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' O'CONNOR AM) MACNAMARA. " TO THE CHARTISTS..
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. MrFfiiESDS,— If, indeed, I can call^ou...
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'What is to be done for the People must ...
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TO THE UNLOCATED LAND MEMBERS. My Friexd...
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AND NATIONAL TRADED JOURNAL *
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T onl 6LMP.632. LQNBOIi, MTPSDAY, DECEMB...
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There never were hearts, if our rulers w...
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«< .. THE "IRISH ALLIANCE," ITS PRINCIPL...
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Tun German Press!—According to a catalog...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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' O'Connor Am) Macnamara. " To The Chartists..
' O'CONNOR AM ) MACNAMARA . " TO THE CHARTISTS ..
. Mrffiiesds,— If, Indeed, I Can Call^Ou...
. MrFfiiESDS , — If , indeed , I can call ^ ou my friends , I suppose you learned from last week ' s " Star" that ihe Queen ' s Bench had refused to grant a new trial in the case of Macxajiara , although I had fresh evidence to adduce , and had found the following letter , which was not put in evidence at the trial ; i- lincoln ' s Inn Fields , it tw « , „ ¦*¦ ¦"" * Septembers , ISiS . . HT Bear O Cossoa , —Accept my best thanks for your JacOnessinlettiEg me have your acceptance . I assure vou notiing but the greatest necessity should have made me bothervousomncli . InhasteJ t , „ . „ Yours sincerely , r . O'Connor , Esq ., M . P . James Macsasuea .
Now , I think that stronger evidence of my \ rilKngness to meet this " SERIOUS POOR YOUNG MAN'S" necessities , could not be adduced ; moreover , I had Mr . Ktbd ' s evidence ^ of -which I vras not previously awareand he would have proved that he was the person who engaged Mr . Macnamaka and that in his presence I stated that I would not te responsible for more money than was subscribed by the men of London for the defence of the London- prisoners . Hawever , the good old maxim , "Rum him rrith expenses , " is ever acted npon in my case—as well oy the Chartists as by the law .
On Thursday evening week , Ireturnedfrom Ireland , and on Friday morning I received a notefrom my solicitor , stating that this " SBtions poor young man , " had put an execution in the hands of the sheriff ' s officer to seize the " Northern Star , ' that evening as they were going to post , and he also stated that ho would bring an actioafhr ^ libel against me , if 1 jgave him the title fhaCXdid in a former letter , and that isiny reason for changing his title , to the "serious poor young man . " Uow , this gentleman has received nearly . £ 500 for the defence of four Chartist prisoners . He sued me for the balance of his
hill—about £ 10 L Chief Justice Dexman upon the trial said , that in his opinion , he had received quite ample for his services if he received no more ; and Mr . Justice Colesidge , in refusing to grant a rule for a new trial , stated that Chief Justice Denmau , in discussing the matter with his brother judges , said that if he had been upon the jury , he would have given a different yerdict . The jury , however , gave a verdict against me , and on Friday last I had to pay £ 242 14 s . to save the " Northern Star" from execution—that is £ 101 , the amount the action was brought for , and £ 141 for ., his costs—not counting ' my own . Add to this , I have
now paid about £ 100 to save prisoners from oakum-picking . I was obliged to borrow this money from a friend ; and , now , let me ask you whether you think that such conduct to -onewho has made so many sacrifices to serve your order , is honest , just , or honourable ; and whether it elevatesyouinyour own estimation , or in the estimation of any other party ? I look upon it as a perfect stigma upon your order , when you think of the quantity of money expended in dissipation , - and the amount of expense and hardship that yon allow to fall upon one who expends every farthing of his money in the advocacy of your cause , and defence of your principles .
How differentl y the Irish people acted to O'Coxseli , and the English Free Traders to Cobden ; they gave him ; £ 80 , 000 , while I have surrendered and spent a much larger amount in the advocacy of your cause . What would the'Free Traders have said if they saw threepences , sixpences , and eightpences , coming in to defend Free Trade agitators ? If I had the money , I would spend millions , rather than allow a single Chartist to go undefended ; bat
" Solomon was a wise man , and Sampson was a strongman , yet neither of them could pay money , if they hadn't it . " And now , as a matter of justice , and not of favour , I ask the millions of men to do what one man cannot do . I have * promised to return that money in three weeks ,, and I hope that my word will not be forfeited , by your negligence . Tour Friend , " Ruined with Expenses , " Feaegus O'Coxsob .
'What Is To Be Done For The People Must ...
