved out for a largo portion of Italy a possibility of freedom , and the matter to be decided was , whether righteous hopes and h ' eroic sacrifices should meet with gratification
and recompense , or bo shattered and thrown away . " When , the poaco-at-any-prioo folk . invented their perversion of non-intervention and their cant of neutrality , none saw tho hollow ness oi the morality , and the dishonour that would attach to its adoption more than tho Tory politicians , but they now find it a convenient doctrine , because it is tho nearest approach they can hope tho country will make towards a partisanship of Austria , a belief in tho divine right of sovereigns , and a superstitious reverence for tho treaties of 1815 . Lord Malmosbury ' s correspondence , and the spooohea of his party prove that when in power they did not look to Dr . Johnson ';) definitions for tho regulation , thoir conduct . So far from the neutrality they now recommend , they manifested an undisguised
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TRADE SOCIETIES . Tub Builders strike will render no small service to the community if it leads to inquiring into some important relations of labour and capital , and causes the nature of the workman ' s societies to be better understood . Whenever the masters find themselves inconvenienced by the union of the men , it is . common to hear them talk as if such combination were an unmitigated evil , and they call for public sympathy to aid them in wasting capital and energy in the vain attempt to crush the principle of association , and reduce the working classes to isolated units . Associations for provision against calamities the capitalists do wot object to ; but immeremoved aouots
diately after the legislature has an as to the legality of combining to employ moral means to raise wages or enforce regulations , the master builders meet a strike by a demand that tho man shall unconditionally surrender a constitutional right guarantee them by Act of l ? rlianient . This is a course which public opinion will not tolerate , a nd tho so oner the employers abandon it tho better for their reputation , and also for thoir prospects of inducing the men to modify claims or regulations that ought not to bo sustained . . , ., TUo printed document put forth by the master builder s was , evidently prepared toi them by sonic professional agitator , ana uiey require to bo cWiseJlcd against WjJ « vj advisors quite as much as tho men . | , ""^ view which they had on Monday with tho Homo sSJotaiy shows that they labour under no small coniUaion of thought , due member c tho depu tation , whoso name is not given , but -wbc . w stated to employ about 1 , 000 hand * , complained of tuo rl * Sfttlous inndo by tho motfs society which ho Sfe was pcrvortecf from log timato objects . He called its notion an incubus tvTiioU tho masters must got rid of , but while holding out to the men tho throat of starvation or surrender , ho doclaredjjiat no coercion " was intended . Another member snoko of the nion as " emboldened by their various successes , " and a third explained that b y a previous strike the men had suooeodod in obtaining an aavanoo of lOpor cent . Tho operation of the Trade Hooioties is spoken of as a tyranny , not only to
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iii every part of the peninsula who strives to better his political condition to be counteracted by agents from Austria , as the real power which denies him all hope of improvement , and condemns him perpetually to the political servitude in which he lives . " With reference to the great practical question of the restoration of the runaway potentates , Mr . Gladstone said :- — " It was declared at Villa Franca that certain sovereigns should return to their territories . What does this mean ? I can see what it can mean is , that the parties subscribing that declaration are perfectly willing that those sovereigns shall return—other circumit than that
stances permitting . If means more , and that those sovereigns are to be replaced by force—whicJi I am sure the Emperor of France does not mean—that is another reason why you should not bind the hands of her Majesty ' s Government , or prevent them from protestin g , with all the energy that becomes the government of a free state , against the doctrine that would treat those people as if they were the property of so many ducal houses , and dispose of them , their fortunes , their families , and their prosperity , irrespective of the will , conviction , and judgment which , as human beings and Christians , they are entitled to exercise . "
Well might Mr . Charles Gilpin exclaim , " it was the noblest speech he had heard in that House , and the principles it enunciated would awaken an echo throughout England . " It has rai-ely happened that , previous to diplomatic intervention , its principles have been so distinctly avowed , because those principles have too often had a character that would not bear the li < rht It would be well if Mr . Gladstone himself when tho
was chosen to represent his country . opportunity occurs . The air of Vienna did not ao-ree with Lord John Russell , and even in free Zurich he might not sustain , uninjured , the presence of Austrian diplomatists . Mr . Gladstone is untried ; and while he could match Talleyrand in subtlety , his long manifested- sympathy with Italy , his anxiety to dp justice to France , and his manly exposition of English feeling-, indicate him as the best man for an occasion scarcely second in importance to the meetings of 1815-
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NOTICES TO COIUtESrONDKNTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous * 01 ' ; ° fW ^ nco Whatever is-intended Tor insertion roust be authenticate , by tho name and address-. of the " -riter ; not necessarily for publication , but as a g-uarantee of his ffoocl taitn . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of liters we receive Their insertion is often delayed , owiiitf to a piehs Sf matter ¦ an d when omitted , it iff frequently from reasons quite ' independent of the merits of the commumcution . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications .
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OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STRAND , tV . C .
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SATURDAY , AUGUST 13 , 1859 .
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—— -o- . There is nothing so revolutionary ,-because there is nothing so unnatural and Convulsive , as the strain to keep thing's fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal proyross . —JDe . Auxold .
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SUBSCRIPTION TO " THE LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , UNSTAMPED , PREPAID . ( Delivered Gratis . ) - ^
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_ . „ ,. , 01050 1 THE LEADER . 937 No . 490 . Aug . 13 j lg £ M ^ L ~~~«^ ^ ....- ¦ ...
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 13, 1859, page 937, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2307/page/13/
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