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No . 497 . Oct . I , 1859 . ] THE LEA DEB , U 07
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sequently feel that deference is due to his decision as to their future government . They are fully persuaded that he will never yield to the representations they have made , and continue to mate to him , on behalf of their country ; but that , in spite of themselves , he will virtually , if not actually , force upon them that government which they doubt not is even now , and has probably long been decided upon by him . Notwithstanding this persuasion , however , they labour on , in order that when their fate is sealed , and the present dream of liberty and unification is dissipated , at least for a time , Central Italy may not incur the odium of having done nothing to help itself and avert the
renewal of restricted freedom . Such being the case , we can scarcely wonder , though we may consider it a matter of deep regret , that the States in question do not employ more energetic measures , especially that they do not endeavour without delay to put in practice those which have been decided upon as expedient . Why indefinitely delay the convocation of their several national assemblies , which , it is said , are to be held in the Hall of the Cinque Cento at Florence ? The
Convocation is to take place with a view to the election of a Regent to conduct the Central Government until the King of Sardinia is allowed—if . such is ever the case— -to take possession of the various territories offered him . The actual ruler of Tuscany ^ Baron Ricasoli , or Farini , the Dictator of Modena and Parma , would either of them surely well fulfil the requirements of the office . The strong energetic will of the former especially would be invaluable , and he would undoubtedly be the right man in the right place .
It would be a singular destiny if the Sovereigns of the Duchies were to be restored in any case , whether Austria was victorious or defeated . Such impunity ' would- constitute a dangerous precedent in favour of . the allies of Austria , who would , in this way , enjoy a privilege both unusual and immoral in its tendency—one which is admitted in no human society , and which would Consist in sharing the profits without partaking in the loss , in taking part in the good fortune of a power without submitting to the bad . Their future confidence in Austria would be without limit , since her protection would still be extended to them
even after defeat , and they would care less than ever for other powers who , in spite of victory , would be without influence . Thence the fatal consequence would result that a war , undertaken to destroy tli e influence of Austria , would end by rendering this influence still more complete and irresistible . The grand ducal restoration would be an incalculable misfortune for Italy , for the Austrians would be driven from Milan only to find themselves yet more powerful at Florence and Leghorn . It is felt by many that the retirement of the Dukes and the Duchess from their several
sovereignties has given their people a right of free choice to which the inhabitants of the Romagna , as the subjects of the still reigning Pope , cannot pretend . There are , however , many considerations brought into view by the Romagnoli themselves , which must be felt by all to be of great weight . After having for ages onjoyed their own laws and statutes , and made jDart of a civil kingdom even up to the beginning of the present century , they were placed in 1815 under tiro temporal government of the Pone , in opposition to their own wishes . The wretchedly-acUninistered pontifical rule produced a state of chronic reaction and revolution , so that martial law , and measures employed in other countries as purely exceptional , were perpetual institutions in this part of Italy . So
complete a perversion of right and justice could not exist without grievous injury " to public prosperity and morality , and was a standing menace to the peace and quiet of the Peninsula and Europe . Every attoinpt at reform was vain ; the prayers of the people , no loss than the counsels of potentates , wero treated with indifference , or met by promises of reform which wero made only to be broken . The government of the Papaoy is seen to be incompatible with Italian nationality , —with civil I'ight and political liberty . It is incompetent to defend the life and property of its subjects , and has , in fact , abdicated its sovereignty and yielded its noblest prerogatives into the hands of Austrian generals , who have for years governed the civil and military affairs of the provinces of the lioinagnole . It is . only b y the foreign and mercenary arms of Austria and France that it is itself kept
together , arid its inability to maintain public order and tranquillity is patent . Moreover , to numbers of the most devoted and sincere Roman Catholics the temporal government of Rome is substantially arid historically distinct from the spiritual government of the Church ; and these varied considerations have induced the Romagnoli to declare , and the friends of order and legality to countenance them in declaring , that they will no longer submit to the temporal power of the Pope . This portion of Central Italy has , by its moderation and tran- ^ quillity , won the esteem and approbation of public opinion throughout Europe . With Tuscany , Parma , and Modena it might well be confident of the speedy accomplishment of its wishes , if their fulfilment depended alone upon the order , firmness , and spontaneity with which they have been made known .
