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aibiefo af ifl* $l«&
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ATte evcQtof iteweekfe tha wsowfatwu of ...
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL 1 ^^^^^^^^^...
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YOL. XT. I». 748. LOCTOH, SATURDAY, MARC...
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' THE CRISIS AND THE OPPORTUNITY. Mb. Ew...
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iftee ComsMonimwt
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[As the columns under this head are open...
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MB. O'C OMOR'S ACCOUNTS. TO the editor o...
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THE GLASS-MAKEBS' DEMONSTRATION . TO THE...
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®0»ft$9rata>* Jhtoiliaetttt,
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CENTRA.L CO-OPERATIVE AGENCY , 76, Charl...
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TIIE SHEFFIELD WOMAN'S RIGHTS ASSOCIATIO...
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Fosns IN .UD OP Mr. O'Connor..—A prelimi...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Aibiefo Af Ifl* $L«&
aibiefo af ifl * $ l «&
Atte Evcqtof Iteweekfe Tha Wsowfatwu Of ...
ATte evcQtof iteweekfe tha wsowfatwu of the u <* me . Manchester believes , or pretends to believe , ? S corn is in daBger of being taxed and fUesnot m ^ ns bnt to the subBcription list Prudent even , « itsea thnsiasticparoxy iBin it * pulatedfor a call of Joer cent on the nominal subscription , and wrfh ^ S made a capital shoW of £ 27 , 000 m the E of 1 m than half an hour . Of course tins Sone onthe preventiTeprinaple . By giving due aCnms to Lord Derby of the trouble they can give £ it is hoped he will be frightened either from the ith
ffito . or into submission to existing polioy w la ' ct to exportsand imports . Mot that we accuse fancnester of meaning to flinch from an actual hand 0 hand contest , should the squirearchy provoke it . Nierearetoo many professional and practised agistors lingering for another opportunity to distinguish bemselvea again , who rejoice at the accession of the Tories to power as a godsend , and who are ready it the shortest notice to get up any amount of . statwici , stereotyped arguments , and declamation to lattern , for—' a consideration , ' to permit us for one noment to dream of that . On the other hand , the iew Ministry and its organs are acting on the advice
given by BcaifS , under different circumstances—« for Gude sake , Sirs i tlien speak her fair , And stnukher canny wi * the hair . ' They beseech the conntry not to put itself about in the sli ghter degree . Their taking possession of the Treasury benches is ' not of the slightest consequence , any more than if they were a lot of Toodlea . They don't mean to act upon their op inions , bless jon I Xot at all They have a li g ht to these opinions , mind you : but then , seeing there is a majority against
them in Parliament , wh y should they be so unseasonable , not to say unreasonable , a » to introduce such malapropos questions ? No , they will wait until the country' can be appealed to . ' The country , ' beautiful abstraction ! excellent eup huism for the little dirty rotten and venal constituencies , which landlords and rich men can bull y , bribe , or coerce into submission to their dictates . That is ' the country ' to which in due time * an appeal' is to he made ; but even for it , time is required . The Protectionists demand ' grace / in order that they may set thecorrnpting agencies and influences at . work , which secure the sweet voices of such constituencies ; the Free Traders fear that if time is g iven they will be beaten at a General Election . The one party procrastinates , the other eargerly presses for a decision on the mooted
question . Meanwhile . , bo fax our anticipations , as to the effect of the change of the Ministry upon the position of parties , have been fully borne out T \ e shall undoabtcdly get back to something like a normal state of things . Matters will not be at' sixes and sevens , ' ! as they have been for a long time past . As we exited , even Lord John has once more been galvanised into political activity . Chesham-place has this Iweefc been tbe scene of meetings , foreboding active hostilities on the recommencement of the suspended kttings . The Whi g Chief proposes to take Mr . pfruERs' test motion out of his hands , and himself ijead the assault upon the New Ministry . Does he expect thereby to carry back the old cripples to their IdM seats ?
The other notable event of the week—but at a err considerable distance from tho Manchester lathering—has been tha Parliamentary Reform Cona-ence in London . Sir Joshua WAiatsusy and lis friends have really been very unfortunate . They ecupy in the political world the position which the Church of Laodicea is said to have done among the indent Churches . They are neither hot nor cold , rat lukewarm . They go too far for the respectable , irthodox , safe , moderate middle class Reformers . fhi'y do not go far enough for the masses , or at least ; eep so much within the limits that come up to
heir notions of a real Reform , that they excite no tarty , spontaneous , and genuine enthusiasm . The fcnost they extort is a modified approval from he educated intellect of the more reflective nd intelligent of the working classes . But ie movement is passionless : it wants vitality—: wants force—it wants that monientus which ' ears the path of obstruction , and hunks on to the oal b y its own impetus . Before it can attain this , must abandon expediencies , and take up the broad round of princip le . TVe have advised this often , he events of the past week demonstrate how cor-£ tlv . If there is really so little difference between mug or residential suffrage , and tho suffrage
prosed oy the People ' s Charter , as Sir Joshua auisley was at pains to show there is , what use there in stopping short of the later ? It evidently ¦ es not gain him the cordial assistance of the Manitster men , who have long purses ready to open at « ' Sesame' of another League ag itation ; it ?? ps aloof the industrious classes , to whom Universal nifrage is a sacred tradition , and inexpugnable porta of their political creed . Between two stools , ie Parliamentary Reform Association falls to the round . With the best intentions in the world , its roiuoters stand in the way of their onl y chance of Bccess and ignore the sole means which are open to & em of making a health y , vigorous , national movelent .
