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THE SPEECH OF CAVOTJB,.
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more likely , ultimately , to strengthen than endanger our power . Oentlemen at Calcutta say , " England's mission is to conquer and- civilize . " * ' Irresistible as the waves of the ocean rolls on the tjde of European conquest in' the East . " " There is no middle ' course left for England : " ; " -Our boundaries may extend eastward to the Chinese sea , and westward to the Caspian and the Levant . " The new arrangement of the map of Europe , which has lately attracted some attention to the possible ambition of France , is mean and low , compared to the grand and noble ambition of conquering and civilizing the whole of Asia . For a despot this might be reasonable ; in a free people it is sheer madness . We are not surprised that it meets with checks , that it inspires alarm , and provokes opposition . The officials at Calcutta , who
have to administer this system under the pretext of providing for the welfare of the natives , live in dread of its collapse . For this Sir C . Trevelyan is not responsible , but his reprehension of fiscal rapacity , of waste and extravagance , had it reached ductile and sagacious minds , might have prevented—not the dread , for that is born of the system , but the actual realization of it in further rebellion . The Minute has undoubtedly annoyed the infallibles both at home and in India , and if it have made them less confident in their schemes , it will in the end do an immensity of good . Everywhere now , mankind , enlightened by much experience , have their eyes on politicians ; and the mock Liberals , who profess to promote liberty and stifle by violence the first breath of hostile criticism , will fare worse in the general estimation than avowed despots .
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Count Cavotir reminded the Sardinian Chamber that , although " France is , in general , said to have sympathies with Italy , Italy had influential enemies in that country—not only the Legitimists , but also . the Orleanists . " Yes ; the Orl-eanists , who ar , e still the favourites of the English Court .. A . cordial alliance -with France is impossible , while the British Government will sustain no ideas or principles that the wiser portion of the French nation can approve . A German paper has created a sensation by publishing an alleged conversation between the French Minister at Berlin and Baron Scmleinitz , respecting an alleged correspondence between our Pjunxe Consort and the Prince of Prussia , discussing plans hostile to Napoleon III . : and there can be no doubt that the Tories are desirous to
join the despotic powers in a league against France , and wouldj if they regained power and office , take steps likely to bring on a general war , with England on the wrong side . Cavour was right when he spoke of the Emperor's influence over France as having bounds , and of the necessity of his conciliating French interests , by obtaining some recompense for the costly assistance afforded to Italy . The way this was done may be open to serious objection , but , at any rate , a portion of the blame rests upon the English Cabinet , whose © imposition to the movement for the emancipation of Italy from the Austrians gave additional strength to the Legitimist and Orleanist enemies of the Empire , arid discouraged the efforts in which-the Mends of "liberty were engaged . " -
It is most short-sighted policy to permit the moral influence of England to fall almost to zero , when every nerve should be strained to make conviction supersede force , or at any rate to cause the balance of forces to be directed towards a beneficial result . Count Cavour uttered a cry of warning veil ¦ worth attention when he said , " The condition of Europe is abnormal . In the East , and in the centre of the Continent , we see the clouds gathering : there . is peace in men ' s words and war in their actions ; , parliaments . vote the increase of . armies ; , princes prepare foiMvar , and the nations only complain that these preparations are not . extensive enough / ' - The truth of this picture ifr . 4 > ey < 3-iid dispute , and England ~ Tierself is hard at work fabricating implements of destruction . We have floating batteries ,
but sinking principles . We : prepare Amistrokg aad Whitworth cannon , but have no rational purposes or objects for such weapons to support . What are English interests in-the sense in which the words are used by our governing class ? Everybody would agree that it would be our interest to defend our shores ' -if they were attacked , but no attack would conic unless ve were , or were fully expected to be , opponents of some great scheme that other Powers desired to carry out . Hence war against England , if it come at all , must begin , so far as its cause is concerned , away from home . In the East , as in Europe , there must be something which we resist , and" ~ si 3 nTGt 1 img- % rhiclt somebody else is determined to effect . Unfortunately , 'Whig-and Tory politics are much [ the same
