On this page
- Departments (2)
-
Text (12)
-
ApbilS, 1848. _____„ THE NORTHERN STAR- ...
-
3Mtrg*
-
We give another translation of tha 'Mare...
-
THE CHART IST TRICOLOUR. ST AtFXID rEKKE...
-
THE 'NOBTHBRN STAB .' Air aceostic. 1 he...
-
Houjkwood.— The silk weavers in this nei...
-
THE IRISH STATE PROSECUTIONS. The follow...
-
THE LONDON REPEALERS. Tbe union between ...
-
To the Noh-Uniokist Opbbativb CoHDWinrea...
-
TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD J. RU SSELL. My L...
-
^ mpmai pruamem*
-
MONDAY , Ar-aiL 3. HOUSE OF LORDS.—Ihvas...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Apbils, 1848. _____„ The Northern Star- ...
ApbilS , 1848 . _____„ THE NORTHERN STAR- 3 —¦ - i— - ——— " —— ^ imhj L lw ^ b e »*»^ B ^ pp * " - ' * " ' ¦¦" Wlll "' ** ' ~~ " *— " ——— - ~ ¦ iii-Trwrsr ~~~~*~ m" ^^ mmmm ^~''~ r ~ 7 rTtMrwwnrnirnni ¦¦ . ' nwi n I J I ' iff fWillfli ¦ TTTlTrTJHrilfll IIIBWS IHII liwins
3mtrg*
3 Mtrg *
We Give Another Translation Of Tha 'Mare...
We give another translation of tha 'Mareeillsisa ana * Moutir pout la Patrle , ' from the pea of Ermest Jokes : — ( From The Labourer for April , )
THE MARSEILLAISE . XEAKSLATED BY SBHEST JOKES . Sons of freedom ! break your slumbers The day ef glory ' s drawing nigh , Against us tyranny ' s refinumbers Hear their bloody banner high . Rear their bloody banner high . Hark ! hirelings fisrce for brutal strife , Far and near sound war ' s alarms And outrage ia your very arms , The hope—tho partners of your life . To arms ! brave citizens ! Array each gallant band ! Harch oa ! march on ! your tyrants' blood Shall drench the thirsty land . We'U march 3 we'll march ! our tyranta ' blood Shall drench the thirsty land I
wfcatdemsnd their banded minions ? What dares each despicable king ! Amid the flap of Freedom ' s pinions , Hear their rutty fetters ring . Hear their rusty tetters ring . For ui ? 'Tis bat an insult vaia That shall arouse our hearts the more , We broke their manacles before , We'll dash , them into dust again . To arms ! brave cltliens , etc . Shall aa alien crew conspiring , Hake laws to blight a freeman ' s hearth ! Shall the mercenary hireling Tread all our manly pride to earth ? Tread all our manly pride to earth . Great God ! shall mighty millions cower Xnd ' neath s yoke bo paltry yield , Shall petty despots basely wield A nation ' s strength—a people ' s power f To arms ! brave citazsns , etc .
Tremble , tyrants ! traitors ! tremble , Plague spots of the factious few ! 51 ot , conspire , betray , dissemble , You shall not escape your due ! Yau shall not escape your due ! For we'll be soldiers one and all—If hundreds die—fresh thousands stand—Every death recruits a hind Vowed to crush you or to fall . T 9 arms J brave citizens , etc . And now , like warriors—gallankheartta , Learn by turns to strike and spare—Pity those whom faction parted , And would be withns , did they dare !
They would be with as , did they dare ! Sat for tois despotic , fcuwes , Who make them play the minion's parr , And tear their bleeding country ' s heart , Onward—onward , o ' er tieir graves I To arr as J brave citizens , etc , Children of each hallowed martyr ! Kindle fresh the kindred strife'Hid their ashes Freedom ' * Charter Shall tet tha « al upon their life . Shall set the seal upon their life . Less eager to survive the brave Than to partake their honoured rest , How dare the worst—aad hope the bestj Bat never—never die a slave . To arms J brave citizens , etc . Our conntry ' s sacred love Inspires—Freedom I—thoie who fight with thee ! For the land—for the land of our sires , The hose and birthright of the free !