lhe addresses issued b y the newly appointed Minryto the constituencies from whom they Solicit reciion , are as studiousl y moderate in their language 4 vague in their statements , as the utmost care can ike them . Whether the hustings will elicit anyiag inoreplain-spokeu and decided , remains to be J " . At the moment we write , the subordinates have sen their cue from the new Premier , and put as il- ' e meaning into their words as possible .
tae ] ossibility of a general election at an earl y ' , has put old Members and new candidates on their ¦ jal There is a visible movement in the straw , G , from all appearances , there will be rather a clean * q > among the existing members , come when it-may . ittag the new candidates announced we sec tho fae ci Mr . W . CosisGHAM , of Bri g hton , whose wsag hl y Democratic views on political topics , cou-N * "ith the warm interest he has taken in prac-!» i Co eperative efforts , should recommend him fatraVly to the popular constituency of the Tower
nt »]] jgence from the Continent represents war as » ff ^ nmiaent , Switzerland is threatened on the - Hie b y france , on the other b y Austria . Its n - « the possession of a Constitutional Govern" t in some ol the Cantons , the possession of at least ' Ju jiarativel y free Press , and the power of g iving - &¦ to proscribed political refugees . This is an ¦ -sere not to be tolerated b y Lows Bona aete , ' ¦• for years , was indebted to Switzerland for hos-•& : and an asylum . He is going to show his gra-I'fc ly extinguishing the liberties to which he owed [ tsach ; and in this nefarious conspiracy is fitly
k ? by ScirwARTZESBERG , to whom liberty of any ' ? » s hatefa ) . Belgium is for the present resp ited , n appears that the 2 ? ussian autocrat has taken ° !' tui under his protection , and sent a celebrated * -ral of Military Eng ineers , to look look after the r "§; atening of his fortifications . The army is also ^ « icreascc \ and put in a condition ready for irai i J » te service , la addition to these rumours of i at Loins , we are threatened with another Bnr-^ r in India . The last was both expensive and j ^ ed , and though it ended in our favour , it did r -tune a race which is more hard y andcourageous fe ; u * lhe native tribes in our Eastern
posses-^ Lugmecrs Strike continues to present much - ' * £ v *«?«*• Both parties still hold out . On % ,, ' tJ Sht a numerous aggregate meeting of ^ po iitan Trades , under the Presidency of 5 fi ^ 4 1 I i AKT ^ EAIBj resolved to make common iH . ^ r Ama , gatnated Socie ^ i and took the k ^ 'l 4 or ganising a confederation of Labour , , lM h 9 eV ° ^ re P » aoctive self-employment . ik " v * t , Gent , y fcfcen «** iu the minds of the ha « wL * * r 8 Ge itgrow upJ flouvish > and f Ui * . j . "is b y such constructive means N 03 . . " ^ Ooar can emanci pate itself from I' c i - fc - •« *! » tne
• a : . s , * t > i « f ^^ arjii Chief Commiss ioner of ^ i'w i ? " tbe Xe 57 Mini * t « y re-elected . 1 -Vtc-eb !* « ?! "PV ^ tion was m » . lemerel y tor the ^^ twi ^ iT **** S r J Pjk « gto . v treated : *« «« airJ ? J" 01 an e 3 SaJ and a h ! ncb - Tbe " ? * Kvform j ° the tW 0 - B * OPPOSed . ' - ' - J !*« tim a . 1 P ? ress in the popular sense , :: i '; ^ 7 , BoaSJrfl K ^ ™ . 0 ' an ™ P ° *™ S 4 < es > - -3 of Arbitration bfcttee ? masters
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And National Trades' Journal 1 ^^^^^^^^^...
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Yol. Xt. I». 748. Loctoh, Saturday, Marc...
YOL . XT . I » . 748 . LOCTOH , SATURDAY , MARCH 6 , 1852 . ' F „ . JSSZSSSSl ? ^
' The Crisis And The Opportunity. Mb. Ew...
' THE CRISIS AND THE OPPORTUNITY . Mb . Ewxob , —The events of the day are decidedly favourable 'to the cause of Progress . Such a ' golden opportunity' for the manifestation of the popular will may not present itself again for many long years . It is the people that will be shortl y appealed to ; and the question to be determined upon b y them is one of principle , and not a thing of detail . But where we should look for activity , we find supineness ; where leadershi p , dissensions . The Crisis will be dissi pated by the hand of time , and the oligarch y will bo tho victors . The people will remain unheard , and hence concluded to be satisfied with things as they are . A
Tory administration will negative all proposals for Electoral Reform , and tho silence of the unenfranchised will strongl y tend , in its practical results , to pronounce the Derby policy as compatible with the popular will . It is very generally remarked , that ' Reform 5 s not wanted . ' Why ? Because the working classes are silent in such a demand ; and one-half of those who have the vote , fail to exercise their p rivileges when the fitting occasion offers . This reasoning is fallacious . It is most advisable , for the country ' s good , that the Suffrage should be definitel y settled , b y conferring upon every free man tbe privilege of citizenship ; and it is fuither most unjust , to deny the vote to C , because A andB , possessing it , fail to use it . But these are the weak inventions of the enemy . We could afford to laugh at
them , if wo had the means of combating them ; but these being wanting , the said inventions are presumed to be triumphant , and hence become important , as a consequence of our own impotency . And so there is bnt little hope for the cause of Labour . For it , as before , nothing will be done . No vote will be given to the toiler ; - n o education to his children . Tho combination laws will remain as ambiguous as ever ; for though I may think them plain , and susceptible of but one translation , yet the gentlemen of tbe 'longrobe' and ' silk gowns' think otherwise ; and this division will ever tell against the liberal construction of them , which the necessities of the working man imperatively call for . Well , these are the exigencies of the period . The opportunity for doing much is tho time present , but the will to use it properly is unfortunately wanting .
