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Leader (1850-1860), 26th November 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1300, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      economy , about which we hear so much , than any demands made by striking bricklayers not quite up " in their social science or the mechanism of trade . . , The builders' strike , as it is commonly called , although it is more properly a " lock-out , " has already cost the men more than . £ 25 , 000 in direct expenditure , and it has placed more than a hundred employers , who foolishly put themselves under the tyranny of" a committee , in a position which will make their balance-sheets more instructive than agreeable . The total loss must be someand has been brou the

      thing enormous , ght upon community primarily because there were two hungry oral apertures to one mouthful of cheese . If blame rests upon the men for commencing the strife , still more rests upon the employers for prolonging and embittering it by absurd pretensions of diijnity that was too grand " tor courteous discussion , " aud by attacks upon the legal rights of the operatives which admit of no defence . But if we look beyond the proxtmace causes of the struggle , we come to the old story , that the population was in excess of the capical ready to employ them .

      If this be a natural state of things resulting from laws or principles beyond human control , we must wait until starvation or some other " check " has checkmated the supernumeraries , and h p ft only the number able to obtain seats at the social feast . Fortunately , we are not called upon to believe any thing , of the kind . We are the wealthiest people that ever lived , not only absolutely but relatively to our numbers ; we raise larger revenues for public purposes than any other country ever had the ability to furnish ,, and we waste , in mal-administration and extravagance ,

      as many millions a year as would constitute a splendid income for a third-rate power . We have capital that goes begging to be employed by foreign despotisms , and countless stores of undug wealth in a . larger colonial empire than ever owned allegiance to a single crown . With these advantages , that suffering which gives rise to strikes ought not to exist amongst us ; and instead of talking nonsense about rescuing the working classes from the tyraiiny of their own associations- - ^ a matter which they can settle for themselves—let us endeavour to get rid of the really oppressive tyranny of a fiscal system , which is one of the principal causes of

      discontent . The working classes are Very united in the belief that their associations are beneficial ; and , as an example of their determination to sustain them , we . may mention that the Amalgamated Society of . Engineers has contributed £ 2 , 100 to the builders' strike , the sum being raised by a special levy of half-a-crown on each of their members . Other societies have , in proportion to their numbers , made similar sacrifices , and it is hopeless to expect the men will give up the idea that combinations are necessary for their protection until a much greater demand for labour proves to every one that he is able to take care of himself . It is not too much to expect from a reformed

      Parliament that it should reduce the national expenditure by at least £ 10 , 000 , 000 a year , and that it should shift the burden of a similar amount from industrial life . Such conduct would offer a good beginning , for a practical argument against strikes , which will not cease , until employers find it necessary to raise the social condition of the operatives , ana give them some interest in the success of the establiabjaents in which jthey are engaged . Legal repression will break down , from its manifest injustice . If applied on both sides , the lock-out masters must be convicted for conspiracy to intimidate the men , and threaten them with starvation unless they sign a document—a Proceeding quite as objectionable as the threat of the men not to work with those who refuse their

      shibboleth . Should this side of the question come before our magistrates and judges , it will bo no bad test of their honour and fairness in interprotating the law , which has far too much the character of license for the rich and oppression for the poor .

      Untitled Article

      FRUNCII ANIMOSITY . —OUR WINE DUTIES . Wei are glad to announce that the alarm to which wo referred under this head last wcok has blown over . The Time * has virtually confoHsod itself to Uftve been most grievously misled , though it attempted , very foolishly , to got out of the scrape

      by claiming for its exaggerations , addressed only to English prejudices and passions , an influence over the mind of the French Emperor . The failure of this discreditable ruse has been clearly demonstrated by the fact that the emanation from the Imperial mind—properly cautioning the French press to be moderate in its expressions against tlie English people- —took an efficient shape before the articles appeared in the Times . Our contemporary was successful in exciting momentary alarm and even dismay , to be followed by permanent mistrust in his statements .

      As our contemporary has laid aside his simulated terror , he has assumed his right senses , and has begun to advocate , we announce with pleasure , the reduction of duties on the produce of French industry .

      Untitled Article

      THE PRIVATE CONDUCT OF PUBLIC COMPANIES . These seems to be a growing disposition to drag all kinds of affairs before the public , and to make that heterogeneous body the final judge on the most partial statements of all kind of proceedings . The value of publicity we are fully aware of , and have always maintained it in its extremest permissible extent ; but still there is a limit even to liberty itself , and there are bounds to the rights of inquiry , even to newspapers . ' No business , profession , Or calling of any kind , could be

      successfully carried on if every question were to be taken to the decision of the public . It will be said that this line of argument would tend to repress a necessary publicity ; but that is by no means so . Let all public matters be made , to the uttermost , public ; but the private conducting of a business , whether of a company or individual , must have its confidential aspect . It could not but be inconvenient to have any discussion of two partners as to the prices they shall give , or the persons they will deal with , published to the -worldi . And what applies to a private partnership applies also to the internal arrangements of a company .