' What is to be done for the People must be done hy the eorJe . *
TO THE WORKING CLASSES . Mr Emends , You axe now within two months of the meeting of Parliament , and it is for you and not for the Parliament—to decide what snail be done for your order ; and , depend npon it , that if yon are apathetic , the Government Trill make just such changes as -mil satisfy the representatives of the middle classes ; whereas , if you are energetic , the middle class representatives will force greater changes from the Government . . ,
Now , my friends , believe my stereotyped opinion , and if if I am chargeable with repetition to surfeit * you are still more chargeable -with , indolence , indifference , and apathy—I tell von , then , that the employer of labour livesnpon the dependence of the labourer , and , that however the employer may excite your tope by p latform and busting orations , he will , if possible , lceep you in that state of depen dence which will uphold his own
independence ; and bis power is solely based npon your apathy—nay , I will call it criminality . These observations only appl y to men who make profit of the dependence of your order ; and now ht me plainly show you the difference between the movement of the present Parliamentar y Reform Association , and all other movements established by the middle classesioivl Hvobst , M . P ., Lord Dudley Sttjaut , Y lV ., Sir Joshua Walmesiey , M . P ., Mr . Geo . Thompson , M . P ., Mr . Lus iuxgtox ,
M . P ., Colonel Thom son , M . P ., Mr . Charles Peaesox , M . P ., Mr . Wilkdcsox , Mr . Hah , Mr- Tixdal Atkixsox , bave all—one and all —been the most prominent leaders in this movement , and not one of them is a trader in labour ; while , in the Reform movement , and the Free Trade movement , the people were urged to madness by the patriotic devotion of speculators in labour . ^ Tow read the following short but pith y
speech delivered by Mr . ChakleS PeaBSOS , at tho Southwark meeting , held on Tuesday ninbtlast , and say wbat yon think of that speech coming from one of the most influential men in the city of London , and from one -who made theable ' st , and most statesmanlike speech that I ever heard delivered in the House of Commons , npon Prison Discipline , and its effects ; and when you read it say , nheth orhTj and his order are prepared to go the popular pace upon the SEXJPEDE : —
Mr C . Peabso > - , M . P ., complained that while we had J ^ titfoiTand five trite in the commercial , tradinjr , and laDouriii ; , u « - ^ , - ^ trade in talent . SKffitq ^^ htarraa sasSwsBSfifjysfsas ^ tonaon rf £ ej »™ bis X > n forWetl ,, « hen than he had ™** a ^ . ? ' ~ ctSm rPrr tenderir . Eut what Lehad touched ^^ f ^™ J ^ be * was he
inordiallv supported it The" Norlfcm Star" is now in its thir-+ nnntb vear and this is the six hundred and ^ JSSnbe * and I think you will Tih . Srarietor tbe justice to say , that no do ^ XworMhas inamtmnea its position ^^ iSSSiJpoiafr slander , and J ^ nSewritaWelabbmw as fliatasjand
'What Is To Be Done For The People Must ...
y principles that could serve the poor against such a host of enemies as I have . Turn back to the file of that paper , and ask yourselves whether I have not faithfull y ' predicted the result of every contemplated change to your order . I told you , some months ago , that the present state of the Irish constituency , and the present feeling of the English constituencies , would compel Lord John Russell either to surrender his position , eras Admiral Ddxdas said in his letter to the Greenwich secretary—make such an extension of the suffrage as would astonish the people . I called your attention to the recent elections for Reading , and the Western Division of
Surrey ; two places which for years had returned not Whigs , but Radicals , to the House of Commons , while both of those places within a few months have returned Protectionists b y large majorities . Again ; ever since emancipation , the City of Cork has returned Radicals , and Radical Repealers , while a hi gh Tory and Protectionist , Colonel Chattcrton , has been returned for that city a few days since , by a majority of over two -. hundred . JTow , those three , members make a difference of six in" the Government , phalanx , as the former representatives for those places were supporters of the Government , and their present representatives will be their - most violent opponents . -
You complain , and justly , of tbe millions of full grown Englishmen who are excluded from the suffrage ; but let me call your attention to the state of Ireland , and let me remind you , at the same time , that the vote of an Irish member in the English Parliament , is equal to the vote of an English member , and is much more easily seduced by the minister . The population of England and Wales is estimated at sixteen millions , and the voters at one million , being one in sixteen ; while the population of Ireland is estimated at ei ght millions , and the voters at about forty-four
thousand , or one in one hundred and ei ghtyone o the population . Now , what do you think of that ? Prance , with a population of thirty-six millions , was urged on to revolution because little more than two hundred thousand had votes , while you will find that Ireland , according to population , has scarcely as large a constituency . But let me go further , and let me shew you the absurdity of the present system . The West Riding of Yorkshire , South Lancashire , and the county of Cork ,
have a population of about two million eight hundred thousand , and send six members to Parliament , who must have six hundred a year each , to qualif y them ; while the Universities of Oxford , Cambridge , and Dublin , with a population—that is of scholars and masters of arts—amounting to scarcely nine thousand , send six bloated bigots to Parliament , not requiring any qualification at all , except that qualification which they derive from a bigoted prejudiced education .
Sow , let me ask you , if the enlightened mind of the present day will much longer tolerate , not such an anomaly , but such an iniquity as that—that the votes of the representatives of nine thousand of the sons of the aristocracy—trained , educated , and confirmed from infancy , in the most horrid and repulsive doctrines as regards legislation—should counterbalance the votes of those representing two million eig ht hundred thousand of apopulation , the adults of whom are , for the most part , instructed and well educated ? . .. .
In my " Letters to the Irish Landlords " . — written from York Castle , in 1841—I pointed out what the inevitable effect of Free Trade would be to their order , if the required timely and prudent concessions did not precede that measure ; and next week I will give you a few extracts from those Letters , which will convince you that I was rig ht in every respect . Well , now , the difficulty against which both you and the Government will have to contend is
thisthat if timely and prudent concessions are not now made—that is , if the House of Commons is not so constituted as to insure a FULL , FREE , AND FAIR REPRESENTATION of the wboie people , and that very speedily—you will see a revolution in this country ; because , if a General Election was to take place without a sweeping alteration in the suffrage , you will see that not onl y Ireland , but England , would send an overwhelming majority of the most bloodthirsty Protectionists , Church and State Tories , and patronage hunters , to the House of Commons ; and , bad and atrocious as the conduct of the Whigs has been , you would consider it mild , inoffensive ,
and humane , as compared with the conduct of Stanley and his bull-frog Protectionists . And , my friends—persecuted , and prosecuted , and immured in a dungeon , as Ihavebeen , by the Whigs—and plundered as I have been by Whi g injustice and "Whi g juries—yet so great is my horror of cruelt y and bloodshed that , even yet , I would much rather see Russell and the Whigs , than Stanle y and the Protectionists , in power ; and I believe , by a wise discretion upon our part—directed by a proper and solid movement—we can extract more , not from the justice , but from the selfishness of the Whigs , than from the bigoted and persecuting Tories .