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THE MONITEUISS DISCLAIMER . The Moniteur has at last noticed the persevering and baseless rumours , that the French Government was obstructing the settlement of Italian affairs , in order to procure a kingdom for cousin " Plon-Plon . " The words of the denial are curious , and lead to the belief that one of the unknown articles of the Villafranca peace prohibited such a plan . " It suffices , " says the official journal , " without mentioning the engagements made at Villafranca , to remind the public of the acts and words of the Emperor , both before and after that epoch . " The " rumours , " it declares , " need not be refuted in order to deprive them of every
foundation . " If they do not want refuting why refute them , and why make half-intelligible allusions to the treaty of Villafranca , instead of distinctly stating any provisions that affect the question ? The French'Emperor has not been well treated in this country since his quarrel with Austria , but we think he might see that a little more frankness would materially improve his position . Victor Emmanuel told the Romagnese deputation to rely upon the generous love for Italy of the French Emperor , " who will accomplish the great work of' reparation he has so powerfully begun ; " and
Lord John Russell at Aberdeen reiterates his assertions that neither France nor Austria will interfere by force to re-establish the dismissed potentates . But if this is so , why do not the French and Sardinian sovereigns act accordingly ? Let Victor Emmanuel definitively accept the proffered sovereignty , and let Louis . Napoleon and England at once recognise his pretensions . Under such circumstances it is very unlikely that Austria would do more than sulk . The delay and uncertainty damp men's hopes , and ore productive of far more danger than vigorous conduct .
The JMTonite ur's declaration may , however , calm oxu * country gentlemen , and enable them to talk at agricultural dinners about short horns and big turnips , and give up the objectionable practice of converting these gatherings into a series of demon * - strations against France . Let us have the volunteer rifles without the perpetual bluster . We do not want to live in a war-whoop—it is , at best , an ugly noise .
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OPPRESSIVE , UNNECESSARY , AND RIDICULOUS TAXATION . [ Wo have much pleasure in reprinting the following article by Mr . John Jlollingshead , from the Liverpool Financial Reformer , as we understand it will form the basis of the forthcoming Anti-Customs and Excise agitation , now organising under the auspices of Messrs . Cobden and Bright . Wo have every reason to boUovo that this new " League " will be vigorously conducted , and tliat the relationship existing between Mr . Robertson Gladstone ( the President of the Liverpool Financial Reform Association ) and the present Chancellor of the Exchequer will not interfere , in any way , with the proposed agitation . ]
What a pity it Is that our lavish , grand , and heroic Government , should ever be compelled to descend from the somewhat popular , and always magnificent pedestal of Expenditure , and to grope , like bonepickers , for the dirty money that supports their state , in the mean and miserable byways of Income ! What a pity it is that those infallible gods of office , who provide us with pensioners , palaces , wars , and blasts of the national trumpet , do not in tholr wisdom provide some means of paying for those luxuries , instead of looking to unwise , opproseivo , and oven ridiculous taxes ! The worldrgovorning
ambition of Jupiter is a noble and a dazzling thing , until we find it supported by a feather that is taken , from the child ' s shuttlecock . We admire such splendid creatures as the Duke of Maelstrom , noblest of all noble pensioners , until we reflect that their pensions must be drawn from vulgar tallow , eggs , and cheese . We admire the charitable thoughtfulness that provides for the humblest menial of the State , until we hear of a number of beds that have been seized for unpaid taxes throughout the country . We lose faith in those gods who are not always reposing in the solemn majesty of temples , but who are found ladling a cup of liquid from a gin distiller ' s vat , or scooping a pound of rancid grease from a cask of Russian tallow . national
