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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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SUBSCRITION TO " THE LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , UNSTAMPED , PK 1 PAID . . ( Delivered Gratis . )
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THB WANTOF A CHINESE POLICY . It is a misfortune of Parliamentary government when parties are nearly balanced , and the nation does riot take the trouble to enforce adhesion to any principles of action , that matters of great moment are managed from hand to mouth to the utter neglect of the consequences likely to ensue . This truism has been illustrated by our conduct towards China , for although we have sent out ambassadors and plenipotentiaries , appointed
superi ntendents , fought battles , bombarded towns , gained victories , and made treaties , suffered lengthy debates in the Houses of Lords and Commons , and even had a China Parliament , we have never had a Chinese policy ; and those interesting specimens of a partially extinct civilisation , who rejoice in pigtails and pancake faces , must be terribly puzzled what to make of the " red-haired foreign devils , " as they politely term us , and whose conduct can only be explained by those who are intimately acquainted with the intricacies and curiosities of a constitutional system .
. The private letters just arrived from China assert positively that intelligent Englishmen and intelligent Chinese both considered the Elgin treaty a piece of diplomatic humbug , and astonishment is expressed that Mr . Bruce and Admiral Hope should have been so foolish as to fancy it anything better than a scrap of waste paper , whose reputation might last long enough to prooure for the canny Scot who negotiated it rewards and honours , which the bestowers and the receiver must have been aware were not due for unfinished work . Wo should like to know the instructions Lord Elgin had from Lord
Palmerston ' s Administration , and subsequently from that of Lord Derby , as these would show whether our rulei's regarded the war as , a serious and important business that , having been entered upon , was to be waged for a definite purpose , and upon a well-considered plan , or whether they looked at it as a troublesome episode in British transactions , that was to be got through somehow without reference to the effects it would entail . For many years we have suffered from perfectly intulligible gricvances-r—the contempt felt by the Chinese for Europeans , and the want of direct communication with the Emperor and his immediate advisers . The
contempt , although unpleasant to its objects , is not unnatural , and notwithstanding our intercourse with foreigners , wo could still produce bold Britons whose conceit of race is only a trifle loss offensive and ridiculous than that of the Chinese . It ia only by mixing upon equal terms with other people that any nation is taught to view its neighbours with cosmopolitan respect , and wo certainly have no right to . expect that the Chinese should feel , that friendl y sentiment towards us when we Have had lots ' oi squabbles and two wars without demanding or gaining any objects worthy of the utrifc . In fact , our position has neither boon one
of dignity nor justice , and very little lias yet occurred to induce the " Brother of the Sun jand Moon" to treat us with more consideration than one of his predecessors once showed to a Dutch envoy , who , after knocking his head nine times on the ground , received a present of partially-gnawed sheeps' trotters in a dirty plate . Exeter Hall has served up the opium question , with its xisual condiments of rant and cant , but it must be confessed that the opium quarrel was riot the prettiest that might have been devised , nor was the Lorcha business a pleasant ground for a resort to arms . The first China war ' must have appeared to the Court of Pekin little better than a marauding
expedition , when it was wound up for a payment of money , without placing the relationship" between the two races upon an equal footing , and the second China war terminating in a still-born treaty could only wear the aspect of a sanguinary burlesque . There is a ludicrous and perplexing want of conformity between our conduct and our principles , and no one chooses to affirm that we have a right to force Asiatic countries to conduct an intercourse with us upon European terms . If we think this wrong let us give up all surreptitious employment offeree to bring it about , but if we think it right let us declare it to be the basis of our policy ^ and not sto p short until the object has been attained .
The Chinese question has become more than ever important on account of our connexion with France and the progress of Russian aggression in the East . If we fail to carry on whatever proceedings may be required with the firmness and intelligence necessary to ensure success and win respect , we shall not only sow the seeds of another quarrel with our tea-supplying friends , but shall lower our reputation in the minds of all Oriental nations , and promote an alliance between Russia and France for . purposes we nifty not approve . For want of any broad principle of action during the Crimean war our Government sacrificed Kars ,
and strengthened Russia ' s pressure upon the Caspian and the Black Sea . j \ the Czar has captured Schainyl , and his success in that corner of tlve . world is matched by the advantages gained from the Chinese , and may materially affect the ultimate condition of the Turkish empire . Russia succeeds against Circassians or Chinese because she has a policy and knows what she is about ; and if we have no policy , and do not know what we are about , we cannot complain if any French Government should prefer allying itself with a State that has . If we play second fiddle in Chinese arrangements , and let the French win a great reputation , and establish a strong position within a short steaming distance of the Russians on the Amoor , there can be no doubt mischief
will follow . Our trade with China has become so enormous , that we obtain a revenue of nearly five millions and a half by the taxation of tea , while France has scarcely any eastern trade to protect ; and if , through our negligence , the French should be furnished with an opportunity for making a permanent naval station in the north of China , our danger from war would be materially increased . We cannot and ought not to seek to prevent the French from avenging their own wrongs , and protecting what they may conceive to be their own interests , but joint expeditions should be avoided us far as possible , and we must not let the end of the story be , that the English blundored and failed , and the French benevolently repaired their errors , and supplied the requisite military and naval skill . It is rumoured that the Cabinet is divided in
opinion upon these mattors , and it is very doubtful whether the Governor-General of India has acted with the vigour and skill which the occasion required . There is , however , oho consolationtrade promises , for the present , to go on much as usual , and although lords and their relations may Haunt thoir fool ' s-caps in the faco of John Chinaman , no English subject id likely to mids his favourite cup of Bohca .