Tbe home and birthright of the free I Fight with us Freedom—at thy voico Tictory hails our strong career , Till stricken tyrants dying hear The liberated world rejoice ! To arms ! brave citizens ! array each giEan . band , Harch oa ! march on ! yonr tyrants' blood Shall drench the thirsty land . We'll march ! we'll march ! our tyrants ' blood Shall drench the thirsty land .
CHORDS OF THE GIRONDISTS . ( Mourir pour la PatHe . ) The cannon are calling in thunder The high-hearted children of France , And rending her fetters asuader , See her citizen soldiers advance .
CHOBCS , To fall for liberty ! To fall for liberty ! Is the fate the most noble—mast worthy the free Let us rush like s vast inundation , On those who would keep ns in thrall ; Lei us shew them , united , a nation Can battle and conquer them all . To fall , &< s . Upholding the rights that we cherish , Awsy ! to the scene ef the strife ; And soon shall our enemies perish , Or ask on their knees for their life . To fall , & c . To arms , then , each gallant avenger , The wrongs of our land to redress 1 Thea on ! for where thickest the danger , The soldiers of freedom shall press .
To fall for liberty I To fall for liberty ! Is the fate the most noble—m . 88 t worthy" the fKB
The Chart Ist Tricolour. St Atfxid Rekke...
THE CHART IST TRICOLOUR . ST AtFXID rEKKEU , Se our true eaiign ia the sky , Its fold * the breezes stir ; The rallying flag for liberty . The Chartist Tricolour ; Displaying inits varied sheen , Thered , tha while , Tilth Erin ' s green . One tint doth the bright beams display Which lighteth up the sky—The herald of the coming day , When gun-rise { rah U nigh ; And as she rises fair and free , To be the sun of Liberty .
One , the white foam that crests the wave , When wind * and tempests play-White as the sails of gallant bark That cleareth on her way-Hay Freedom , cleave her way along , As straight her course , as pure , as strong . The beauteous mantle of the earth , When Spring-time gaily comes—When grass blades dance with wind in mirth In all their quiet tones—As glad—as gay—may we soon he Beaeath oar Sag of Liberty . Then wave our eusigu o ' er the land , From theLizard to the Forth-Come , all of Freedom ' s gallant band ,
From East , West , Sonth , or Korth—Aad as ye see our banner fl y Salute the hag of Liberty . Salute it ! all ye nations round , When we our fieg display—That flag ia with mote glory crowned Than monarch ' s best array . Obeisance pay ! ye tyrants , for Itis oar Chartist Tricolour .
The 'Nobthbrn Stab .' Air Aceostic. 1 He...
THE 'NOBTHBRN STAB . ' Air aceostic . 1 he friend of the weak , T he etera foe of might , H artiager of Freedom , H erald of Light , Sxposer of Error , Expounder of Right , JT ohle defender ef N ature's jast laws , O rgaa end journal O f Labour ' s good cause , B enegades * Mirror , E eformers' true pride , The Democrat ' s Shield . The Patriot's guide , H ater of tyrants and the H ard hearted knave , 2 ver supporting E ach . down-trodden slave * , B egiiter of wrongs , Recorder of mind , K ational leader , ~& one like it we find ; S tar of Democracy , Shine round the world , T ill Hngs . prlests . find class , T o oblivion are hurled , A wake , TSO W , ye slaves , A rise , NOW , and he , R esolved HO W to conquer , B est not till you're FEES , Johh Axsotx , Somen Town .
Houjkwood.— The Silk Weavers In This Nei...
Houjkwood . — The silk weavers in this neighbourhood hare for along time been sofferinff the direst oppression from a few unprincipled . employers , in the ahaps of reduction in wages . Some of the employers admitted the reductions on certain fabrics were unwarranted ; the sen believing this to be true , called & meeting , formed & committee , and appointed a deputation to wait on the manufacturers with a list of prices , to which many of them agreed ; they also fiivited the manufacturers to meet , and in connexion frith their workers , form a list of prices ^ This has been rejected , and the committee , in vindication , have issued a spirited address to the trade . There is not a class of workmen who have suffered more than the silk wearers , Huskigson Drought rain on them first fay taking office greater part of the protective duties , and Sir Robert Peel has given the trade its death blow by his free trade measures .