No branches of the revenue are so suggestive of reflections of this kind as the Excise and the Customs ; and especially the latter . There is no more difference between the right hand and the left , than there is between the debit side and the credit side of the National Balance Sheet , —the Country ' s Income , and the State Expenditure ;—so that the Financial Minister of the hour appears like the double mummer we sometimes see at a fair , — one half a hero , and the other half a moneygrubbing pettifogger . In this dual character he haa two houses , in which he lives and moves ; one a palace , in which we find nothing but the loftiest aspirations for universal government ; the other a shop , an office , or a warehouse , in Which the smallest article of produce is clipped , and pared , and sifted . The first is the Treasury ( collectively speaking , ) which watches over an unprofitable kingdom , on which the sun never sets ; the second is the Custom House , which silently puts its hand into every consumer ' s pocket , feeling that he who is taxed , not knowing how or when you tax him , by being kept in ignoranceis not taxed at all . '
, . , „ One-third , and often more than one-third of our annually increasing national expenditure , is provided for > by that large trade-riding establishment in Thames-street , London , and its obstructive branches in every port of the kingdom . The British tariff shows an aggregate of 460 articles , which produce an annual revenue exceeding , £ 23 , 000 , 000 sterling ; but out of these 460 , there are 439 that might at once be taken out of the list , and the loss ( if any ) to the Exchequer would only be about . £ 600 , 000 . We raise statues to Sir liobert Peel ; we read leaders , and we hear speeches that complacently talk of Free factand
Trade as if it was a great accomplished ; yet , in the face of these rejoicings , 439 articles are retained in the tariff ( many of them under protective duties ) , though they are comparatively unproductive ¦ as sources of revenue . No wonder , where ' such a policy reigns , without any attempt at reform , that 16 , 741 persons , including the Coast Guard * ( according to the Parliamentary Returns for 1857 ) are employed in the collection of the Customs' and Excise Duties 5 or that to raise £ 70 , 552 , 145 for the State , in the year ending March , 31 st , 1856 , cost the country , directly and indirectly , the astounding sum of £ 104 , 221 , 920
additional ! f The twenty-one articles that produce over twentytwo-and-a-half-millions are soon enumerated : — £ . a . d , 1 . Butter .. 103 . 0 M o 5 £ Colfco 481 , 408 10 < J I ££ 5 :: :: :: :: :: } «* v *» ° * 8 : cKutB :: :: :: :: f . « o . i « > « I- sags : :: BSJiS S ¦ V . Silk Hanu / acturcB .. .. a « . « w ; 1 ( ' s 10 . BpiritB ,- » iuu ^ ffi 'J { 11 1 trn . il dv orvi » J «> * " * : su ^ unrcm / a .. inugg ij r > If . :: SSI :: :. .. «•» $ } » «» Ik 'Tci . :: :: :: :: :: mWS * 2 i 17 . Tobaoco j 5 , 27 J . \ 471 0 1 1 U . Wiuo .. ¦• •• . •• ¦•• Hti-oj ( 7 40 . Wood ,- » oulH , Aso ooq ' I 5 > 1 , Tljnbcr , inieftwn mu , iu * " * l « tt , 071 , ri 7 ltf 1
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* KxoIho ( . ontlut fcnt ' •• *»« CustoniH l ' . Z Count auai-a ( •¦ Jzzi R 741 4 This in tho estimate of tho author of " Tho I ' ooplo ' t * mt . n nook " who lUPtttfo W , huooucI edition , K » v « h ij miuu-Bluo Hook . W i I followljftf l » ittd » ;—C 0 Mt of Collodion of § m 0 mm § fffinortliS ConvictBJ Augmentation of 1 'oor Kntes , Loan . Vi . J liXrvlo TrftOo « incl ManufttoturoH j und , Lohb und Inrv ftUrnled I'ropw-ty and IIouhoh . Wo fflvea tho ^^ js ^ a ^ rimas&'sJE S ^ fe » sa ^!! aM « spattig fnoturerfl , of Kreut oxperlenoo and lntuUltftuico , hIiow tho ™ wl to Uo ( U )« H 0 t 1344 vvr cent .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 1, 1859, page 1107, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2314/page/15/
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