      We are" led into these remarks by the tone which a mighty contemporary has taken with regard to a highly respectable joint-stock company— " The Liverpool and London Insurance Association . " This company was originally established at Liverpool , and virtually belongs to that great commercial city ; but , in order to facilitate its metropolitan business , it had a sub-board of directors in London ; but it is quite evident that it could not have two governing bodies , and that the London , in _ this instance , must be subsidiary to the original Liverpool board . Such an arrangement was naturally fraught with inconvenience , and it was extremely

      likely that any ambitious and litigious director on the London J&oarcl could greatly hamper and impede the proceedings of the Parent Directory . Such a contingency has arisen , and a Mr . Forster , a member of the London Board , has published a pamphlet appealing to the public on a matter strictly official , and , therefore , as we contend , not public . This is just exactly one of those matters with which the public has nothing to do , for it relates to the private administration of the affairs of a trading company . Mr . Forster does not agree with his fellow directors , and troubles them '; Tand they therefore desire to bo

      rid of a companion whom they find is usurping more than his rightful share of power and government . Mr . Forster is voted out of the London ^ Directory , which , after * alj vovon he cannot consider as any great wrong , ' for he ' himself says ho was preparing to resign immediately . We have realty no interest in the case whatever . We never were in any way connected with the office , and now merely refer to it to point out the very groat inconvenience , and , in some instances , damage , that will ensue to important mercantile establishments if their strictly interior

      arrangements are to bo made the subjeot of public arbitrement , "tend to bo lugged head and shoulders into the columns df the press . Such matters , we repeat , except under very extraordinary and urgent circumstances , are not the fit subject of newspaper discussion . The freedom of the press in invaluable , but bo is the freedom of speech \ yet a man would be no weloomo member of society who ohoso to sot himsolf as an inquirer and judge of every man's private affairs . One of the groat evils of such a system is its breeding endless and bittex * discussions ; for when once mooted the quarrel becomes general . It is

      necessary for the ends of justice . that , both sides be heard . We have not seen either of the pamphlets but we hear that they are in vehement circulation ; and , should the dispute proceed , we shall not hesitate to thoroughl y examine' a matter which , arising in the great irregularity of making public interior , and consequently confidentiaf proceedings , ' has alread y reached the stage of being as improperly discussed in an ex ° parte manner by one of our most influential daily papers .

      Untitled Article

      BARON DE BOUKQUENEY . M . De Boubqveney , the French plenipotentiary at the recent conferences at Zurich , is a member of a family belonging to the neighbourhood of Zurich , and would , therefore , find himself at home and in the midst of relatives and friends during the protracted term of his diplomatic duties in the Swiss city . He is a most polished , amiable , and agreeable man , and was well fitted for the trying position in which he was placed at Zurich . Over and over ajjain must the balance

      have fallen from the hands of a less skilful and conciliatory agent than M . de Uourqucney , who never relaxed in his efforts to hold it , even between the Powers of France and Austria , either or both of which long seemed little disposed to terminate diplomatic differences and difficulties by any amicable arrangement . More fortunate , or physically stronger , than the Austrian plenipotentiary , Count Colleredo , M . De Bourqueney has survived all the wearisome and embarrassing

      delays , contradictions , orders , counter-orders , prevarications , subterfuges , and perplexities of every kind to -which his Austriaii comrade ' s life may be said to have fallen a sacrifice . Future court chroniclers and important historical tomes will transmit to distant generations details of the mighty deliberations which have so long kept Europe in suspense respecting the Italian question . Ages to come will , doubtless , learn with intense edification that journey after journey was performed between Zurich and Paris , and the former city and Vienna , either by the plenipotentiaries in person or by their deputies , to settle points previously settled on tlic battle-field , ht and

      according to all the ordinary rules of rig common sense . For instance , after being driven out of Lombardy at the sword ' s point , Austria contended for the retention of the most important fortresses of that country , and won her point , too , although the concession was equivalent to annulling the advantage professedly gained for Italy by France . Then the Lombardian debt was another gulf to be bridged over only after an infinitude of delay and discussion . Piedmont hesitated to grant the exorbitant demands made upon her , and rightly , because she well knew -that with , the famous quadrilateral still in the liands of Austria she should have need enough of her millions to maintain the army required ^ to watch the movement of her neighbour . The

      denomination of the future kingdom gave to no slight contention and suspense ; Upper Italy , as desired by Sardinia , was found too comprehensive , while Venice remained to Austria . The iron crown of Monza , which by every law of justice and aa a matter of sentiment should have gone with the territory of which it , is the , symbol , was lostin the war of words ; and when all seemed on the eve of final settlement , n now difficulty occurred which threatened to undo what lma been done , and condemn the unfortunate p lenipotentiaries to the fate of Sysiplms . The Austrian coin in

      Emperor was difficult as to the precis which he would receive payment for the territory which he had lost and Piedmont won . Hut at last the day came when matters wore declared jo be so far arranged that they might bo finally settled at a European Congress , though thin Congress is still in abeyance , and the latest reports say that Austria refuses to bo a party to it , il Mantua andPosohiora aro to be treated as fed oral fortresses . At all events tho Zurich Coni ' uruncoa are "V , " up , and M . de Boiirquoney survives tho trial or patience to which ho has boon subjected ; but it would seem that his taste for diplomacy ia satiated , for it is doolare . il that ho has oflurad h \» resignation

      to tho French liinporor . ' . M . do Bourquenoy oommonocil lii . s dip lomatic career as secretary to tho cmbusny ut ^'"! l 0 ' i whore Chatoauhx'iund was nnibuHuiulor . Alter tho revolution of 1830 ho returned toTurin , n » aassod through the various grades of dip lomatic

      Untitled Article

      ¦ ' . ¦' . ¦ ' . . ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦• ' 1300 THE LEADER [ No . 505 . Nov . 26 , 1859 .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 26, 1859, page 1300, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2322/page/16/