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POLITICAL FORESHAD OWINGS . The Duke of Rutland presided at an agricultural dinner last week , on which occasion he said , with regard to the generally felt presentiment of invasion : — "I irish to say that I , for one , have not shared in the apprehensions that have been so generally entertained by my countrymen . I think that we have been alarmed rather needlessly , because I tlnnK that if the Emperor of the French had ever seriously contemplated the invasion of this country , a man of his sagacity , of Ms foresig ht , and of his intellect would not have allowed the opportunity to slip , that was presented to him during the time of the Indian mutiny . If he had contemplated such a thing as
the invasion of this country , that .. was the time , that was the opportunity that he would naturally have seized upon . When I say , therefore , for God ' s sake let us put this country in an effi- , cient state of defence—let us call out the militia , encourage the rifle corps , and do all- we can to make ourselves safe—I say , also , let us not in the same breath , which is not necessary , abuse the ruler whom the French people have , chosen , or run down the church which they choose to support . And if there is a feeling in France—and I fear to some extent it is true—against this country , I ask whether it has not been mainly fermented , and whether it is not mainlv o » ingto the vituperative language that has
been used by the press of England ? " Referring to a recent speech of Mr . Bright , he said , " Mr . Bright evidently thinks it is no Jonger fitting that the agricultural body should have any political influence in this country of England . From His speech , I collect that , although the agriculturists are not any longer to have any political power , as far as I can understand the mass of figures with which he overwhelmed his Liverpool audience , he does riot contemplate , while he relieves us from all responsibility and all power , that we should be relieved from all taxes . He says , "Gentlemen , I don't wish you to be disturbed by the knock at the door of the candidate for your
suffrages , but I have no objection to the tax collector coming- to you and asking you for your money . ' Mr . Bright talks of doing away with all indirect taxes , and he mentions a great number of them ; but I remark that he never alludes to the malt tax , which is an indirect tax of a very large amount . Gentlemen , this is not the place , the time , or the opportunity , in an after-dinner speech , to meet these arguments of Mr . Bright , but perhaps you will allow me generally to state my own conviction that direct taxation is the very worst taxation you can have—that it does press on the poor , not directly , but indirectly—that it crushes the springs of prosperity and industry ; that it drives capital of the labourer
abroad ; iliut it reduces the wages , and that it is paid by the honest man and evaded by t ! ie dishonest . I would also make this further remark on Mr . Bright . In all his speeches , he has held up America as the model that we are to copy . Mr . Bright forgets , however , that one of the main < Hstinctions between this country and America is , that while we raise our revenue , partly by direct , and partly by indirect taxation , America raises the whole of her revenue by indirect taxation . Mr . Cobdcn has lately been to America , but I doubt whether , even with his eloquence he has been able to persuade the Americans to give up one jot of the protection which they give to their manufactures in that country . "
At the Sturminster Agricultural Society ' s dinner , Mr . H . G . Sturt , M . P ., in a discourse upon public affairs said : —" With regard to the Chinese expedition , he himself was rather opposed to our engaging in any military expedition with the French , because in the Crimea wegot all the fighting and they ' got all the glory . He hoped that orders would be given to our generals that , if this or that fprt were to be taken , it should be done by our own men > and that if we won , as of course wo should , that the credit due to the victory would not bo swallowed up in the flowery reports of our Imperial ally . He had no hesitation in saying that the Emperor Napoleon was a very expensive
ally , for we were in the habit of annually paying largo sums of money solely on account of the policy of his Imperial Majesty . Within the last eight or ten years the Emperor had increased his navy to a most unprecedented extent , and as a necessary consequence we had been obliged to increase our own , it -was difficult to know what to do , but at present our alliance with Franco wa » like one person greeting another with his right hanJ and holding a revolver behind him with l » is left . The Government , however , had taken every precaution , and had exerted © very Influence to avert the Impending danger . 7 ! hoy had given countenance , for instance , to the formation of rifle corps , which was a very capital movemont . It ought to be oncaurngod throughout
