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Leader (1850-1860), 8th October 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1134, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      1134 THE LEADER . [ JSTo . 498 . Oct . 8 , 1859

      Untitled Article

      tributions from both sides of the Atlantic . The British quo ^ ta , however , was not sent in very long , and it has owed a very remarkable success almost ( entirely to native pens . No magazine of similar standing and pretensions has in this country ever obtained so large a circulation , and remained so long in a decidedly prosperous condition . The articles were rarely either so elaborate or so profound , or even so varied in their interest , as those of its English contemporaries , as that ripe and careful cultivation , of which good magazine literature is the fruitis by no means so general here as with you , but

      , they were incomparably better than any similar recueil which has yet made its appearance on this side of the Atlantic , and has done a great deal both for American literary taste and reputation . . It also , I am sorry to say , seems to be in danger . The publishers , the well-known house of Phillips and Samson , of Boston , last week suspended payment , owing to the death of the two leading members of the firm , and the magazine , though , per se , a decided success even in a commercial part of view , can hardly separate its fate entirely from that of the rest of the concern . "

      Untitled Article

      THE ITALIAN CAUSE : ITS HISTORY AXI > ITS HOPES . Italy ' s Appeal to a Free Nation . —Chapman and Hall . This production , which is dedicated to Count Cavour , is among the best written works of the time on the important subject of which it treats . It proceeds upon the assumption that the Italian question was not , arid could not be settled by the agreement between the Emperors at Villa Franca , Neither will the writer believe that in the final settlement of Italian affairs the Emperor Napoleon could ever be a party to a state of things tinder which Austrian influence and Austrian

      intervention might still coerce to despotism the Italian states . He takes , of course , altogether the side of Sardinia ; and contends that the recent War was commenced not for any purpose of territorial change , but for the express purpose of repelling an invasion of Sardinia , and that its great end would be incomplete if it left undisturbed that system by which Austria , in defiance of the spirit , if not the letter of the treaty of Vienna , had established a cruel and oppressive tyranny over threefourths of Italy .

      So rapid are the changes now taking place that books on the Italian question can scarcely be written fast enough to be right , up to the moment of publication . Much of tne author ' s argument has been anticipated , by recent events , and the solution dim to him . is now becoming clear to us . The view he takes of the positionofNapoleon III . is peculiar . Englishmen , he truly states , can ma , ke the greatness and happiness of England independent of the personal character of the sovereign , and establish her prosperity upon a national basis ; but Frenchmen , he further states , have seen reason to declare their free and uncoerced opinion , that the time for a dictatorship in France is not yet passed . The supreme powwr of Louis Napoleon , he adds , results from the choice of the people , who have as

      much right to confer it [ upon one individual as they have upon a Parliament . And while it is his opinion that no virtue in the administration of absolute power can oi * ought to reconcile us to its possession by one individual , still we should remember that there may be periods in a nation ' s history in which her destiny or even her will can only be carried out by one strong mind directing all her resources ; and he reminds us that one of our philosopher-poets indulged the dream , that in the progress of civilisation we might be able to discover a mode of Government , in which , under the influence of opinion , one enlightened individual wielding absolute power , might best represent in his acts the will of the community at large .

      These considerations go deep into the question that now , agitates so many countries ; the solution rests with eventualities beyond human control . The author thinks , what we may be permitted in the present aspect of things to doubt , that the whole Italian question must needs be submitted to the opinion of a European congress , or perhaps anew , or renewed war . Such gloomy forebodings are about to evanish . Joy comoth with the morning . He is able , however , to dispose with ease of the claims of Austria under the treaty of Vienna . Her voluntary cession of Lombardy , for instance , deprives her of all title under any treatyright to thfttprovince 5 but supposing differences to interrupt the conclusion or peace upon the

      terms of the Villa Franca arrangement , it ought , he contends , to be distinctly understood that her claim to hold Venetia under that treaty is equally destroyed ,. No doubt Austria herself sees that dilemma , for lately she has shown a disposition to withdraw her cession of £ ombardy , on the ground that the Ducliies have not been surrendered to their respective princes . What follows , we quote in extenso .

      " Those who cannot comprehend the which induced the French Emperor , in the moment of apparent victory , to stay his conquering hand , endeavour to . find in the designs which they attribute to a personage whom they invest with more than the mystery of romance , reasons for a conduct which appears inexplicable . They solve that which they callthe riddle of the sphinx , by assuming that Louis Napoleon assented to peace because it forwarded some secret plans of universal conquest .