Can you picture to yourselves anything more absurd than any attempt now being made to return to Protection ? and can you imagine anything more ridiculous than a Mwstry undertaking to govern this great country and its colonies—establishing Free Trade—without first making those timely and prudent concessions , which would have so modified the change as to bave made it a blessing to all , instead of a curse , tetany party ?
This , working men , has been the great error of every Government . Your rulers have always catered for the support of influential parties by pandering to their wishes and their Interests , never bearing in mind that a change of circumstances may spur the apathetic into hostility and resistance . So it was as regarded Free Trade : the money-lords were energeticthe landlords were apathetic , but , when roused , are the most influential in Parliament .
Well , my friends , another " dodge" is now being made to excite your order with tbe . hope that you can gain complete freedom by the purchase of 40 s . freeholds . But see the effect of such a course , as practically but unintentionally developed by Mr . Cobdex , at the London Tavern Meeting , on Monday night last . He describes what the West Riding of Yorkshire was able to effect b y the 40 s . freehold princip le ; and what does he show ? Why , that by an augmentation of five thousand , from
one election to another , who do you think was able to walkover the course ? Why , a Whig LORD MORPFiTH . Now this is exactly what I always predicted as the TOTING result of the 40 s . freehold system , namely , that it would enable those called Liberals to use them in support of Whiggism , and in opposition to Toryism ; but would those five thousand—or one thousand of them—have voted for a CHARTIST CANDIDATE ? So that you will leam that this system of land distribution merely brings land into the retail
EIECTOKAL MARKET , AND NOT INTO THE wholesale LABOUR MARKET : and much as my Land Plan has been reviled , and enormous as the opposition ofiered to me has been , and
'What Is To Be Done For The People Must ...
brutal as the conduct of the most , fortunate members has been , yet the nearly three hundred cottages and four schoolhouses that I have built , will remain , and will and must constitute the landmark and foundation of that system which must ere long be adopted , if this country is to he saved from revolution . The people are now beginning to believe , that if a clear title cannot be made to them for land purchased with their hard earnings , that by a thorough union of their order they can establish as good a title to the land , and an older and more divine title , than any aristocrat who holds it , and measures its value by the power it gives him to oppress the poor .
Working men , a Conference elected by your order , willshortlymeetinLondonjandfromthat Conference I trust such a programme of action will issue , as will enable you to take a fair , a prompt , and legitimate position in that great movement which is assuredly near at hand , and from which I shall as assuredly receive the lion ' s share of persecution . But , working men , would it not be more balmy } to a conscientious man , to crack stones on tho . road , " wor ^ in the hulk , or rumble in the tossing transport with a clear conscience , than to revel in luxury furnished by a starving peopleas
compensa-, tion for his treachery ? Could such a man sleep ? Could he enjoy his luxuries ? or could he die in peace ? I may be caught by the quibble of law , by the prejudice of juries , or the perjury of spies , but I never can be caught by the BAIT OF THE EXCHEQUER . No ! I am urged on b y stronger and more honourable motives , and I have often told you , and now repeat it , that if all were to desert the banner of Chartismfrom fear or hope of gain—to-morrow , I would still hold the old flag unfurled , with its unsullied motto : —
THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER . And , believe me , that until you achieve that you never will have the land even at a rent , and until you have the land you never , will have peace , plenty , or happiness ; and , therefore , however thwarted in my undertaking , and however artful and designing men may nibble at bog , rock , and mountain , to give you a dependent 40 s . freehold , mortgaged to some griping solicitor who will be the keeper of your conscience , I say that , however baffled I may be , b y the law , by the Government , by slander , or b y the opposition—who dread your independence , and live upon your labour—I am resolved to persevere in my advocacy of the
CHARTER AS THE MEANS , AND THE LAND AS THE END . Now , tothemoral , andmark it , as to be "forewarned is to be forearmed . " You remember how Reform was carried—you remember how Free Trade was carried—you remember how the Dorchester labourers and others were prosecuted—and how political societies were made illegal in the first Session of the Reform Parliament .
You remember how Free Trade was carried by turning out the hands—you remember the plug drawing—you remember how Fear g us O'Connor and fifty-nine others were tried for eight days at Lancaster , for aggressions committed by the leaders of Free Trade ? And now mark me , if the Protectionists should get the upper hand , those who command your labour and your lives , will again use you and me if they can , as their resisting power , and when they intimidate and overpower the Protectionists , they will then prosecute you and me again IF THEY CAN . Now , think well upon that , as if you are foolish and apathetic it is sure to be your fate .
The Protectionists , if necessary , can muster the power of the whole of the agricultural population—they will persuade them that their dismissal , or reduction of their wages , is a consequence of Free Trade , and they will ensure their co-operation by a promise of higher wages , by a return to Protection . These men are as ignorant as the horses they drive , and in conclusion let me g ive you a striking instance .