The General Election , com © when it will , either in April or September next , will no more ascertain and embody tho peop le ' s op inion in respect to the questions of Protection or Free Trade , Reform or No-Reform , than if no such election occured . Certainly , about one-seventh of the adult males of the three kingdoms will have to do duty for themselves and their poorer unenfranchised fellow subjects , each elector having not only to think for himself , but also for six others , of whose views he can know nothing , or would not heed , if he knew , the power being in his hand—and according to the decision thus arrived at , so the people will be said to have declared its will .
But , as we all know that this is but a thing of Shams , I am of op inion that the Unenfranchised should be solicited to speak for themselves in such an emergency—have their own meetings , and their own speakers—and in all possible ways force upon the notice of tho community their op inions upon the great events of the day . Were there a Peop le ' s Part y , such a step would most unquestionably betaken . Now is the time , or never . The poor man ' s bread is threatened to be taxed ; there is to be no reform in our electoral system ; no education for the people save that which the Holy Church shall dictate ; foreign refugees are to be sedulously watched , and their actions
in England reported to their home governments ;—the bible and the crown are the prominent symbols of the country—they are the essentials of greatness of a Tory mind . Here then is a budget of grievancespolitical capital enough to shake society to its very centre ; and yet I venture to say that , with all this wealth , this food for agitation , Chartism will ever be a bankrupt-cause ; and they who preach it regarded as obstructions in the way of real and practical reform . The fact is , Chartism has spent itself out ; the horse and the rider have fallen together ; and common
gratitude bids us speak no more of the one , and to do our best to ameliorate the pecuniary condition and soothe the mental sufferings of the other . Thus , I am for organising the people anew under a name of a more expressive and definite character , and for raising a handsome contribution to Mr . O'Connor , to secure him from future want . M y meaning is plain ; my advice simple ; my advocacy sincere ; and could men resign their prejudices , and forget their previous protestations , some such proposal as that here mentioned would be seriousl y entertained by those who presume to he the leaders of the people .
The Executive , or that which is left of the Executive , o tbe Chartist Association has deserved well of its supporters . In resolving not to do anything until tho liabilities of the movement aro defrayed , its members have shown themselves to be men of probity and honour . I app laude them for their stead y perseverance ; and earnestly intreat them to be unmoved by the Phili p ies of their opponents , for their determination is both creditable and just . As soon , however , as the outstanding debts are liquidated , I am strongl y of opinion that the Executive , and they onl y , should convene a Convention or Conference , for the especial purpose of considering the
present state of the country , and devising measures for the immediate organisation of the labouring classes . In calling this Convention , I beseech them to be exp licit and definite in their propositions to the country . It will not do to call a Conference without submitting the business to be entertained b y such meeting . Delegates will require to be instructed by their constituents . If opportunity for consultation be not extended to them , they will hesitate to vote for any particular policy until they have learned the op inions of those they represent . Thus little , if anything , will be done ... This must be avoided ; and it only can be , by adopting tho caution here laid down .
The Executive having then resolved to call the said Conference , I intreat them to discuss the following suggestions , with a view of their forming part of the business paper : — 1 . The present state of the public mind , in respect to popular agitation ; and whether it is not advisable to ori ginate forthwith a People ' s Party , which shall combine the social as well as the political elements of a national movement . 2 . Whether to the organisation thus proposed there should not be given a new name ; and that henceforth the terms of membership should be made as low as is compatible with the wants of an independent board of control .
3 . Will it not be for the general benefit , that at the said Conference , men who are not delegates should be permitted to express their op inions upon the present condition of things . The voting , of course will be confined to the representatives ; but there are many men in London who are true friends to the cause of popular progress , and who are most anxious to see an Association ori ginated like to that I have mentioned , who would afford con siderable information , if permitted to g ive it , and whose euoport it would be vert necessary to ensure .
4 . Whether the attention of the said Conference should not be directed to tho settlement of the political end in view , in the establishment of * National Association , viz ., * Manhood Suffrage , protected by the Ballot ; ' and to this measure only the members shall be p ledged . 5 All othor views upon political questions than that just named being left as matters of private opinion amongst the members , whether it should not be made part of the duty of the newly-formed board to organise weekly meetings in various places of London and the large towns , and at one p lace m the smaU * ones , to discuss the measures introduced in Parha . ment , as also those which affect the great question of Labour and Cap ital in th eir rel ations to wh « fo . Thus , say in . London , there mig ht be a meeting » ,
' The Crisis And The Opportunity. Mb. Ew...