      " Those Who have read the observations contained in the preceding pages upon the German confederation , and upon the character and objects of the French Emperor , will be able to assign very different and more probable motives for the course which he pursued . " When Louis Napoleon , on iiis accession , announced to Europe that the empire was peace , he did not mean that France , under Imperial G overnment , would never go to war ; but he did mean that the third empire of a Napoleon was to avoid the mistakes of the first , and that his throne in France was not to be maintained by movements that would plunge Europe into a general revolutionary struggle .

      . . " The policy of the first Napoleon , forced perhaps upon him by his position as the child and ' champion of the revolution , was one of war . The empire inherited the propagandism of the republic . The war of opinion soon became one of conquest and aggression . Ancient dynasties were destroyed , and old landmarks disturbed , not to give freedom to oppressed na t ions , but to find thrones for the relatives of Napoleon , and to establish 'French influence by bringing reluctant nations under the yoke . " That policy , if it could be called such , of universal war , of territorial conquest , of family aggrandisement , the present emperor believes it to be his destiny to avoid . His mission is a peaceful one—to assert the influence of Napoleon ' s throne without Napoleon ' s wars .

      " Had his troops once passed the Mincio , he stood upon the threshold of a departure from the wise and enlightened policy he had thus laid down . Failing ( to our shame be it spoken ) in securing the co-operation of England , he had , before the war commenced , endeavoured to employ an understanding with Russia for the purpose of keeping the German States neutral in its progress . This was done , not in the belief that it would be necessary for Russia to strike a blow , but that the mere fact of the co-operation of Russia being secured would in itself compel the neutrality of Germany .

      " In accordance with this understanding , the manifesto of the Russian cabinet was issued . It failed in its effect . It is impossible to know what communications passed between the French Emperor and the Russian court . It may be that Russia refused to coerce Germany to neutrality . It is far more probable that Louis Napoleon did not desire such an intervention . " From whatever cause it proceeded , it is quite plain that when Napolqon led his victorious army to the walls of Vienna , he had no assurance of the continuance of German neutralityi The moment he attacked the Quadrilateral he must have been prepared for some movement that might have brought him in collision with the whole of Germany . What would have been the result ? Exactly that which he has pledged himself to avoid—a general

      revolutionary war . Hungary in arms to shako off the Austrian yoke I Germany in arms against France . Franco would have been driven in self-defence to excite and stimulate the insurrectionary spirit in every German State ; no one would answer for or control the passions that would have boon excitod ; no one could toll what dynasties must fall , or what new ones be created . France would probably have marched on Prussia ' s Rhenish provinces . The enemies of the Emperor would have said that all they predicted of his designs was fulfilled . The national feelings of Europe would have been stirred against him , and , in spite of himeolf , he would have been forced into that career of conquest and aggression in which the first Napoleon fell , and which he had laid it down as the whole policy of his life and his empire to avoid . *

      " These were the considerations which influenced the French imperor to accede to the compromise irf Villa Franca . This yielding to them is but a ^ roof of the firmness with which he adheres to the policv of peace and moderation , which he believes to hp the destiny of his reign , as that of his great predecessor was violent and universal war . " . The reader will recognise the above reasoning as sound , as well as eloquently expressed ; and be induced probably to read the entire volume

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      TRAVELS IN GREECE AND RUSSIA , with an Excurcursiott to Crete . By Bayard Taylor . -Sampaon Low " Son and . Co . j ' We always take up a work of Mr . Bayard Taylor with delight , expectant of the pleasure we shall derive from its perusal . "Wisely considering that we may learn enough of the history of Greece elsewhere , Mr . Taylor confines himself to considering the physical aspects of the country . In relation to Russia his views are unfortunately limited to external observationfrom his

      , want of acquaintance with the language . There are some pleasant , reminiscences of Byron in one of the chapterson Greece , and much that reflects credit on our traveller ' s taste , whose appreciation of the poetical is sensitively accurate .. He is an enthusiast , however , in favour of Byron , and rather snubs Wordsworth and Pollok . Wherefore the two latter should be associated we ¦ hardly know . Here are some of the reminiscences to which we have refoi'red : —