On Sunday last I was driving , with a friend , through East Surrey ; we stopped at an inn by the road-side to feed the horses , and sat down by the fire , where seven or eig ht labourers were drinking their ale . They all complained , some of being dismissed in consequence of the low price of com , and others of a large reduction being made in their wages . You may be sure I got into conversation with those men . I asked one man—one of the shrewdest—who was employed threshing . Ho said "He was fifty years of age . " 1 asked him , " Who was the king of France now ? " He answered , " Why , the Prince of Orange , isn't it / ' I said "Yes . " "Well , " said he , " what ' s become of the old chap that was there , is ' nt he
king of some other place now ? " "Yes , " I replied , "he is king of Italy . " "Ah , so he is , " said he , " 1 forgot . " I asked them all , the landlord included , who said he paid 251 . a-year for his house , " Who was their member for that division of Surrey ? " and not one of them could tell . Now , what think you of that ? And do not you think that the landlords would find it very easy to recruit a large army of such men , by promising them anything ? I hope , my friends , you will reflect upon what I have written , and that you will remember , that "What is to be done for the people must be done by the people . " Your Faithful Friend and Representative , Feargus O'Connor .
To The Unlocated Land Members. My Friexd...
TO THE UNLOCATED LAND MEMBERS . My Friexds , —Ton , and very justly , censured me for not demanding a half year ' s rent , due in November , 1848 , from the located members ; but I told you , rather than distress them , after the potato blight , I would not ask them to pay any rent till November , 1849 , ( this mouth , ) and then that it should onl y he a half year ' s rent—receiving the balance of arrears , each half year by instalments .
Upon Snig ' s Eud and Minster Level alone , I have paid nearly l , 000 i . interest upon mortgage ; and , as I was determined that the unlocated members should not be openly p lundered by the fortunate allottees , I directed that all who did not pay , should be distrained for the half year s rent . The allottees , ( those especially in the most favourable circumstances , ) determined to resist the payment of rent . At Minister Lovel , a fellow of the name of Beattie , who made such a poor mouth at the Birmingham Conference , was the leader . He is a pensioner , an old soldier , receiving , I has four
think , 181 . a year pension . He acres of prime land , upon which he was obliged to admit , at Birmingham , he had grown carrots as thick as his thig h , and crops that astonished the farmers in the neig hbourhood . This fellow received 301 . Aid money ; he has let three acres , without the house , to an agricultural labourer , for 13 / . a-year , making him pay each half year in advance ; thus having his cottage , an aero of ground , 30 / ., a quantity of fuel , and nearly 2 f . profit rent for nothing . Now , let me ask you—whose money has gone , to locate this fello # r ^ = B'hethcr I should he an " honest Trustee of yourjunds if I allowed you to be thus plundered ?
To The Unlocated Land Members. My Friexd...
^ t is . now my intention that every man who win not pay his rent shall be instantly ejected . Mr . Roberts has received a complete list , and , I think they will find hint ; a tough customer . . " " . . At Lowbands , where they owed two-and-half years rent in November , the redoubtable Mr . O Bbien , the schoolmaster , was the leader of the resisting force , and he shall very speedily walk about his business .
The Magistrates in Oxfordshire—who , of course ai > e opposed to the Land Plan-made Mh Beattie pay costs in a complaint brought against him , or rather a complaint brought by him against the Bailiffs . The Magistrates told them that the estate being mortgaged I could not make a title to the occupants J this however , was not only going out of their course , but was false ; as lean make a title , the place being worth nearl y 30 , 000 / ., and only mortgaged for 5 , 000 ? . ; but the course that I shall now pursue , as regards Minster Lovel ^ and Sni g ' s End , is , to hand them over to ^^ ender mercy of the Mortgagees , to ^^ W f ^^^ interest , ishow due , and then tney will' find whether those gentlemen or I have been most lenient .
i Only imagine for a moment , men having two acres of Land cultivated , a cottage , 15 * . aid-money ; three acres cultivated , a cottage , 22 / . 1 0 * . aid-money ; four acres cultivated , a cottage , 30 / . aid-money ; and , in many casos , 10 / ., 15 ? ., and 20 / ., loan-money ; all with two years' crops , and many with three years ' crops , endeavouring to cheat those b y whoso subscriptions they were located , out of little more than 4 / ., 5 / ., and 6 / ., the amount of rent demanded . The several branches must state , in next week's " Star , " whether they are prepared to tolerate such a fraud as this . Of course tliei' 6 are some few exceptions , but tho conduct of such fellows as Beattie constitutes the rule .
You must bear in mind , 'that b y tbe Report of the Parliamentary Committee the Company owed me 3 , 400 / ., up to the 1 st of July , 1848 ; and by the report of the Finance Committee in Jul y , 1849 , they owed me an additional 1 , 200 J not including my expenses for four years , in visiting Estates , some weeks costing me 20 / , and other heavy expenses , amounting to rather move than less than 2 , 000 / . "When I left the last Conference , without any available funds belonging to the Company , I
had m the same week to pay Mr . Roberts 100 L of my own money for legal expenses ; and yet , from the commencement , I have preferred pinching myself to oppressing the fortunate allottees . Now , however , I have as above stated , determined to hand them over , without distinction , to the Solicitor for the Company , and , I think you will say that I have onl y acted with justice to you . Your faithful Friend , Feargus O'Connor .