—like scarlatina and scarlet fever they differ in degree rather than in principle , although the latter is by far the most dangerous disease . Taking our chance of the combinations that our ° Cabinets may contain , it may be said that we may quarrel about territorial or dynastic questions , but that we are sure not to quarrel on behalf of the rights of nations—not for Italy , not for Hungary , not for the German people , not for so much freedom W the Danube as would cheek the aggressions of Russia , but perhaps for some rags of the Treaties of 1815 , for some old-fashioned notion about propping up Turkey and sacrificing Moldo-Wnllachia and Servia , or it may be on bchall of the miserable sovereigns who endanger the Ithine . These are the chances , or mischances , that arc , open to us , while the people arc too drowsy to dictate a national policy that Europe must
SARDINI A offers at this moment the spectacle of a small State exercising a powerful influence over the condition of Europe , and it ought to gratify the pride of every Italian heart to find all civilized countries listening with respectful eagerness to the declarations of Cavour . While Garibaldi , who more than any rnan in recent tames has realized the popular idea of a patriot -soldier , holds the world ire-breatMess anticipation of the triumphs iris military genius is to achieve , Gavour speaks the voice of the hopes and aspirations of Italy , and while counselling a Iritter -sacrifice _ as an act of expedient necessity , points
stedfastly to that complete emancipation of Italy which lias so few supporters amongst the Governments of Europe , although in every land the people hope that its realization will' be accomplished . If any Englishman asked what his country was about at so momentous a crisis , the natural , the instinctive answer ¦ would be that the cause of freedom and human right possessed in her a strenuous and powerful ally . Such would be the natural position of Great Britain but the mysterious iniquities of diplomacy , the weakness of her statesmen , the worthlessness t > f ~ h ( n ^ UTU * efoi"med—P ^ vriiamo ^ the peace-at-any-price school have rolled us back from the
leadership of liberty rind civilization , and made the influence of England closely resemble the influence of the CzA . it . ' It is a bitter disgrace that Cavour should have been able to say with truth , thnt . ' " -while England had the greatest sympathies with the development of our liberty at home , she had no heart for our national aspirations ; her excessive regard for the territorial arrangements of 1815 forbade her to assist us in tlie emancipation of Ttaly . In France , on the other hand , we found not only sympathy , but a disposition to give us efficient support . " Up ' to ' tlie hour at which these words were spoken they were -unfortunately true , and greatly as Lord ' John Russkll is . to be
preferred as Foreign Minister to any of his predecessors in recent times , he has continued hidebound in the Treaty of Vienna , and afraid of avowing his sympathy with those national aspirations which are the hope and the glory of Italy , and constitute the strength of Cavour . It is a strange absurdity thnt the Government of free England should be against the emancipation of Italy , while that of despotic France should have Tendered invaluable aid . A wiser and more liberal policy would precipitate a few downger Whigs into the Tory ranks , and would draw upon Lord John the animosity of the German petty prince eabnl , but it would make him the most powerful and popular minister England has had for many a day , and would of
give him tenfold strength to deal with the question parliamentary reform . English influence is pf necessity lowered b y the iininairiy course we have pursued , and every exhibition of weakness or incapacity on our part has given a corresponding strength to the might of Imperial France . No jealousy of our great neighbour should mnko us grudge her the authority she is entitled to aa the ' legitimate consequence of great services Tendered , while we had not even ' good words to give ; but every Englishman mustgrudgo that further honour which is gained by Trance , not by her own action , but by our abdication of the right and renunciation of the duty to be a leader in the world ' s progress towards that liberty which constitutes the life of nations .
yespect . Tins idea of keeping Europe quiet that we may spin cotton in pence is ludicrous , if we look at the conflict of interests and principles that U going on . No real peace can coino until the primary causes of discontent arc removed . Cavouu knows that the Italian question must be fought out . "Mantua and Verona , " he snys , " with their strong disciplined garrisons , will never be taken by a popular movement . Therefore I reject the policy of isolation . It is not a question of feeling , but of necessity ; to maintain our position we require the Ereneh alliance . " In conclusion , the Sardinian minister exclaimed , "As for the --future ? you know , gentleman , how deeply 1 feel for the Venetians , how much 1 desire to sec them liberated anil joined to Italy ; still I pledge my
word before you and Europe that if I could liberate Venctia by sacrm ' cing one span of Italian territory—Genoa , or Simlinm ; or whatever else , I would indignantly reject such an exchange . This is up doubt sincere , but if England places obstacles in the way of tlie national movement , and holds out to franco tlio possibility of her aiding a German prince coalition in lavour ot Austria and against the Empire established ut Pans , such cou-
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June 2 , 1860 . J The Leader and Saturday Analyst . 513
The Speech Of Cavotjb,.
THE SPEECH OF CAVOTJR .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 2, 1860, page 513, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2350/page/5/
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