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POLITICAL . FORESHADOWESTGS . The entertainment by the citizens of Edinburgh , to "Lord Brougham" took place on Wednesday . In reply to the toast of his health the veteran statesman said that he considered this invitation and this reception as one of the two greatest honours that had crowned a not very short life . His being chosen to represent the great county of York was the other . He referred to the instances of gross bribery and corruption lately disclosed in Eng land , and expressed his great gratification that in Scotland electoral corruption did not exist at all . Until it was extirpated with a steady unflinching , and strong hand the constitution of this country would be upon its trial . That it would survive he entertained no doubt ,
because he entertained no doubt that that corruption would yet be entirely extirpated . He adverted , in affecting terms , to the many changes that had taken place since his last appearance in Edinburgh twenty - five years ago , and expressed his pain to think that he was the survivor now of nearly all his private friends . One change , howeveT , he found of a more happy description—* he had survived those rancours and delusions of party which then to some extent prevailed , those delusions which , allowed no merit in an adversary , and admitted no fault in a friend . Referring to the affairs of Italy , he said that whatever motive had originated the late war , a certain amount of good-had come out ot it—a very great of the
step had been made towards the independence Italian people ; and his hope was to see them under the King of Sardinia , as the only practicable mode of insuring their independence .. Alluding to France , he pictured the great tempter holding out before that nation the laurel , the emblem of warlike glory , and expressed his hope that the French would not t > e deceived by it ; and lie described him as addressing that people as follows : — " Seek glory by all means . Ho price is too great to pay for it ; no sacrifice too large to make for it ; let your names be blazoned—let your names be written in brilliant letters of fire , and if the conflagration spreads you can extinguish it with blood , while the air rings with
theories of misery ! Glory at all hazards ; glory at all coat ; glory will be well arid cheaply purchased by the Mood of thousands and the wretchedness of millions . Will our neighbours listen to the tempter ? I am sure the rational and the respectable part—the great bulk of that great people—will turn with indignation from his words , and will not give ear . Even those whom he . singles out—the weaker part of them , whom he has chosen as most likely to be his victims and his dupes—the mob , armed and unarmed both—that part of the community I really do not think will be tempted by him . " Of the tempter among ourselves , hia lordship says : — "When he " spreads his murky vans , and wings his
inauspicious flight" across the Channel , when he tries his arts upon us , there he will fail to obtain audience for his words . He will not come over in a ¦ warlike garb ; he will leave his laurel behind him ; "but he will come to us as a respectable , prudent , well-conducted councillor of gain and of trade ; and he will say , The first of all objects is gain ; gain is ¦ wor th all the glories that ever were fancied in all the world ; let that bo your aim ; study that . And so he tempts them with the golden apple , not with the laurel . Study gain ! Now , as gain is the first object , national independence may be very good —it is a very good thing in its way ; but it may cost too dear ; you cannot be much worse off than y ou are ; burdened than
you cannot be much more you are , happen what will 1 But then . I believe the meanest spirited individual in the whole British empire to Whom he addresses those infernal words , would answer , Avaunt , Satan I would refuse to listen to him , in c ^ h er words . But the great body of the people of this country feol that there is but one safety for this country , and that is to be prepared ( loud cheers ) by sea and by land , in every way in-which . an attack is possible , however unlikely . ¦ TOe don't distrust our neighbours—very far from it — -we trnut them , but we trust ourselves a great deal more—( loud applause )— and we do the best thingsthe kindest thing both for those neighbours and for
ourselves , in being completely , absolutely prepared for whatever may happen . Mb . Adam Bi < aok , TM . P ., has delivered ft very , impressive and able lecture at Edinburgh upon the subject of strikes of workmen against masters , in the course of which he entered at length into the Jrwib of ewpply and demand as affecting labour and the relative interests of labour and capital . He showed with much clearness that labour and capital were ; both articles * of commerce , that they wove eMe ^ ial to eaeli other , and that capital must necos-BaTllytand proportionately ishare with labour the proflta of their united enterprise , He pointed out tnenvmna by which , working men , when the moment chosen , ^ us opportune , might obtain higher wages j