Ar00110
And National Traded Journal *
AND NATIONAL TRADED JOURNAL *
T Onl 6lmp.632. Lqnboii, Mtpsday, Decemb...
T onl 6 LMP . 632 . LQNBOIi , MTPSDAY , DECEMBER 1 . M 9 . ^ . jyjgaX >
There Never Were Hearts, If Our Rulers W...
There never were hearts , if our rulers would let them , More formed to be tranquil and blessed than oure . ' TO THE IRISH EXILES . Friends and Countrymen , Again , I tell you , that I see brighter days in prospect for you , if you are only united amongst yourselves , and do not allow your strength to he shivered by the antagonism of leaders . What you should now do is , to propound a sterling princi ple npon which alone the #$ jgenerationof our , common country catf be based , and as you are amongst the most eloquent people on the earth , you should establish an association of Irishmen , with whom the English people -will cheerfull y co-operate , and in order to make it successful , you must appoint working men speakers , who will soon
become orators , and will make the present leaders of your principles understand the difficulty , nay , the impossibility , of using you for any other purpose than Ireland ' s regeneration . Oh ! it is a melanchol y reflection , to think of the many brave and valiant heroes that have been sacrificed at the shrine of deception , hypocrisy , and ambition . " it is not my desire to throw any impediment iuthe xray of any movement calculated to serve your interests , while it is my duty to publish both for the English and the Irish people in England , the opinion of the really honest portion of the Irish press , and with that view , I reprint tho article from last weeks " IRISHMAN , " a sterling representative of the Irish democratic mind , but I do it without
comment . M y countrymen , you cannot have forgotten the many struggles and contentions that I have had with the " Nation" when it refused to brid g e the gulf by which you were separated from your English fellow labourers ; you cannot have forgotten the direful and vindictive hostility that it has evinced against English Chartism and English principles ; and yon never can forget its uncalled-for and unmanl y denunciation of me , when I ventured once more
to visit the land of my birth , to bridge that gulph by which you were so long separated . I do not think % it there is any such instance upon record as the fact of a journalist , professing liberal principles , repudiating the appearance of one who had suffered more than any living man for the advocacy of those principles . Howbeit , as my patriotism is based upon honest ambition to servo my country , rather than upon any speculative hope , I bury all in oblivion .
I have now resolved upon addressing a letter to you weekl y in the " Irishman , " in the hope of illustrating what Ireland is , and what , by your co-operation , Ireland may he made . M y first letter will appear in this week ' s " Irishman , " and next week , in order to prove that I stood high in the estimation of honest , zealous , and devoted patriots , I shall publish in the " Irishman" three letters that I received from the devoted martyr , young Mea gh er , from his dungeon .
Irishmen , if ever there was a time when I anticipated happy results from agitation it is now and if ever there was a time when the Irish eye was keen , the Irish mind was resolute , and the Irish people were united , I believe it is now . And let me , in the name of God , implore of you not again to allow the stri fe or contention of party leaders to wean y ou from hope , which by your zeal and union may be shortly realised .
In this weed ' s "Irishman" I have mapped out the course which should now be pursued ; and , as soon as I recover myself from the difficulties in which Chartism has placed me , it is my intention to make a tour of Great Britain and Ireland , for the purpose of creating such an union between the people of both countries as shall pull down the temple of tyranny and erect the standard of freedom in its stead , For rel y upon it , Irishmen , that I have not forgotten ' 98 , ' 22 , ' 31 , when I was prosecuted in Ireland , nor tho continuous and unmerited
persecution that I have since endured , but all of which vanishes before that gleam of hope which now fills my heart with joy . Oh dear , oh dear , what that unhappy land has auffcred , To think of millions of honest , intelligent , and industrious people being consigned to the cold grave by the damnable and
There Never Were Hearts, If Our Rulers W...
oppressivofeudal system . It makes my blood run cold to reflect upon the sig hts I saw in Dublin ; fatted , well-fed , bloated soldiers , marching after a band playing merry tunes , amongst starving men and halfnaked women , pressing their babes to their breasts to inspire them with a little heat , and scratching in the cinders for bits swept from the rich man ' s table . My countrymen , would to GoD that yOU could all feel as I do , and Ireland would not
long present the anomaly of idle land , idle labour , and idle money . No , every man should he located in his own sentry-box , in the middle of his own land , no man daring to make him afraid—no law capable Of making him a pauper ; and then , my countrymen , vou would require neither gaols nor bastiles " as places of refuge , and the Government would not require you to pay soldiers , bludgeonmen , gaolers , and hangmen to make you starve in uiet , or hang yoa like dogs if you resisted ,
Now let me , in conclusion , remind you of the ; pictHre tha £ l drew oTMsh . suffering , when MK *' Cj JMsu ^ i , a-maglstrate , wrote , to ^ th ^ Duke of . WELUNGfo ^ 'rltating the " horrible sight that he , witnessed when he visited a hovel with little children dead on the floor , and a d y ing mother pressing a dying bab y to her breast . " 5 , V , l lush ' my 0 , vn haha > tm y ° ur fatlier comes in , 1 oil 11 break my poor heart with your pitiful cry ; Drink , drink , my life's blood , til ! my suck comes again , But , Jlacuslila , my baby , Macrce , don't you die . " I would cheerfully struggle through life ' srugged maze , And would beg tho wild world , sweet baby , with thee ; I would never complain of the longest of days , Or , though bitter the blast , or the cold wind may be . " Your brothers and sisters lie dead on the floor , And your tender young limbs are as cold as the stone ; Oil , heavens , she is jjone , my own baby asthore , And I ' m left in this bleak wicked world alone .