Westminster on a Monday evening , in Finsbury on a Tuesday , in the Tower Hamlets on a Wednesday , in Marylebone on a Thursday , in Southwark on a Friday , and in Lambeth on a Saturday evening . These meetings would each form a nucleus of strength of the Association ; and materially serve to hel p the governing body in the direction of the general movement . The expenses of such gatherings I would wish to defray from tbe general fund ; but I have little
doubt , as in each of these localities a local branch would be formed , the members and attendants at the meetings would readil y meet this cost , if indeed it be any , considering that the Society business could be transacted the same evening , or at any rate , in the same p lace . This is the way to spread political and social knowledge ; and to make men feel the necessity for connecting themselves with each & a Association as that alluded to .
I have now exhausted my space , but certainly not my subject . I feel deeply tbe injury the popular cause is receiving through the inertness and party contentions of its leaders ; and my conviction is immovable , that so long as men are followed and not princi ples ; so long as intolerance to other men ' s op inions forms the characteristic feature of the objections of those who presume to rule ; so long as men will not support the organs alread y exclusivel y devoted to their interests , but cry aloud for others , which only means a change , to be followed by a like cry some months hence ; so long as these things have to be spoken of as facts which tend to render unity of action a thing perfectly impossible , six millions of adult men will remain unenfranchised , and the cause of the worker unnoticed and uncared for . Could but
men see the advantages they now possess , these remarks would not be unproductive of good ; but , however small may be the consideration awarded to them , I beseech my readers to be mindful of their purpose ; to support those papers which are dedicated to their cause ; and to decide at once , whether the time is not come for the origination of a 6 ona fide movement , which shall represent the opinions of the many , and be proof against party malevolence , party purposes , and self-serving men . Censob .
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[ As the columns under this head are open for the free expression of all op inions the Editor is not responsible for , or committed to , any . ]
THE TRUE STANDARD AND MEASURE OP VALUE . 10 IBS BMtOR OF IKS SORTHBITS STAB . Dear Sir , —Having treated of Money , or Currency , of tbe American Banking System , and of the principles o-n which " Junius" proposes the establishment of a National Bank , and a national Paper Currency in the United States , we now come to the consideration of tbe important question of an Universal Standard of Value . Dr . Adam Smith , the prince of political economists , in discussing this subject , says as follows : — Book 1 st , Chap . V . " The value of any commodity , to the person who possesses it , and who means not to use it or consume it himself , but to exchange it for other
commodities , is equal to the quantity of labour which it enables him to purchase or command * Labour , therefore , is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities . The real price of everything—what everything really costs to the man who wants to acquire it—is the toil and trouble of acquiring it . What everything is really worth to tho man who has acquired it , and who wants to dispose of it , or exchange it for something else , is the toil and trouble which it can save to himself , or enable him to impose upon others . What is bought with money , or with goods , is purchased by labour , as much as what we acquire by the toil of our own body . Thai money , or those goods , indeed save us this toil . They contain or represent tho value of a certain quantity of labour , which wo exchange for what is
supposed at the time to contain the value of an equal quantity . Labour -was the first price—the original purchase money—that was paid for all things . It was not by gold or by silver , but by labour , that all tho wealth of the world was originally purchased ; and its value , to those who possess it , and who want to exchange it for some new productions , is precisely equal to the quantity of labour which it can enable them to purchase or command . Gold and silver , like erery other commodity , vary in their value —are sometimes cheaper , and sometimes dearer . The quantity of labour any particular quantity of them can purchase , depends always upon the fertility or barrenness of the mines known at the time . Tho discovery of the abundant tt . ities of America reduced in the sixteenth
century the value of gold and silver in Europe about a third of what it was before . Gold , silver , and other commodities , therefore , inasmuch as they arc continually varying in their own value , can never bo an accurate measure of the value of other things . But equal quantities of labour , at all times and places , may be said to be of equal value to the labourer . In his ordinary state of health , strength , and spirits—in the ordinary degree of his skill and dexterity— ha must always lay down the Same portion of his ease , his liberty , and his happiness . The price which he pays must always be the same , whatever bo the quantity of goods lie receives in return for it . Of these , indeed , it may sometimes purchase a greater , and sometimes a smaller quantity ; but it is their value that varies , not that of the labour that purchases them . We cannot estimate , it is allowed , the real value of different commodities from
century to century , by the quantities of silver that are given for them . We cannot estimate it from year to year by the quantities of corn . From century to century , corn is a better measure than silver , because , from century to century , equal quantities' of corn will command the same quantity of labour more nearly than equal quantities of silver . From year to year , on tho contrary , silver is a better measure than corn , because equal quantities of it will more nearly command tbe same quantity of labour . By the quantities of labour , we can , with tbe greatest accuracy , estimate the value of different commodities , both from century to coutury , and from year to year . Labour , therefore , it appears evidently , is the only universal , as well as the only accurate measure of value , or the only standard by which we can compare tho value of different commodities at all times and at all places .