      " Although fifty years have elapse 1 since Byron first visited Greece , his connexion with the later struggle for independence has kept alive some memories even of that earlier period . No foreign name is so well known to the Greeks as that of V ' eeron ( as they pronounce it ); his portrait always has a prominent place in the Pantheon of the Liberators . Airs . Black , to whom he sang " Zoc mou , sris Ayapo , " still lives at Pirteus , and has transmuted iier charms to a lovely Greco ^ Scottish daughter ; ami Mavrocordato , his friend and ally , though blind and octogenary , "was living at the time of my visit . I knew the physician who attended him at Missolonglii—the same in whose arms Ottfried Muller breathed his last . Mr . Finlay , the historian of Mediaeval- Greece , knew him both at Cephalpnia and at Missolonglii , and which he

      related to me the circumstances under contracted his fatal illnesa . Some of the particulars were new to me ; and as Mr . Finlay informed me that portions of his statement had already been published , I feel no hesitation In repeating them here . ¦ " It is well known that after Byron reached Missolonghi , he was greatly annoyed and perplexed by the turbulent horde of half-robbers among whom he was thrown—a set of jealous , clamorous , undisciplined rogues , who were less zealous in the cause of Grecian freedom than in their endeavours to get a share of the poet ' s money . Ambitious to achieve some military distinction , and at the same time accomplish something for Greece , ho enrolled a company of Suliotes under his own immediate command , and commenced a strict course of discipline . [ Byron ' s helmet , with his crdst , ami the motto

      front , who was entrenched behind great fortrcisaea and . protected on Iiis flanks by the neutrality of the surroui dins territory , and about , to beplu a Ions » nd bf V " ?* Vn found myself In face of Europe in arms , ready either to disputo our successes or to aggravate our reveraea . ' Nevertheless the difficulty of the enterprise would not have shaken my resolution if the means hadnot bow . oue of proportion to the results to bo expootud . U 'was nccta sary to crush boldly the obstacles opposed l ) y now ^ u 1 torn torfes , and then £ 0 accept a conllW 011 thn »""«•• well as on the Adige . It waB nopoaimry to loi Miro » reaw » openly wltli the concurrence of revolution . It was neccs sary tb go on shedding- precious blood , and at l ™* " ^ , *^ which a sovorelgn ahonld only stake for tho indopondenoc ° -Vl " . ave ' stopped it was neither through woarlupsjgor exhaustion , uor through abandoning tUo noblu 01 ubo wliwn I desired to serve , but for tho intoroat * oi 1- J *™* , ^ , great roluotwaoe to put reins upon tlio ardour ol oui ° «»« i ^ to rotronoh from my programme the toi-i-ltory tvom wi Mmoio to the Adriatic , andfto sue vanUth ftom lioD « 'wMir s noble allusions and patriotic hopes . In order to servo » independence of Italy I made war ' p »«\ nVi , vtiv mlsUt m .. «^ U » nn ^ „ ,. annr . na t . hn < 1 n « Mn 1 PH Of ttJV OOUlUiy "" b ' "

      be endangered I oonoludort peace . . merely „•• Our efforts nud our saoriuooa . havo they . V ^ JKu . losses ? ffoi wo have iv right to be proud o t lilsoamj oig-u Wo have vanquished an army numerous , bravo , » " « y „ organised . Tiodmont has buon dolivored Jrom « " £ ¦ $ » her frontiers have been extended to « " » M '"?' / - w ,, q Oornof Italian nationality has boon admitted by t » ° ™? % „ - batted It most . AU tho Sovereigns of tho J ' oiilnsuia cow prohond tho imporiouB want of salutary Ioto V" ? Viiomllltftry * VImib , after our havingfflvona new nroo o them » wr power of Fnvnoo , tho peace cpnoludod wU I bo WJ »(™ , fti happy results , fcho future will every day ruyoal » 9 $ , »}™ cause for tho happiness of Italy , «> " luiluonoo ot i w and tho tranquillity of jgnropo . " unit niralnBt It may welt bo amongst his proudest boasts , that "fl ™ d the mlna of Muropo , Influenced by an atoobt lnwno urv of tho ambition imputed to him , ho ongagod in a war wu «« , m at all events , eavoclSardlhlafrom doatruotipn . 1 DlirOnO , " " Tho inttucinco of Franoo and tUotranquinity of wurop wo tho wfttohworao of tho empire of tho third Napoioou .

      Untitled Article

      * " Tho vory day after tho above aontonocs wore written by one who had watched from a far off distance tho Mmporor ' s career , tho Kmporor hlmaolf was thus ntatinff to tho French legislature tho reason * which lufluonood his rotiroment from the war c ~ "' Arrived beneath the walls of Verona , tho struggle was Inevitably about to change its nature , as well in a military an in a political aspect , Obliged to attack tho enemy in

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 8, 1859, page 1134, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2315/page/18/