•• I ' m raging , I ' m frantic , and long for the grave , I feel strength enough now to contend -with the foo ; Sure my God wont refuse to accept what he gave , Or consign m « to hell , if I strike the last blow . " She hugged her cold bady , unwilling to part , Then grasped a cold dagger that hung by the wall . She kissed the dead bodies , and pierced her fond heart , As the father came back to his desolate hall . His heart ' s blood recoiled when he saw the sad sight , And he laid himself down by the desolate pile . Cold , famine and fever deprived Mm of might , He heaved a deep sigh , and thus ended his toil .
Ye princes and nobles , andcold-blooded men , You have murdered the poor of this ill-fated nation , You must answer to God when you meet them again , For the famine is yours , and not GOD'S dispensation . _ , my countrymen , that is the descrip tion of Ireland and her sufferings , written by Your Faithful Friend and Countryman , Feargus O'Connor .
«< .. The "Irish Alliance," Its Principl...
«< .. THE "IRISH ALLIANCE , " ITS PRINCIPLES AND POLICY . ( From the Irishman of Nov . 24 th , 1 S 49 . ) The proceedings of the " Aggregate Meeting of Irish Nationalists , " convened by tho so-called " Nationalist Conference , " will be found fully reported in our paper to-day . Our duty is now to examine the principles on which it is proposed to establish the new Agitating Organisation , denominated the " The Irish Alliance , " and the policy it is avowedly designed to work out . Were this a voluntary , self-imposod duty , we should turn from it in disgust . So little is there in tho movement to remove despondency , and inspire confidence—to dispel the gloom of the past , and reanimate our hopes of the future —that our heart sickens at the task . "With painful reluctance , we
are driven to the confession , that , when we contemplate the-whole proceedings , from the inception of this " Conference . " to its miserable d enouement on Tuesday evening last , a feeling of sorrow darkens our soul , and a sense of bitter shame humiliates us . Oi sorrow—that the ennobling struggle for indef pendqBeet » which . yte have so ardently laboured to ' mspftitourpepplesnould be thwarted by the juggling tricks of the Chaltatan , or imperilled by the hypocritical devices and expedients of the knave , Of staic-that ' any number , however small , of Irishmen pretending to patriotism , could be found for one instant to tolerate a movement now admittedly based upon a despicable abandonment of all that is imperishably sacred and great , virtuous and self-sacrificing in our past .
Well , indeed , may the vermin that creep in and out Of that loathsome nest of human debasement , Dublin Castle , chuckle with delight at the proceedings of the promoters of this " Irish Alliance . " Clarendon may look with complacency on a movement based on a renunciation of those principles that made him tremble , even in the midst of his 40 , 000 mercenaries . The Whigs , every profligate , cowardly , and truculent , how they must hail with intense rejoicing a demonstration * which , in effect , applauds their iniquitous " Government" of this country , consummated in guilt by the expatriation of our martyrs . It is difficult to dtvell on these things with that dispassionate forbearance necessary to a candid
and temperate elucidation of the principles and policy of this " Irish Alliance . " Our blood does not yet run so thin in our veins that we can contemplate treachery and apostacy without being moved to bitter indignation . To think of such things , even in the abstract , is bad enough—to be obliged to write about them is far worse ; but human endurance and toleration is sorely taxed when forced to reflect upon tho baneful influences such enormous profligacy is calculated to exercise over the destinies of our country , should the Irish people , by any insidious means , bo induced to hearken to such teachers . This it is that at once pains and alarms us .
Of the Nationalists in Dublin we entertain no fears . They are in a manner behind the scene . They have seen the wires pulled , and the puppets dancing . The veil of pretence has been uplifted , and they have gazed with shame and indignation upon unblushing recreancy and hypocritical profession , where they expected to witness truth , honour , honesty , and fidelity . Not so with the Nationalists in tho provinces . They have not the same opportunities—they are forced to judge by hearsay . They read the newspaper report of speeches , and consider that what professes to bo honest , manly , and patriotic , is so in reality . They estimate men and things too much by appearance s . They look more to professions than to performances , and are too prone to give their confidence lightly , without minutely canvassing opinions , or closely scrutinising principles . This , however ,
is but a temporary evil , as public opinion invariably rights itself . No man can now a-uays long wear a mask—no movement can hope to he sustained by aping principles it secretly condemns—no organisation can look for success when it appeals to the country under false colours—when , in ostensibly seeking to combine the people in a struggle for independence , it is taking sure and fatal means by which to corrupt the principles of the people , undermine their strength , and perpetuate the slavish oppression under which they groan . These are grave charges , and we now deliberatel y and advisedly prefer them against the promoters o * f this " Irish Alliance . " Let us , at the outset , dispose of the cant about "dis-union "—for it is a mischievous and prevalent cant . Dissension , we are told , has always been a fatal error in Irish politics—we admit and lament the fact—but the question is , how avoid it ?