"Labour alone , therefore , never varying in its own value , is alone the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can , at all times and all places , be estimated and compared . It is their real price—money is their nominal price only . " Though Dr . Adam Smith proves so demonstrably in the above and in other parts of this great work { " The Wealth of Nations , " ) that labour is not merely the only source of wealth , but that labour is also the only standard and measure of value , still you read his work in vain for any directions as to the means necessary for making labour the standard of value in practice . But after long and attentive study , and reading various authors on political economy , I am firmly of opinion that the only way to reduce those truths to practice , for the benefit of all the industrious
classes is to fix by law , a minimum rate of wanes for unskilled labour , payable in national legal tender , bank notes issued b y a national bank , the whole of which paper money to be based upon real wealth , viz ., upon property actually placed in charge of this bank , as recommended in the work on the " Nature and Use of Monies , " lately published by Mr . John Grey , of Edinburgh ; which book , every man who wishes to understand this moat vital Of questions , should carefully and yefleotingly read . The working classes of every trade and emp loyment , should unite for the purpose of getting a law passed , fixing the wages of unskilled labour of all kinds , at 4 d . per hour—3 s . 4 d . per day of ten hours , and 20 s . per week of six days work , from six a . m . to six p . m ., taking off two
hours per day for meals and rest . The answer to tho question , ' * What is a pound ? " would then in future be simple and easy to be uJiderstood . It is a week ' s work or a week ' s wages for any ablebodied , unskilled labourer of average abilities . A " great outcry of course will be raised against such a proposition : we shall bo told that our ancestors frequently have attempted to fix the rate of wages by law , but always failed . The truth is , our ancestors , like our modern capitalists , tried by law to reduce the rates of wages , and th « y have , in general , unfortunatel y , too well succeeded . But when did our capitalists or masters ever ask for , or our legislators ever attempt to pass a law to advance wages , or even to protect the labourer from further reductions . Xcver , never .
I have proposed that the wages of unskilled labour should be 20 i . per week , becausa I do not think that any working man , in town or country , can support a wife and family in any tolerable degree of comfort for a less sum , evan at the present prices of the necessaries of life , cheap as they in goneral are . Speaking of the comforts an unskilled , or farm labourer ' s wages justly entitle them to , Dr . Adam Smith says : — " Land , in almost any ' situation , produces a greater quantity of food than what is sufficient to maintain all the labour necessary for bringing it to market , in the most liberal way in which that labour is ever maintained . The surplus , too , is always more than sufficient to replace the stock which employed that labour , together with its profits . Tho most desert moors of Jforway and Saotland , produce some sort of pasture and cattle , of which the milk and the incresse are nlwavs more than iuflwient , not only to main-
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tain all the labour necessary for ^ eriding them , and to pay the ordinary profit to the farmer or owner of the herd or floek , but to afford some smalt rent to the landlord . " Again , Book I , chap . VIII .: — " There is a certain rate below which , it seems impossible to reduce , for any considerable time , the ordinary wages oven of the lowest species of labour . A man must always live by his work and his wages must at least be ssfijicient to maintain him ! They must even , on most oecasionsj | he somewhat more ' otherwise it would bo impossible foi | $ im to bring up a family , and the race of such workmen-cgald not last bevond
ihe first generation . 'Mr . Oantillou ' va ' eeais , upon this account , to suppose that the lowest species of common labourers , must everywhere earn at least double their own maintenance , in order that ono with another they may be enabled to bring up at least two children ; tho labour of the wife , on account of her necessary attendance on the children , being supposed barely sufficient to provide for herself . The labour of an able-bodied slave , '' the same author iidd * , « 'is computed to be worth double his maintenance ; and that of the meanest labourer , " bethinks , " cannot be worth less than that of an able-bodied slave . "
I have mvselfseen able-bodied slaves Bold , in the Southern States of America , for from £ U 0 to £ 200 each ; and I have seen female slave * sold for from £ 120 to £ 140 each , for growing tobacco , rice , cotton , and sugar ; now these prices would not be given for them , unless thsir labour were worth double their maintenance ; and the labour of the unskilled and farm labourers of this country , is worth dojibla the cost of his maintenance , nnA % e onl y ^ neans " of seSiarJB ^ this to him , so far as I am able to see , is by a minimum rate of wages fixed b y Act of Parliament , and the other measures advocated in these letters .
Now , although these measures are baaed upon the principles clearly laid down by some of the best and most colebrated writers upon Political Economy , Currency , and Banking , I am aware that the proposal for a minimum of wages , will bo assailed with every epithet of opprobrium and contempt . But this will not change my opinions , unless accompanied with strong reasons against them . If a minimum rate of wages were fixed for unskilled labour , every other species of labour would naturally take its proper plaee as to remuneration above that minimum . The wages of all our officers under government , and of all
our Bowiers , sailors , and policemen , tho fees of our lawyers , the salaries of our clergymen , the rates of interest on our public funds , and in many other investments and occupations are permanently fixed , and why should we not also fix tbe rate of remuneration for labour , and thus make it in practice , what Dr . Adam Smith said it ever was , and ever must remain in fact and theory— " The only universal , as well as the only accurate measure of value , or the only standard by which we can compare the value of different commodities at all times , and at all places ? " I intend larther to elucidate this important subject in my next letter . I am & c , T . „ . John Finch . Liverpool , February 28 th , 1832 .
Mb. O'C Omor's Accounts. To The Editor O...