Abc se of Ohl & bgfoek . —We regret to announce the death of Dr Anderson , of Birkenhead , who ex-E ired last Wednesday . He was in his usual state of earth fwhich was delicate , ) till within , a vssek ago , vffcen chloroform was administered id" him for the purpose of rendering the extraction of a tooth pain-Jess , yitban forty-eight hours a rash of blood to the IssesfeKStenai instant i & fa-r-IAverpwlMercury ,
The Irish State Prosecutions. The Follow...
THE IRISH STATE PROSECUTIONS . The following are the resolutions adopted at the meeting of the Irish Repealers held in Fanringdon Hall . Mr T . 0 ' Mahonv in the chair . Moved by Mr T . Daly , seconded by Mr J . Lindsay : That weJeltberately adopt tho projections of W , S 3 , O'Brien , Esq . K . P . , John Mltchel , and Thomas Francis Meagher ; and we tender to those gentlemen our deep and heartfelt gratitude for having asserted , in the teeth of BogHch law , the right of self-government ; cud we hereby promise to sustain them in any and every effort that they may make to break down Eaglish dominatien in Ireland , which brings nothing to her inhabitants but starvation , shame , pestilence , and death , * Moved by Mr J . M'Lean , seconded by Mr Maher : —
That tbe spirited , manly , and efficient conduct of the council of the Irhh Confed . ration , since tbe arrest of O'Brien , Mltchel , and Meagher , entitles them to the admiration of every lover of Ireland's independence ; and we pledge ourselves to support them at every risk and sacrifice , ia their noble struggle with their country ' s oppressors . ' Moved by Mr FiUsibtwn , seconded by Mr Looney : — That ne hail with inexpressible delight the determination of our countrymen to establish a National Council , and as itis more than probable that the Buglisb government may resort to violent and coercive means , for the purpose of crushing the glorious spirit which has arisen in our long-oppressed fatherland , we believe it to be the solemn and imperative duty of every Irishman , and friend to Ireland ' s cause , to prepare themselves , fortbw ! th , with arms of some description or other , in order that they may ba prepared to do for Ireland what Irishmen should io . '
Moved by Mr Kenny , seconded by Mr Dowling : — That at this time , when the courage , virtue , end patriotism of the Irish people are about to he put to the test , It is the opinion of this meeting tbat all who are determined on seeking their regeneration , should abstain , as much as possible , from the use of intoxicating drinks . ' More than 2 , 000 persons adopted the above resolutions unanimously .
The London Repealers. Tbe Union Between ...
THE LONDON REPEALERS . Tbe union between the Repealers and the Chartists of London is no ? settled , and the two parties have cemented that union for the avowed purpose oi establishing tbe rights of the unenfranchised in Great Britain and Ireland against the evil effects resulting from cla ^ s-legislation . On Sunday last , a large meeting of Irish Confederates was held at the Green Man , Berwick-street . Mr R . Hussey in the chair . Messrs Reynolds , M'Carthy , O ' Mahoney , and Glass , ad . dressed the meeting , and one of the speakers alluding to tbe liberation of Frost , Williams , and Jones—it was heartily responded to by the meeting ; showing tbat the feeling is not confined to Englishmen , but that Irishmen feel wish them , and denounce the illegal conduct pursued towards those men by a
had government . In the coarse of the evening- , a deputation , consisting of Messrs Handley , Mils , and Wilkes , from the Chartist * , for the purpose of asking the meeting to send two delegates to the Metropolitan Council of Chartists ^ to arrange matters for the forthconjing demonstration , was received with loud cheers . The deputation having addressed the meeting on tbe subject of tbeir mission , amidst loud and deafening cheers , ( for Repeal and tha Charter , ) Messrs Glass and Hussey were then appointed to attend the council . The meeting-, which waa a crowded one , then broke up . giving three cheers for the glorious union between the oppressed of both countries . On M » nday evening an aggregate meeting of the Irishmen and friends of Ireland of Westminster , waa
held at the Working Man ' s . Temperance Hall , Carteret-street , Westminster , The hall was crowded to suffocation , there not being less than between four and five hundred persons present , and about as many being compelled to leave for tbe want of accommodation . Mr Wm . Spiiler was called to the chair . The first resolution recommends anion among all classes of Irishmen . The second resolution strongly condemned the conduct of the government in Ireland , and their determination of standing by Ireland in the event- of bloodshed . The third resolution advised an union of the working classes of bsth England and Ireland against class legislation , and to prevent the destruction of tbe rights of labour . Tne
resolutions were moved and seconded by Messrs M'Sweeney , Driscolf , Geoghegan Paly , M'CIeaa , Walford , O'Mahoney , and several Englishmen spoke to them , and they were carried amidst deafening acclamation , and the whole of the speeches breathed the true spirit of democracy , and evinced a determination to he up and doing , if required . Mr Dixoa attended from the Metropolitan Council of the Chartists , ' and addressed the meeting ; he said that he always advocated the right of Ireland to a parliament . Messrs Reading and Walford were then appointed to attend the Chartist council qn the next day . The meeting then broke up , giving three cheers for Union , ( torepeal the Union ); for Repeal ; the Charter and tbe brave French .