Surely , we must not abandon princi ples , and prove recreant to our' holiest respirations , for the mere sake of patching up a hollow and hypocritical Alliance . Nay , from such compromising all our dissensions have sprung . If we desire then , to found a useful , permanent , and honourable union , we must make no compromise of principle . A stern fidelity will command respect , and win support , when all hypocritical devices fail ; and in this way it is that we hope to remove dissension , and utterly demolish all cliques ' . vnd factions that would impede us in our onward march to National redemption . Hypocrites and knaves often affect to bewail "disunion " for the purpose oi cloaking their own evil designs , but we trust that we are now about to turn over a new leaf in Irish politics , and that tho characteristic of our awakening Democracy will be a stern and fearless , and uncompromising devotion to Principle and Truth .
From tho first we regarded the promoters of the "National Conference" with suspicion . However , we guardedly refrained from committing ourselves to any opinion , until we had something to justify our suspicions . Evidence soon crowded upon us , and wo forthwith uttered our warnings . We lound a clique , presided over by Mr . Charles Gavan Dufty , undertaking to speak in tho name of the Irish people— professing to desire the union of s \ U Kationa-
«< .. The "Irish Alliance," Its Principl...
Iists at tho very time- they were excluding from their secret meetings many tried and faithful men , whosa honesty , we presume- , was feared—whose devotion to Nationality had been tested by the ordeal . At these clique meetings Mr . Duffy appeared with resolutions and programmes , readv cut and dry , and at once it became apparent that the object was tO get up a movement , for the mere purpose of up * holding the new Nation , in its erratic and reactionary course . Many rrhoat first attended in the hope that some good would follow—that honesty would guide , and principle regulate the proceedings oE the j > romoter $ , soon obtained a galling sense of the insincerity that was in action , and turned from thv movement in disgust . Nothing more forcibly illustrates the deeu designs oftheproxoters than the alarm that was evinced when it became known that Mr . Fieargus O'Connor would attend tho " agrcgatft meeting - " he was secretly written to not to come ,
and when that would not avail , Mr , Dufty openly attacked him in his last Nation . They feared Mr . O'Connor ' s plain dealing .: They knew their own secret treachery , and dreadful detection , and ex « posure , . and denuneiation . But we rejoice that the Dublin Nationalists took our advice—that they listened patien % to what was-said , and indulged in no uneaemly infeeimvptions . The great body of the meeting , was essentially Mitchelite . EVery ifi & rt was made to pack-. Tickets were only distributed to persons presumed to be favourable to the new " policy " of the Nation . Yet , despite of all such manoeuvring , the meeting was composed , of thoroughgoing honest Nationalists , because in Dublin , we rejoice to say , it weald be impossible ' now to compose a public meeting of any other . In the boxes , and on the platform , the promoters and their friends found room CflOinjfr , DUfr the meeting was not with them .
Perhaps- it may be asked why amendments- were not proposed to some of the resolutions , or others moved in- their place . The answer is plain , lb was resolved to hear all that was to bo said ,, and to offer no opposition to anything . Had any opposition been- offered , there would have been a pretext given to say that the promoters had not beer- permitted to declare themselves fully . This cannot now be said . They had a clear stage . They . had i Njpefinough . They had ample opportunity to ' diaj ^ oSStFfflS ^^ flfrk & r ^^ upoti the country to adopt , and yet , ; so deserted were they by all presentable men , that they were forced to call in the aid of tire clerks of the Nation olSca to * second resolutions . Thus , tbe character of the movement is made clearly apparent , even to those who were not on the spot to see and judge for themselves .
Wo have said that this "Irieh Alliance" is professedly based upon an abandonment of all that is great , virtuous , and sacred , la our past . We prove it thus . Arese-lutiou wasproposed at one of the clique meetings , to commemorate the memories of our martyrs , yet this was opposed ! Good Heavens ! opposed by the promoters of an " Irish Alliance , " appealing to the Irish people for support ; Yes , indeed , opposed it was , and successfully , too . But that is not all . Mr . M . Leyne made the humiliating confession that the opposition was grounded upon , the desire that existed to carry out a compromising and dishonest policy ! " We were met , " said he , " by this remonstrance , that in this new combina" tion men , who had hitherto taken no part in public " affairs , would bo deterred by even the appearance '
of connceson mth the principles of cw illustrious "friends . '" And so the principles of our illustrious friends were set aside—trampled upon—despised ! Good God ! with what shame and bitterness we think of this ! What honest Nationalist can henceforth have aught in common with this "Irish Alliance , " or its patron and founder , Mr . Duffy , who now , with unbashful countenance , avows the expediency of avoiding " even the appearance of conneaion with the principles of our illustrious friends " and martyrs ? Shame—eternal shame—upon tho base recreancy , and the black heart , that suggested and stimulated such a degrading and profligate avowal . Friends , are you prepared to approve of this severance of your connexion with tho ennobling recollections of your martyrs ? Are yon solicitous to
forget their sacrifices and sufferings 1—to support a new " policy , " based upon an abandonment of their principles and a betrayal of the sacred trust their martyrdom has confided to you ? If so , then , indeed , may we despair of Ireland—then , indeed , may we exclaim in the language of the Persian—* ' The lip of prudence is closed on the tongue of indignation , and the dagger of scorn is sheathed in the silken shawl of security . " We may all become good Whigs , and rejoice once more that we have a country to sell ! Yes , friends , it comes to this . Had the "Irish Alliance'' been concocted by Clarendon , it could not have done its work better . Had Mr . Duffoy , in fulfilment of a secret-compact with the Oastle , sought to debase the political faith of the Irish
people , he could not have taken his measures more effectually than by instructing them to foreswear " even the appearance of connexion with the principles of our illustrious friends "—principles , mind you , which he counselled and affected to advocate and uphold—principles for which they have suffered nobly and without repining—while he , tho secret intriguer , the originator , the planner of all tiiat took place in 1848 , is now unmolested at homo , to glory in his aptstacy , to profit by their sufiermgs , to publish to the world his degrading recantation of their principles , and thus establish himself upon tho humiliation and demoralisation of the country ! We turn away in disgust from tiie contemplation of such horrible treason to truth and country . " But that it were so horrid and
unnatural—A thing at strife with all consistent thoughts , " We would believe that , in truth and reality , the programme of this " Irish Alliance" was concocted at the Castle , for the purpose of engendering fatal strifes and dissensions among the Nationalists . But , even so , the conspiracy will fail—must fail . Mr . Duffey is now too well known . lie has effectually severed his connexion with the Nationalists . He has gone over to the enemy . lie is a W'hbj in heart and soul , disposition and practice . What was long suspected , often predicted , and by many openly declared—what the wisdom of Mitchel foresaw , anil his noble and virtuous soul at once rejected , is now patent to the world ; and Mr . Duffy , as he was told to his teeth at the meeting in "Conference , " on Monday night , now stands branded as a false politician—a dishonest man .