and added , if the workmen may legally have recourse to a strike to compel a rise of wages , or any other concession , the employers may also legally resort to a lock-out to compel a reduction of wages , or an acceptance of any other terms . " When I say this , I by no means approve a lock-out . Both may be legal , but very inexpedient , and it is very dangerous for either the one party or the other to exercise this extreme power . When such intestine contests occur they are accompanied wi ' th most of the evils that attend national wars . The country , which is the theatre of the war , is devastated , property is destroyed , multitudes of innocent persons suffer , the belligerents on each side endeavour ~ io do as much damage to
the other side as possible , disease and crime and death follow in the track of war , and . after disaster lias done its worst to both parties , very often , from sheer exhaustion , they patch up a peace which leaves both parties in much the same condition as they were before the beginning of the conflict . Another * in which unions encroach on the rights of both masters and men is their dictation of the manner in which work is to be executed . From the nature of these rules , they appear to be devised by the most idle and unskilful men of the union , as they generally favour these at the expense of the industrious and skilful . For example , they insist that the wages shall be uniform ; that the man
whose work is superior in quality and quantity , shall receive no more than the man whose work is inferior and deficient . I have known operative ma-, sons , industrious , frugal , and skilful , who , by taking piecework and making extraordinary exertions , gained money enough to enable them to commence as masters , and , by good management , rise to great eminence . Had these men been doomed . to the dead level of an average wage , cramped and manacled by trade union rules , they never could have reached their eventual prosperity . The noble workmen-, George Stephensbn , Telford , . and Tredgold , laboured as journeymen at not more than 12 s . a-week . They , by the exercise of their free and unfettered talents ,
country by sea and land , hare met with general approbation , and , as they are being vigorously carried out by bur successors , I hope that they will prove successful and permanen t . I will not conceal from you that the introduction of steam and railroad s has materially afleWed the security which this country formerly derived from its insular position , large bodies of troops may now be suddenly collected and suddenly landed upon any part of the coast , and we should always be prepared to meet such an emergency . That preparation must consist hi maintaining the fleet in such a state as to be perfectly able to cope with any fleet that may be opposed to us . We must also be prepared to meet an eneiriy landing
with force sufficient , in the first instance , to check them until we can call out our reserves . Those reserves naturally consist of the militia of the country . We must also depend upon those volunteers whose zeal and exertions in the matter of drill arc . "beyond all praise . Without previous drill their bravery and zeal would be thrown away . There i s not the slightest doubt that if England were invaded the whole country would rise like one man to defend it . Where is the coward who would not dare to fight for such a land ? Bat without previous drill all volunteering efforts would be useless . I would , therefore , urge upon every county to keep up its militia , if possible , to the full quota , and where volunteer corps exist to do
everything in its power to maintain them . I would remark upon a speech which was made iy Mr . Bright at Wakefield . Mr . Bright stated at that meeting that Over the money voted by Parliament for the army Parliament had little or no control . He stated that the Horse Guards , who spent the £ 12 , 000 , 000 voted in the estimates , was a department altogether Separate from and independent of Parliament . I wish to show that money is not spent without the control of Parliament . The control of Parliament over the money" voted for the army is
oiir great safeguard against a standing army , and it is , I believe , a great constitutional privilege which I fpr one should be sorry to see dispensed with . Mr . Bright is mistaken if he supposes that the Horse Guards has the power of spending a single shilling of that money . The army estimates are divided into twenty ^ ve or twenty-six votes , every one of which is open to question and discussion , and all I can say is , that if Parliament does not exercise scrutiny and control , it is the fault of Parliament itself , and nbt of the Horse Guards . the facetious
increased the power of the country , and added immensely to its wealth and happiness ; had they been fettered and confined by trades ' union rules and control they would have died unknown and unhonoured , and Britain would have been deprived of the incalculable benefits resulting from their exertions . Gould the operatives have had their way , the nation would have been deprived of the incalculable benefits which late inventions have conferred upon the community . There would have been no power-looms , no spinning-jennies , bo steam printing-press—in short , almost every invention which has abridged labour , and increased the comfort and wealth of the people has met with determined opposition from the operatives .