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THE NEW REFORM MOVEMENT . Wb congratulate tho Liverpool Financial Reform Association upon its intention of commencing a brisk agitation on the subject of taxation and expenditure , in which it is to have tho support of Messrs . Cobdon mid Bright . It is announced that tho first step will bo au organised movement to advocate the remisdion of diatoms duties upon articles entering , like tea and sugar , into universal
consumption , and to clear the Customs list of a host of imports that are alleged to be more vexatious than remunerative . Many of the absurdities of our tariff are clearly exposed in a paper which we reprint from the Financial Reformer , and we apprehend there will not . be much ditticulty in raising a laugh at fiscal facetia ? , and obtaining thunders of applause for proposals to reduce the expenses of domestic housekeeping , and thus encourage " those young people about to marry , " whom advertising upholsterers are so anxious to executionand not
catch , to put their desires into , fear to have their quiver filled , as the Hebrew bard directs . The scheme is alluring and no doubt practicable , but it is surrounded by difficulties that its supporters can scarcely overrate ; and if they can succeed in making the country anxious for financial reform , we may expect a general attack upon the whole system of British government , whieh'is really a government by corruption , and not by those pleasant sounding entities , Queen , lords , and commons , as people suppose .
The first thing that strikes the observer , is that although the Customs yield about £ 24 , 000 , 000 a year , they do not suffice to defray the present charge for our naval and military establishments , and it is perfectly hopeless to expect that any large reduction can be made in taxation unless those departments of flagitious waste and extra - gavance are entirely remodelled and placed on a sound foundation . Mere abuse of soldiers and sailors , together with assertions that we should be better without national defences , will do no good ; and we recommend the . Liverpool Reformers to insist upon removing army and navy expenditure from court influence and pai-ty control , for until that is done we shall only'be able to effect a temporary reduction of their cost , and ' find when it is too late that the diminution has been contrived
by neglecting things essential , and preserving every abuse by which family connexions are provided for , or political venality furnished with its reward . We also want a proper . balance-sheet of these departments , and an annual stock-taking , presented to Parliament before the estimates are voted . Who knows how many dozen or score of the ships that figure in navy lists , and swell the national outlay , are fit for their work , and who can tell what has become of the thousands of big guns that Woolwich had in store , and which were long since pronounced sufficient 'to cannonade the world . The authorities go on spending hundreds of
millions without telling anybody what they have on hand to represent the money that has disappeared , and after this injurious process has gone on fora generation , a Duke of Wellington gets up and declares that the equipment of a field battery or two is beyond our means . There is no doubt of the real nature of the system , and that an immense proportion of Government expenditure is misdirected to the purchase of influence or political support . India has been well nigh ruined by the needless force kept there for the sake , not of preserving
tranquillity , but providing staff appointments for " pillars of ministerial antio-chambcrs , " or agreeable guests at court dinners and balls . Tims financial reform will soon find itself merged in parliamentary reform , for without a considerable change in our electoral avstom , other chnngun that would render economy possible , will never take place . We doubt whether there . single honestly managed department in tho government , that is , one in which the chief appointment !* arc ¦ made on account of oflieial aptitude and not for a Jess worthy motive . We- have Postmasters-General who can
do nothing for thoir money without hampering Mr . Rowland Hill , who finds all the brains , and ought t bo tho acknowledged head of tho concern ; but it that were so , a polite form of peculation would be taken from our peers , and tho cbmpoundcr of a cabinet would have one good thing load to barter for support . Many of thdse jobs are dreadfully oostly , and the Indian mutiny cannot be dissociated from the nomination of Goncsrul
Ansonto bo Oominandor-iu-Chioi ; not on tho ground ot his military knowledge , for ho was never tmspoctod of having any , but because tho Whig aristocracy wished to do something to repair the fortunes of the Lichfield family . The whole game is the " toko care of Dowbiggin , " which lurniahod Lord Panmuro with , his best chance for posthumous fame , and which will oontiuuo , until the national conscience can bo roused and tho national intellect stimulated to promote wiser plans .
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NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the . writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his g-oort faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters avc receive Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from roaeons quite independent of the merits of . the cominuniea-Wc cannot undertake to return rejected communications .
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^— ' V ^ T SATURDAY , OCTOBER 1 , 1859 .
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* Tiiere is nothing- so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .
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No , 497 * Oct . I , 1859-1 THE LEADER , 1105 __^ —W^—^^^^^ I Mi ^^^ *^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ : ¦ — — ... i - ¦¦¦ - - .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 1, 1859, page 1105, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2314/page/13/
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