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o a rpTTD^ a v a -oKn &A1UKDAI, AUbrllbl 20, 185y
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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msffisssgESgg William-street , Wilmington-square ; . St . Thomas Charter house , Gosweu-street ; Rotherhlthe . 1 £ a ram ™ 1 r J a c t 1 _ eet ss ^^ l ^ l ^^ Sis the-East , " Cannon-Btreet , will RE-OPEN on the ist oi ° A ^ p ! ication for Admission Prospectuses , or any ottier information , to be made at the Schools m each District , ana at ^ LKty &Th e Committee of Council oh Education .
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THE NAPOLEON TRIUMPH . Up to the date of the Italian war a large portion of the mercantile class in this county looked upon the Emperor of the French as a veritable " Napoleon of Feace . " They could not imagine that a man past fifty could care for ideas , and be willing to sacrifice ease , and encounter danger for the chance of gratifying a sentiment , or adding reputation to a name . Nothing was plainer to the mercantile mind than the fbfly of war . The exi < gencies of trade , the interests of manufacturers the pressure of taxation , the recurring deficieneie : of the revenue—all these , together with the fears of Europe , the probability of a new coalitioi
against France , and another march to Paris , convinced a certain class of reasoners that th < Imperial eagle was only a dove , looking out for at olive-branch— -in fact , a domestic sort of fowl much too prudent to go forth in quest of laurel tc make a victor ' s crown . All these delusions wer < dispelled by the rough noises of battle , and th < success of Louis Napoleon as a general provec him to possess an unknown and dangerous sourc ( of power . Had he been like an ordinary Sovereign , compelled to sit at home at ease and receive bulletins of victories which his generals had o-ained , an appeal to arms would have been the but events
most dangerous course he could adopt ; have shewn that he judged his own capacities soundly , and the conqueror of Magenta and Solferino will appear in the eyes of a military people , as well as in his own , to be the legitimate successor of the great soldier by whoni their most famous victories were won . Without the g li t ter of this new glory it would have been impossible to divert the mind of the French people from home questions ,, and it would have been hazardous to rely upon an army which was not permitted a more lively gratification than indulging in reminiscences of the past . .. ; The Empire may , perchance , remain
peaceable , but it is no longer " peace . " It has become an appeal to passions and traditions of war . Wherever the soldiers of the Army of Italy go , they will carry with them tales of heroism and glory that will fire the mind of the peasant at the plough and of the -workman at the forge or loom . In busy towns and quiet villages the star of the Legion of Honom % or the promised medal shining on the breasts of men of humble birth—to whom the army and war open the only chances of personal distinction—will excite ambition and a thirst for fame that will render thousands who behold them restless subjects during the " piping times occasion
of peace , " and create a craving for fresh for deeds of amis . The return of the victorious legions and their march through Paris affords a conclusive reply to those who doubted the popularity of the war . Success is alwovs popular when it does not cost too much , and this war was over before its pressure was felt . The novelty of the spectacle was a little damaged by the / act of so many of the soldiers having been proyiously seen by the good people of Paris , but neither that nor the weary hours of waiting for the play to commence , nor the length of the time occupied by the performance , could diminish the enthusiasm which the whole city felt . There wore thousands present tp whom the Empire is still an object of hostility and dread , but if they abstained from the in
acclamations that greeted the chief person tug scene , they were frantic in their applause when they caught sight of their own wounded countrymen , tho captured ennnon of the Austrian * and the banners whoso holes and tat tors showed that they had beon carried bravely through the storms oftflipt . No victories gained by British troops m a oauso about which thopeople Know ao little , and the utility of which was still open to so much doubt , could Iibvo excited a thousandth part of this enthusiasm ; nnd that Pans haa exhibited it , ahowa that neither moral nor utilitarian consideration * have materially diminished the old . passion for soldiering , and that thy Constitutionnel Is justified in affirming " It may now bo more than over aaid , that nothing is lost in France of that ardout sympathy which , formerly hailed tU army
O A Rpttd^ A V A -Okn &A1ukdai, Aubrllbl 20, 185y
the important political prize of a seat in the Cabinet left no doubt of his being a great man . He could not be indifferent to the advantage of the large salary , attached to such an' office , and it . would have been a triumph worth winning for himself and f or his order , that by force of merit and with the approbation of the country he should have entered the charmed circle of aristocracy and become a minister of the Crown , without the customarypenalty of forsaking the less privileged class to which he belongs . Many men of the middle-class who enter Parliament lose all personal dignity by aping the aristocracv , and are bought body and soul by
invitaand act together , something might soon be accomplished : but while they exhibit sufficient , admiration for Mr . Cobden to set up a monster marquee , listen to speeches , and devour comestibles , mey are as careless as other parts of the country about practical methods of removing grave obstacles to progress .