One wonders how sensible men—men calling themselves free-born Britons—have so long submitted to the dictation of this secret tribunal . We are accustomed to land free national constitutions , but freedom to act in all social relations in such a way as will be most conducive to a man ' s own happiness , uncontrolled either by prince or priest , or by any committee of his own trade , is the moat invaluable of social privileges . Britain , has experienced the blessings of free trade , and I hope and believe that our countrymen are determined to resist every attempt , to deprive them of this source of national prosperity , and will guard it with the greatest jealousy . o
On Wednesday , at Dorking , Mr . Drummond , M . P ., delivered himself of a discourse upon the great question of the day . The hon . member remarked that the best way to provide for the national defences was to improve the condition of the soldier and the sailor . The people of England are enormously rich , and not very long ago a very awkward return was made , showing that the increased income-tax paid by the landed and manufacturing interests amounted to a great deal more than the sum required for keeping , up an efficient force , and that witheut trenching at all upon their personal comforts . He added , with respect to the rifleman , and , having had the honour of commanding a rifle corps , I will tell him that he must not be behind tree furze bushbut
At the meeting of the Hinckford Agricultural Club , the Right Hon , William Bjsresfobd , M . P ., said that , on a . retrospect of the last few years he regretted to l > e obliged to say that he could not see a very great and distinct difference between a Conservative and a Liberal , Government when they were in actual possession and installed . Conservatives in power . were all for progress , and in that enlightened mood they not only talked but acted extremely liberally . They actually proposed and passed the very measure which they had vituperated and of which they had shown the danger . Again , it was only fair to say that the Whigs when in office frequently assumed an extremely Conservative front ana position . Long disquisitions on Liberal Conservatives and Conservative-Liberals had been
ashamed of getting a or a , he must remember that his duty is to kill as many of the enemy as he can with the least possible loss . With respect to our present condition as compared with the power of other nations , I can only say , if we have only 137 , 000 troops in our pay , in the name of common sonse , why are 97 , 000 of those men in India ? Depend upon it , if you lose London you will not hold India . One great inducement you Imve to keep up a warlike attitude is self-presoTvation . Let 20 , 000 foreigners land upon the south coast of England , as all authorities agree they could , ami your dividends would be worth nothing at all . it is a matter of life and death , and you must not sit still . Tou must be defended by somebody , or you will never be defended at all .
. _ , , At the festival of the Colchester Conservative Uud , Mr . T . J . Miixek and Mr . P . O . Papiixon , tlio members , in returning thanks , entered into reviows of public affairs since the last meeting of tlie club , Mr . Miixbr ! saying that there was in the prosent Cabinet such a diversity of politicians that notiunt could come out of it imbued with high-minded principle . Mr . Pawjaon hoped that wo should nee a strong Government established whioh , if a anu calamity arose , would watch over us with success t and which , in its foreign policy , would maintain ft oi
heard from Whig treasury benches , and in the late session- — -and particularly towards Jthe close of ithe heard many members on his own side deprecate any proceeding adverse to the present Government , as the Conservative element in the Cabinet was very predominant . For his own part , instead of hailing with pleasure this approximation to the same creed between antagonistic parties who , for a century and a half , had held diametrically opposite opinions upon political matters and political conduct , he viewed it with eome suspicion and alarm , it arose , he feared , from a dereliction of principle through an overweening desire to obtain power . At an agricultural meeting General Pjbbi , spoke upon the national defences , and also rebuked the notorious exaggerations of - Mr . John Bright . Ho said :- —I trust that the measures whioh Lord Derby ' s Government took to strengthen the defences of the
neutrality that would command the respect » uw » nations . •«• Lord John Russell has boon solicited byeno jttr . John Davidson of Aberdeen to frame a Reform U " that would simply provide for the extension or tu « franchise to £ 10 in counties , and M in borougue , leaving other Reform questions alone , Lora * ° »" Russell oiraply conveyed his thanks to the writer . It is probable Lord John Russell would be happy [ do as desirea , but the difficulty would bo In obtain ing the support of the country to a reform so siiftuuy find incomplete .
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1192 THE LEADER . fifo , gQi , Oct . 29 , 1859 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 29, 1859, page 1192, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2318/page/4/
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