MB . O'C OMOR'S ACCOUNTS . TO the editor op the northern star . Sin , —In answer to the question put by Mr . Brown of Preston , in your last impression , respecting the readiness ot the Directors to render assistance in preparing the accounts of Mr . O'Connor , the Directors beg to say that they have already done what they eou ! d , a nd will continue most cheerfully to afford all the aid in their power . We are , Sir , yours Respectfully W . Dixon , C . Dotltj , ,... , „; , „ T , Ciabk , P . M'Grahi . London , March 3 rd , 1852 .
The Glass-Makebs' Demonstration . To The...
THE GLASS-MAKEBS' DEMONSTRATION . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORrf & SRN STAR , Sir , —Will you allow me to correct a paragraph in the excellent report of the glass-makers' dinner at Dudley , wmeh appeared in your paper of the 2 lst ult . The part to . which I take exception is that where I am made to say that all civilisation was a necessity . " What I did say , in reference to tne above subject was this , that if trades ' anions were au evil , which I admitted they were , so were alt laws and governments a necessary evil , upon the same principle . Laws and government were first framed for tae protection of tho weak against the strong , and I believe have the same wise end io view . Sow , if this be true , and 1 have always been led to understand so , then I say that ait trades' societies have this same wise end in view—the protection of labour , tbe weak , against capital , the Strong . I hope you will concede a small space in your next improssiou for this correction . As trades' unions are upon
tneir trial before tho bar of public opinion , it is well that counsel for the defendant should bo clearly understood . I have not , sir , the slightest idea of charging your excellent reporter with bavin ? made the mistake designedly , lor I think it must have occurred in the abridgment . o ft tr . , . , William Nuok . 22 , Henry-street , Ashterf , F .-bruarv 25 , 1852 .
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Centra.L Co-Operative Agency , 76, Charl...
CENTRA . L CO-OPERATIVE AGENCY , 76 , Charlotte-street , Fjtzroy S quare . Weeklv Report , Feb . 24 th to March , 1 st . The Agency transacted business with the following stores : — Galashiels , Leeds , Booking , Stock port , Banbury , Bacup , Bury , Brighton , Guildford , Portsea , Ullesthorp , Woolwich Bradford , and Halifax . The Agency reminds the public that the samp les of Coburgs , Merinos , Alpacas , and Ribbons , are still
on view at their offices , and may bo sold in small lengths to private customers desirous of consuming the produce of Working Men ' s Associations . Samples have alread y been sent in town on demand . By the statements in the last number of the " Journal of Association , " it is seen that adulteration has found its way into the manufacture of cloths by the introduction of shoddy ( old wool re-spun ) , instead of the genuine material . The produce of Working Men ' s Associations are to be free from all sophistication of this sort , and the Agency intend paying great care in this respect to the goods consigned to them .
After the organising of Co-operative Stores , and of Co-operative Associations , the next step to be taken is to establish the best mode of dealing between them , either for the goods of their own produce or for tbe goods thev can supply more advantageously than the competitive trade ; this is to be the beginning of co-operative trade and commerce . Two modeb of dealing aro now in use or in contemplation among co-operators . Some prefer going direct from one association to another—the shoemakers asking hais from the hatters , the tailors asking cloth direct from the cloth makers . Some others prefer acting through the Agency , whose functions are to enter into and keep connexion with all for the profit of each individual body through the means of the same correspondence—the same commercial bookeeping , & o . It is good after all that the
experiment should be tried on both sides ; whilst it remains tho duty of the Central Co-operative Agency to maintain its principle of commercial action through common commercial centres , whereby a great saving of time , money , labour , and exertion is obtained , together with better results from having all things done regularly and professionally . Mutual exchange , and especially mutual credit , are utterly impossible without a co-ordination of mutual resources and of mutual efforts through a common factor . Each individual , or each body , becoming his own factor for all things , is failing back to the lowest degree of the scale of civilisation , by suppressing at once the incalculable benefits of division of labour ; whereas co-operative industry in its-progressive paths over competitive and conflicting industry implies a both-sided development of more minutely divided functions , and more closely united workmen and workshops .
THE HOPEDALE COMMUNITY , U . S . The ' Popular Tribune , ' published at Nuvoo , the head quarters of M . Cabot ' s Icarians , contains an interesting and hopeful account of this community , extracted from the 'Practical Christian , ' of which we subjoin an abrid gment . After defining the sense in which the community is a Church of Christ , namelv that it is based on a simple declaration of faith in the reli gion of Jesus Christ , as he taught and exemplified it according to tho scriptures of the New Testament , ' and of acknowledged subjection to all the moral obligations of that religion , the article proceeds : —
It is a Civil State , a minaturo Christian Republicexisting within , peaceably subject Co , and tolerated by the governments of Massachusetts and tbe Unitd States , but otherwise a Commonwealth complete within itself . Those governments tax and control its property , according to thoir own laws , returning less to it than they exact from it . It makes thorn no criminals to punish , no disorders to repress , no paupers to support , no burdens to hear . It asks of them no corporate powers , no military or penal protection . It has its own constitution , laws , regulations and islative
municipal police ; its own leg , judiciaries and executive authorities ; its own educational system ' of operations '; its own method of aid and relief ; its own moral and religious safeguards ; us own fire insurance and saving in . stitutions ; its own internal arrangements for the holding of property , the management of industry , and the rai » ii > o of revenue ; in fact , all the elements and organic constituents of a Christian Republic , on a miimture scale . There is no Rod Republicanism in it , because it eschews blood ; yet it is the seedling of the true Democratic and Social Republic , wherein neither oaate , colour , sex nor age stands pro-
Centra.L Co-Operative Agency , 76, Charl...