ue call then upon all true Nationalists « otto dissever their connexion with the principles of our illustrious Martyrs , but to shun , as they would a pestilence , all contact with this "Irish Alliance . " Leave it to its fate—already it is doomed . Tho true Democracy of Dublin held a meeting on Wednesday evening last , and resolved to proceed vigorously with their organisation , to which we have devoted a separate article . Let them hold together , and cherish their strength , fortius " Irish Alliance " cannot impede their progress nor their hopes . The Freeman , indeed , with considerable pungency and truth , asks why tho promoters of the "Alliance , " if at all sincere in their avowed devotion tollepcal , do not join Conciliation Hall ?
"lie liai'ecarefully perused , " says the Freeman , "the proceedings of the Conference—or , us it U now wittcu—the 'Irish Alliance . ' 'ffecansQO in them from bcgiiii-. injf to end nothing new or original . The objects proposed to be sought are old mid familiar objects of desire lo the Irish nation . The achievement of national rights—the establishment of religions equality—the recognition of the lights of the tenantry—the extension of the franchise—the sustainment of native manufactures—these are the [ . rofesscil ohjectsof the'Irish Alliance . ' In what du they differ from the objects sought l ) . v the old Association , that a neiv body "ascalled for ? They are so complete ' y identical that ( hen would scan to be transcripts the one of the other . Why , then , split up the national strength by organising a second body , when there are confessedly no new or separate objects to be sought ? Even the mode of obtaining redress , to which tho new body f ledges itself , is identical with the mode proposed by the old . Why , then , have division instead of co-operation !"
Exactly ! the argument is unanswerable . All the grounds on which the founders of the Irish Confedrntiow . wpwitsAcvi from Conciliation llall arc removed by the " Irish Alliance . " Mr . Duffy ' s recantation is complete . Ho is as ardent now for " moral means "—as zealous in opposition to " physical force " as the most strait-laced qunker . lie ' is gentle as a sucking dove , and as harmless , too . Why not go , then , at once to Burgh-quay ? Surely , if any man has a right to " lead —if the Irish people are to be kept m perpetual " leading strings " —John O'Connell has hereditary claims wlllch even Mr . Duff y cannot question . Witli us tho matter is different , for our difference with Burgh-quay is one of principle . The "Irish Alliance " lias no such difference . Why , then , exist as a rival when you can co-operate as an ally ?
But that would not serve the purposes for which this movement was originated—the purposes of treachery and selfishness ; yet , with God ' s blessing wo will thwart such purposes , and confound suoh counsels . Wc rely with confidence upon the sterling Democracy of Ireland , to uphold the ascendancy of principle and truth , and an organisation will thereby be effected , new in this country—an organisation by which we yet shall conquer . *
Tun German Press!—According To A Catalog...
Tun German Press !—According to a catalogue of tho German newspapers just published at Leipsic , there are at present printed in Europe as many as 1 , 558 German journals . They are thus distributed viz .: —Anhalt , 10 journals ; Baden , 55 ; Bavaria ' 127 ; Brunswick , 9 ; Bremen , 18 ; Frankibrt-on-thel Main , 17 ; Trance , 6 ; Groat Britain , I ; Hamburgh 24 ; Hanover , 32 ; Hesse-Darmstadt , Si ; Hesse ' llombuvgh , 4 ; Hcsse-Givssel , 22 ; llohenzollorn , 4 . Ilolstein , 17 ; Lippe , 4 ; Lubeck , 4 ; Luxcmlmre , 4 ! Mecklenburg , 22 ; Nassau , 13 ; Oldenburg , S ; Aus * tria , 7-1 ; Prussia , G 32 ; Province of Brandenburg 110 ; Pomerania , 56 ; Posen , 18 ; Prussia , 77 * Silesia , 103 ; Saxony , 91 ; Rhine , 110 ; Wesphalia 07 ; Reus , 11 ; Russia , U ; Kingdom , of Saxony 183 ; Duchies of Saxonv , ii ; Schauinbunr , *• Schieswig , o ; Schwarlzburf , 12 ; Switzerland , T 7 i WaWccAv WurtQTOhurg , 67 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 1, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_01121849/page/1/
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