the length and breadth of the hind , for the panics by which England was occasionally seized were humiliating to the country . They had heard something of a general disarmament , but he hoped the answer , of the Government would be , although in more diplomatic language " Catch a weasel asleep . " It was all very well for the French with their system of conscription , to make such a proposition . The French Emperor had only to write a few lines to raise as many soldiers as he liked ; but it must be remembered that in this country the raising of an army was a work of time . We were living in momentous and critical times , and he hoped , that in the ensuing session , the Conservative party
would offer no factious opposition to the existing Government . Parties in the House of Commons were , no doubt , evenly balanced , and there would probably fee great temptations to a trial of strength in the ensuing session , but he himself would be no party to a factious vote as long as the Government kept us prepared against every foe . With regard to the subject of Parliamentary reform , he said the necessity of a change had been acknowledged by all parties , and therefore the sooner the question was set at rest the better . That question would doubtless be the battle ground of the ensuing session ; He had no doubt the Government would bring in a Reform Bill , but he was afraid that his party ( the
Opposition ) would attempt to make political capital out of it . He only hoped that the Government would bring in a nioderate bill , and one which would set the country at rest for the next twenty-five years . Notwithstanding the temptations there mighi be to turn out the Government , it was the bounden duty of every Conservative , and of every man who called himself a Conservative , to support such a measure , and to assist in carrying it into effect . " On the same occasion Mr . Keb Setmek , M . P ., also alluded to the question of the entente cortfiale . He said : ^ - " yVe had no wish to send out a single man to invade France or any other country , but while such was the feeling on this side the channel ,
he regretted to say that there were thousands on the other side who would like nothing better than a " go" at this country . Our French neighbours , having upset half-a-dozen Governments of their own , now-wished to disturb the peace of Europe , and we had therefore become alarmed . This time last year Europe was in a state of profound peace . Everybody knew at that time that Austria did not govern her Italian provinces as she ought , but the mere fact of that misgovernraent could have afforded no ground of offence to Prance , and France had no more right to go to war with Austria than with England . And yet , at the beginning of January , the French Emperor came out with a
warlike speech , and it was evident , from that time tlmt France was determined to pick a quarrel with Austria . That quarrel had resulted in war , and we were told that it -was all for an idea . Now , people who went to war for an idea were most dangerous enemies , for it was impossible to say what the next idea might be . It might be to avenge Waterloo , and that , he believed , was the idea of France . If so , we must look out for squalls ; the Emperor of the French was a wary and clever man , and had . no desire , himself , for a war with England ; but he was obliged to do that , which was ' necessary to keep him on his throne . He might have no desire to attack or invade this country , but it must be remembered that the army
was his master , and that if the feeling of that army was in favour of war , he must engage in it . It therefore rested- with ourselves to show such a bold front that , whatever the design might be , the actual operation of invasion should not take place . It was , therefore , highly important that we should look to our fleet . But , supposing it possible , as had been suggested , for the French fleet and the French army to slip over in a fog , he believed that such a spirit had been aroused among the general population as would show the enomy that we were prepared to resist foreign aggression to the last . Looking at the great Interests wo had to defend , he would say—we will continue to arm , and we will not disarm . He highly approved of the rifle movement , and he would tell them why . If the French Emperor talked about a mutual disarmament , he could not ask us to
disarm our volunteers , who , to a groat extent , had boen at the expense of their own equipment . Aa long , therefore , as we had 200 , 000 or 800 , 000 men ready to flght for the country , he thought we should do pretty well . " At Bridgowater , on Monday , Colonel Kidmets Tynti 3 , M . P ., addressed a largo and enthusiastic meetiqg , upon foreign and domestic politics : — "Ho wanted to Know whether the Italian people had not the same right that we had , at our great revolution , when wq sent away a king unfit to govern us , and by virtue of which , our present valued Queen occupied the English throne . He wanted , to know by what right any Congress could send baok the deposed Princes to peoples discontented and' opposed to their tyrannical sway ? It was the duty of Englishmen to speak out and to boldly state that they expected