scribed , but every human being shares justly in " Liberty , Equality , nod Fraternity . " Such is " the Hopedale Com . munity as a Civil State . It is an universal reli gious , moral , philanthropic , And social reform Association . It is a Missionary So' -ieiy . for the promulgation of Ne > v -Testament Christianity . t" « reformation of the nominal Church , and tho oonver-ion oi the world . It is a moral suasion Temperance S « c- « ty oa the teetotal basis . It is a moral power Auti-S ' a . vwy . Soc f « ty , Radical and without compromise . It is a Peace So-S ™ . t '' fl only impregnable foundation " of Christian wnmS ^*?* . Ifc ia » sound ; t 1 ftoretical and practical SJI * Auction . lfc ! jip » MrititMe S d « 'ty for 7 ? ffi $ L f r ? 5 * S humanity / tWe extent of its ability , well as nrnmn | . Coinn W , successfully act ualizing , as Zv khirf ? r S - . K Pra 6 ti ° al Christian Social . sm-the state on earth . aUBm UMy t 0 establi 831 a tVUe ^
» Zt £ l fLZltt ^ t ™ - ***^** theoretical and hS uStiiJSrl - ° r ^ 'W and socially a Sprove « S ^ VwZ ^^ J ^ m on explicit understandable , praV & b ^ ^ 5 ™ V 3 means for those who rmlly dtrirc to enter h , tJ aSilnJi peace , and rational enjoyment . u & eiumiss , It guarantees to all its members and dependents emulovment , at . least adequate to a comfortable 8 ub « hster . w ri lief m want , sickness , or distress ; decent opportunities for religious , moral , and intellectual culture , an orderly well regulated neighbourhood ; fraternal counsel , felluwihio * and protection , under all circumstances ; and a suitable sphere of individual enterprise and responsibility i n which each one may by due solf-oxertiou elevate himself to tha
highest point ot capability . It solves the problem which has so long puzzled Socialists , the harmomsation of just individual freedom with social cooperation . Here exists a system of arrangements , simple and | effective , under which all capital , industry , traue , talent , skill , and peculiar gifts may freely operate and . ' oo-operate , with no restrictions other than those which Christian morality everywhere rightfully imposes—constantly to tbe advantage of each and all . This excellent system of arrangement in its present completeness is the result of various and wisel y improved experiences . it affords a peaceful and congenial home for all consoientioua , persons , of whatsoever reiigious . seet , class , or
Description , Doretbfor ? , who embraa # Prao 1 ioat ^ hri 8 ti anity , substantially as this Communi ^ Tioids ^ it . It affords a most desirable opportunity for those who mean to be practical Christians in the use of property , talent , skill , or productive industry , to invest them . Ilere property is pre-eminectl y safe , useful , and beneficent . It is Christianised . So , in a good degree , are idear . skill , and productive industry . Who , then , would bo able to say conscientmusly , " My property , my talent , mv skill , my labour—my entire influence , is now beutowed " where it injures no human bein g , suffices for ray own real wants , helps my weaker brother , and promotes universal holiness and happiness ,
It affords small scope , place , or encouragement for the unprincipled , corrupt , supremely selfish , proud , ambitious , miserly , sordid , quarrelsome , brutal , violent , lawless , fickle , high flying , loatevish , idle , vicious , envious , and miscbief-making . It is no paradise for such , unless thoy voluntarily make it first a moral penitenitary . Ir . affords a beginning , a specimen and a presage of a new and glorious Social Christendom- * grand confederation of similar oommunities-a world ultimately regenerated and The Hopedale Community was born in obscurity , cradled trained in
m poverty , adversity , and has grown to a proraising childhood , under the Divine guardianship , in s p ite of numberless detriments . The bold predictions of many who despised its puny infancy have proved false . The fears of timid and compassionate friends that it would certainly fail have been put to rest . Even the repeated desertion of professed friends , disheartened by its imperfections , or alienated by too heavy trials of their patience , has scarcely retarded its progress . It has still many defects to outgrow , much impurity to put away , and a great deal of improvement to make it moral , intellectual , and physical But it Vtill prevail and triumph ,
The same paper contains a letter from a member of tho Shakers' Society , near Leeington , Kentucky , descriptive of the mode of life , dietary , and possessions , of that portion of a singular sect , whose admirable , social , and economical arrangements , are singularl y contrasted with their fanaticism in other respects . Surrounded , however , with an abundance of physical comforts , the result of their associated labour , < they are , ' says tbe writer , who transmits
the letter to the ' Tribune 'The longest lived of any people in the Union ; they own as fine land and as fine stock as Kentucky can show ; ' thoy are very wealthy , and the society in tho south part of the state is also very wealthy . They seldom have any sickness , and never had a case of cholera , notwithstanding it was all around them . They have abandoned the use of tho flesh of hogs as food . If you should visit them you would bo deli ghted with their village . They own the finest Durham cattle I ever beheld .