tions to a lordly dinner or tickets for a royal ball Every one knew that Richard Cobden was unpurchasable , that in courtly society as on popular platforms he would be just the same earnest , honest , common-sense man , and therefore his joining the Cabinet wonld have received general applause . Perhaps he stands higher in the nation ' s estimation because , he did not accept the brilliant offer which the Premier made him , because many people never believe in disinterestedness , unless it appears to take the form of sacrificing some advantage they can understand . Had he entered the Government it would , however , have
been with a motive as pure as that which kept him out ; but without undervaluing the services he might have rendered in office we feel he has done more good by rejecting the opportunity . There is something disgusting in the humbug of ordinary Parliamentary opposition , and in the way in which men pretend to differences or agreements which they do not feel , for the mere sake of personal advantage or party success . ; Mr . Gobderi ; could do none of this : between him and Lord Palmerston were real differences arising out of the totally ODDOsite character of the men . The Premier ' s
chivalry and Mr . Cobden ' s unextinguishable good nature removed all bitterness from the recollection of past contests , but the views of the-men could not coincide , and Mr . ; Cobden raised the opinion of his own order in the minds ^ of the aristocracy by showing that his conscientious scruples were nobler things than their pride of place . The Rochdale demonstration stamps this conduct with public approval , and encourages the belief that before long the composition of Cabinets will be so far changed as to permit Mr . Cobden and men like him to take their seats with the full concurrence of their own hearts and minds .
The principal topics which Mr . Cobden brought before the country in his speech were electoral corruption , the everlasting armament question , and the propriety of promoting peace by extension of trade . These are all practical questions of high consideration ; but if the men of the north accept Mr . Cobden as their political chief , they should do more than simply cheer the sentiments which he utters . The honourable M . P . is right in affirming that his colleagues at Westminster do not wish to . abolish bribery and other disgraceful means of obtaining senatorial power ; and he haa sketched out simple plans by which the evil might
be met . We now ask will his party do anything ? There is much more to be done than advocating the ballot , useful as it -may be ; but if the great middle class will not demand a complete legislative change in the method of treating those matters they become accomplices in the guilt . . It is not worth while to follow Mr . Cobden in the often argued question of national defences , and the alleged mischief done by the press , pr to refute the fapcy that our defences sqire the primary cause of French aggressive preparations , and we can afford to let his American friends laugh at our invasion fears ; but lot us ask Mr . Cobden and his party to devise and support a
on ; he would like to see it trudge safely in the path of the actual , as now discerned , but has not the faintest perception of the ideal , or the actual that is to be . The empl oyer of a thousand factory hands feejs him a safe man , sure to introduce no difficulties between , labour and capital , and not likely to encourage any theories Which hold out to the working class a possible future differing in principle from their painful present . The rich trader and the steady shopkeeper , jealous of the onward march of the " common people , " and not liking to feel the toe of tho artisan press their most respectable heels , implicitly believe in his Parliamentary Reform , because they feel that ho *
ambitifor society is material and mechanical THE COBDEN DEMONSTRATION . Mb . Cobjden is essentially a representative man . He belongs to a trading , manufacturing age , and concentrates in his Own person the merits and defects of that stage of industrial development which our country has at present reached . No one looks to him for great philosophical principles of action , or exhibitions of comprehensive thought . He diffuses around him no splendours of intellect , brilliance Qf imagination , nor glow of heart . Notwithstanding a few crotchets , his genius is eminently that of common sense . . He wishes the world to be quiet and prosperous ; his hi g hest AVMl-kiii j-v *^ + Vk «* oA / 1 I /\ 4 tT 1 a * V »« + /***»¦ Ol CiV \ / I 1 Y \ A / tlt t \ Y \ y *» n I P
has no affinities with democracy , that he never could be a leader of the people , but desires only to continue a captain of the middle class . He knows a great deal , but it is tho knowledge of a " Manchester manufacturer ; " and he hns a foreign policy which wishes kindly to other countries , but which regards extraneous humanity in its most mundnne aspect of producing materials and consuming goods . Were wo to stop here , wo should depict a serviceable character but still only a human ateam-ongine well adapted to industrial work . This , however , would do injustice to Richard Cobden , because , it would leave out of sight the quiet , impassable , sterling honesty which , far more than " his unadorned eloquenoo "— . excellent as that is — -causes him to bo honoured and makes him groat . Tho fact and tho manner of his declining to . accept
plan by which our coasts may bo made secure without ruinous expense or unnecessary addition to our offensive means . We have heard for years thoir objoctions to other people ' s plans , but they never oner to replace them with anything bettor . The idea of multiplying the friendly tieal > etwcon this country and Franco by reducing the wineduties ia a wiao one , but our financial arrangements nro usually made without adequate reference to their politicnl bearings ? and unless tho trading classes force upon a Chancellor of tho Exchequer tho necessity of making eomo other provision in place of taxoa that are politically mischievous , wo may keep thorn long enough . If tho manufacturing districts would return twenty wellchosen mon , who would study these questions
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SATURDAY , AUGUST 20 , 1859 .
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^ Tliereis nothing-so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is" by the very law of its creation In eternal progress . —Dn . Arnold . ?¦ .
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OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STBAKD , W . C .
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NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for . publication , but as a guarantee of his gx > od faith . jft is Impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing-to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication ; . . We cannot undertake to returrt rejected communications .
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SUBSCRIPTION TO THE LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , UNSTAMPED , PREPAID . ( Delivered Gratis . )
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No . 491 . Ap » . 20 , 1859 , ] THE LEADER . 961
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 20, 1859, page 961, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2308/page/13/
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