A large and enthusiastic meeting of the Irishmen , of Wapping , was held on Sunday last , in the large Temperance Uall , Mr Looney addressing the meeting , at great length , and a determination was evinced , by the men of Wapping , to be up and doing . A committee was then formed to carry out the organisation of this important district , and it was strongly denied , by many , that the ceal whippers , as a body , had enrolled themselves as special constables ; they said , the thing had been magnified to suit the base intentions of a base government .
Davies's Club , S 3 , Dean-street . —On Monday evening , a crowded meeting of the Club waa held , when two delegates were appointed to attend the Metropolitan Chartist Council . The greatest enthusiasm was displayed . Liberty , Equality , and Fraternity are now the order of the day . Monday next will show to the cporessors of tbe Rights- of Labour that a anion—a lasting union—has been effected between the Repealers and the Chartists ; the days of the base , bratal , and bloody Whige are numbered , and the men of no property will teach the men of property that they have duties to perform as well as rights to protect .
Rbfbal ot the Union . —The adjourned discussion on this subject will take place on Sunday morning next , in the Library of the Working Men ' s Temperance Hall , CartereUtrert , Westminster , at halfpast ten . Mbetikgsfor the bksuikg WEEK . —Snndiy : Green Man , Berwick-street , Oxford-street ; Bull ' s Head , Vere-street , Lincolns-inn-fields ; Victory , Newenham * street , Edgeware-road ; Druid ' s Arms , Greenwich . Monday : 83 , Dean-street , Soho ; Working Man ' s Temperance Hall , Carterefc-streefr , Westminster Wednesday and Friday : 83 , Deas-atreet ,
To The Noh-Uniokist Opbbativb Cohdwinrea...