To competitive slaves and toilers , we recommend a perusal of tbe following daily bill of faro- ;—At our meals we have considerable variety in articles of diet , and these articles , except in a few instances , arc continually changed , according to circumstances ; so that it would be impossible , or nearly so , to give a perfect understanding of how we live in every minutia . Uafc , generally , for breakfast we have two kinds of meat , cold light bread and warm biscuit , commonly in form of light rolls , rnilfc , butter and cheese , domestic tea and coffee , Irish potatoes , and other vegetable sauces , pies or pastry , & c . For dinner , two kinds of meat , soups , cooked vegetables , cold light bread , warm corn bread , milk , butter and cheese , puddings , pies , & c . Supper , no meat , cold light bread , domestic tea and coffee , milk , butter and cheese , potatoes and vegetable sauces , pies , preserved fruits , & c . SHAW CO-OPERATIV E COMPANY .
Shaw , March 3 rd . —Shaw is a small townshi p , about three miles from Oldham . In tiie second week in February , 1851 , thirteen men agreed to open a provision store as soon as convenient , and tho first ni g ht s deposits amounted to £ 60 . The following week we took the house and shop of widow Ashton , near the Wesleyan Chapel , and the shop was opened on the 28 th of last month . On Monday last , after paying fi ve per cent , on all deposits for the fourth quarter , wo had a dividend of Is . 6 d . in the pound for all members purchasing . We now number sixty-five members , and possess a capital of £ 360 . It may be cheering to some of our friends to hear that we are going on so well at Shaw in Crompton , and that we hope to increase the number of our members .
Co-or-EBAiivE League . —The first general meeting of tha newly constituted body was held at its offices , Tall Mall , on Monday nig ht , when a council of twenty-five members was unanmously elected , comprising most of the oldest and best known social reformers in tho metropolis and the provinces . The managing committee will be appointed by the council previous to our next number , and we shall then give the full particulars , ns well as an outline of the course of action which may have been de * tcrmined upon .
Tiie Sheffield Woman's Rights Associatio...
TIIE SHEFFIELD WOMAN'S RIGHTS ASSOCIATION . At the annual Conference of the Sheffield Woman ' s Bights Association , held on Wednesday , February 25 fcb , at their Committee lloovas , 3 S , fywin-sueot , it was unanimously agreed that a general plan of organisation , in lieu of the present Social one , should be adopted , inasmuch as they consider it would be far more conducive to their carrying out their object , desiring , as they do , their sisters co-ope « ration through the length and breadth of the land in their noble undertaking . It was therefore resolved to establish an association , to bo evtleti the " National Woman ' s Rights Association , " with a President and Executive Council at its head , to be elected annually . Cards of membership were also agreed upon . Miss Anue Knight , of Q & . V & , Home , Chelmsford , a , member of the Society of Friends , was chosen President for the year ending February 25 th , 185 S , and also the following officers : —Mrs . Carr , Vice-President ; Mrs . Turner , Treasurer ; Mrs . M . Brook , Financial Secretary ; Mrs . A . HigginbottOHl , Corresponding Secretary .
PETITION AOAISST TUB ENROLMENT OP THE MUITJA , To the Honourable the Commons of Grsat Britain and Ireland in Parliament Assembled . The Petition of the undersigned women oi' Sheffield in Public Meeting Assembled , Shewctn , That it i » with feelings of sorrow we have again to witness the attempt to reorganise the militia . We bavo too long sewi the demoralising effects of taking our children awl husbands from our penctiul homes ; and wo feel that our all is inked up with this attemirted spoliation of manhiud . We unhesitatingly declare that we hate war in any shape . Your petitioners fully Iwliisvo that if I ' avhament should carry out this dosira ( and we sincerely hope the *
may not ) , that it will , in the end , prove an aggressive war upun the interests of the people of this country , which all will hare to deplore . Your petitioners also bc to observe ' that they have no fear about any other invasion than that which the government and honourable members are at present engaged in—namely , the invasion of our own hearths and liberties . Hoping that jour Honourable ( louse will Hgain examine seriously litis question and its evils , and finally consider to abandon the project , and allow ua to dwell in peai-e , Wo remain , your dutiful mid loyal subject * , and will ever !> ia . v . Signed on behalf of the National Woman ' s Rights Association , Mrs . A . IIlGGINllOTTOS . Mrs . Mart Shook .
Fosns In .Ud Op Mr. O'Connor..—A Prelimi...
Fosns IN . UD OP Mr . O'Connor .. —A preliminary meeting of friends to Mr . O'Counot- «•" - * held on Friday , 27 th ult ., and by adjourjinn-iit on Wednesday 1 , 'isf , at which measures were agreed upon by which it is hoped io form a largo and respectable Committee , for the purpose of raising subscriptions in aid of that unfortunate gentleman . The objects aro twofold : Fi-stfv , to audit the accounts of tho Land Company . Secondly , to purchase an annuity for Mr . O ' Connor , Several membera of parliament have bean apulied u > , ard Mr . T . S . Dimcombe has intimated bis readiness u > art with a properly constituted CuniniiK . ee for these oWvcts Yn our next we hope to present n list of & Ouiuii'it' ^ e wltWi will commaad tho confidence of lbs public at W-c and speedily secure the important object jj ; view . ' c '
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_06031852/page/1/
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