the representative of Great Britain at this Con gress to perform his mission manfully , for much would depend on the energy and r esolution of the British Minister whether Italy- was to be freed or not . . Our assistance ought only to be given with the view of -securing' to the Italians the rights . thev justly claimed . Referring to the necessity of this country being speedily placed in an efficient state of defence , the gallant colonel said that no one unacquainted with the scenes on a battle-field could imagine what a fearful thing war w ould be in this country . : With the feverish anxiety every one appeared to entertain as to what might possibl y take place , it behoved us to be ready to defend our country
against any hostile power . He claimed their support in the votes he -should probably have to give on the Army and Navy Estimates to be submitted durih < r the approaching Parliamentary session , for he could not place his hand on his heart and say he had acted honestly as a member of the House of Commons if he did not vote for estimates calculated to place the army and navy in a fitting position to ensure the safety of this country . The famous exploits of American riflemen in former days against picked British troops could be equalled , if not surpassed , by the riflnncn of England , and he '
sincerely and heartily wished the volunteer movement the utmost success . With respect tothequestion of Parliamentary reform , they well knew it was much wanted and must come . During the last ten years they had had three Reform Bills brought into the House of Commons , and another suggested by Mr . Bright ; they had had three Queen ' s Speeches recommending reform , and they had also had the response of Governments and the sanction of the House of Commons . The ; Sovereign , the Government , and the House of Commons were pledged to a Reform Bill . The men now in office would be
disgraced for ever if they did not bring forward such a measure as would answer the reasonable expectations and wishes of the people . He voted against the sham Reform Bill brought in by the Derby Government because it did not enfranchise the working classes , so called , who were entitled to a voice in the expenditure of taxation to which they contributed so largely . On this occasion , Mr . A . W . Kixglake , M . P ., denounced the absurdity of concealing the fact that the armaments we are making are against France alone and not against any other power ; for that there is no other State that is strong enough to cause us any uneasiness . The hon . member said that the bulk of the people and of the army of France but he
were inclined to peace rather than war ; pointed out the real danger of a collision ^ n these words : — "In the state of things which actually exists you have the vast army of France , the enormous pecuniary resources of France , the navy of France , and even the commercial navy of France , all placed under the power of one human being . The Emperor of the French not only commands all the armies of France—not only commands the navy of France , but he has the power of inarching almost the whole of the commercial navy of France--marching them like soldiers—to serve in the military navy of the country ; and we all know , also , that he has succeeded in inventing a financial system which enables him to borrow the earnings ot the country , and to raise almost any amount of money the intervention
at a very short notice , and without of the ordinary capitalists who used to be employea fpr purposes of that sort . It comes to this —• tnac you have sitting , as it were , in his library a thougutful man who is in the habit of keeping his own counsel— . a man who pores over books relating 10 battles and wars . I recollect he told roe once hat he was engaged in writing a history of all thd & «««; » that had ever been fought . There he sits alone inws library , surrounded by books of this descrip on , surrounded by plans and designs of all contrivances which human ingenuity has invented to destroy human life , and commanding at the aamo time the resources of which I havo endeavoured to g ve you some conception . It is very evident that whb man is a dangorouu neighbour , Any »^ £ Ca will toll thathowever friendly his fee inga JIWMWfV
you , . W XAk LV ** J \ J \ -l MfllltVf . * « - . — -- — -y 11 ( Will may be to-day a more fit of tho gout or of JmMgw tion may convert him into an enemy to-morro ? . Your security , if you rest it upon the Frencli , m ujj repose upon tho will of one man . Will you trwt it to the good-will of one man ? ( Cries ot no . ) What wo must look to is not to the worda ol tuo Emperor of the French , or of any living j ; « n . M to his acts . Tho acts of tho JBmporor o tho * wig are of this kind i—He has surroumlod huusolf : wi » so vast an army , under tho name of a peace o » tft / ' ment , that at a few woeka ' notice ho can attuo c , nnu victoriously attaok , ona of tlio greatest niii uig empires in'tho world . But against ^ whom sue mAUl « i « Ilia ( vn / inf navnl nnnnn r / i . r , lonfl f I ? W it i » s
purpose is he busily engaged In proparlny the cow . brtlflcatlons of Franco P Why nil the world know that there Is no country against which » n 0 "; J |) t preparations of Franco can bo mrouteu ^^ England . It oomes to this , that you have one ? man ,
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Untitled Article
1336 THE LEADER . [ No . 50 ? . Dec . 10 , 1853 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 10, 1859, page 1336, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2324/page/4/
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