To the Noh-Uniokist Opbbativb CoHDWinreas op the Cirr o ? Losdok , —Fellow Workmen : The time has now arrived when it is essentially necessary that we should be united , and occupy a position that shall enable ns to make ourselves heard in' the expression of our wrongs , and in the demand of our rights . We , in common with the working class ia this country , have either been too supine , or have confided too much to the delusive prescriptions of political quacks , falsa economists , and class legislators , until an eruption of the social elements has burst out in revolutions , wide spread and mighty in their effects and consequences , shaking the whole fabric of civilisation , and pointing to a new order of thingsin the universal reverberations of continuing peala of moral thunder—Equity , Justice , Fraternity ,, and
Protection to Labour , in security of employment and fair remuneration , have darted their electric and exciting influences through every domicile of wretchedness , arousing tbe moral and mental energies of millions ^( hitherto degraded and impoverished , even to destitution , whilst producing abundance for tyrants to luxuriate npon ) , whose united load responses to the enfranchfeemftnt of labour , peals a knell to cla « s distinction . Thus a new era is opened for the exercise of the energies of nnited bodies of operatives , for obtaining and eecuring in peace those rights which have elsewhere been seized and consummated through blood and tears .. There is an effort now being made in London , in the most legitimate way , for the redress of labour ' s wrongs ; it is our duty to be at our post , ready to render such
assistance as circumstances may require—batdivided and strangers to each other , we shall ba a blot in the list of trades , unprotected and undeserving protection . Every man should act in the present crisis as though the interests of his trade and his country depended npon hia own individual exertions—every voice we require to fill the grand choir , and chant the bold strains of our hol y demand . Friends , we call for your fraternity ; we ask you tofraternise only in the way of duty to your own order , your trade , and in yonr own locality . Ours is not a political societ y , yet it is impossible to shut our minds' eye to the effects which political circamstances have upon our every interest—we must no longer be lethargic when questions press with vital importance to ns . To those who have deserted or neglected , or who by adverse
circumstances ^ have been driven from or unable to continue in society—the men who have stood stedfsst and true , who have borne the . brunt and toil of its preservation , call upon yon , and they have no selfish end in view . . When the men who are best remunerated give their energies to succoer the most oppressed , without any advantage accruing to themselves , exceptingjthdse advantages which we think we see gleaming in the distance , of a happy social regeneratio ; . —this is tree fraternity . The offer to re-enter » now offered to ell for two shillings and sixpence , on the following nights only : —April the 10 th and 24 th , and May the 8 th , at the , following bouses : The Hole in the Wall , Chancery-lane ; White Hart , Fetterlane ; Ship , Ivy-lane , Newgate-street ; Gpjdan Lion , i-ore-street ; and Dial , Long-alley .
Nottingham . —The authorities are making ns all special constables ; I suppose to keep themselves fn order . e
To The Right Hon. Lord J. Ru Ssell. My L...
TO THE RIGHT HON . LORD J . RU SSELL . My Loan , —Allow a humble artisan to whisper Into the ear of a philosopher- —a mlto among tho millions to remind a statesman of subjects which his high position in the political heavens , and his sole occupancy with the interest of the wealthy classes , leads him to undervalue and contemn ^ twtacljr —< ho deplorable condition of the working classes—the rights they claim , tho wrongs they suffer—and the pressing necessity of reatoring ) them te the one , and relieving them from the other . Whoever is not in the full possession ol equal soelftl and political tights , is a state . "Whoever is not equal in all respects before tbe laws , is a slave . That body of men who are debarred by law from the status of citizenship , under a theocracy , autocracy , aristocracy ;
constitutional monarchy , or a republic , and treated in the administration ot tho laws as an inferior order—a * blatant beast' that must be chained and muzzled—are stores , Tbe chains may ba iavislbie , and tho muzzle gilded , to the apprehension of tbe unioteltectual ; they may be hogged with delight by fawning sjcophants ; borne nith suppressed anguish by the fortunate few , who though subsisting comfortably at present , lire in constant dread that the same social ruin and physical suffering which is overwhelming tbeir relatives and neighbours , will one day ba theirs ; but all are now opening their eyes to the fact , that skill , patient and peneverlog industry , so . brlety , even for lengthened years , are no guarantees against dismissal from employment , the breaking np of their homes , the loss of their little all , and the alternative
of vagrancy or pauperism . Formerly , it was tho worthless , thriftless , drunken { portion of i their class that spnk to this wretched condition ; now , as the caprice and cupidity of capital dictates , the honest and industrious multitudes are driven into circumstancei ef misery and demoralisation . They enqoire tbe cause—they discover tbat tbey are slaves . They discover that self interest ia tbe governing principle of man in all the relations of social life . Tbat tbey have never received a single benefit from legislative action , but such as was intended to give a four-fold advantage to capital . That tbey hare be > n removed ia masses from agricultural to manufacturing labour , with the avowed purpose ef bringing those in tbe latter industrial department to a minimum oi wages in proasarous seasons , and to starvation when the markets
were gratted and sales could not be effected , Tbat every encouragement had been given to tbe capitalist , in tbe saving of labour by new inventions of machinery , & o . ; While no provision has been made for the sons of tail , but the degradation of a pauper prison , and the no less prostrating doles of profolytiDg- charity , whereby they have been compelled to sell their consciences for a warm blanket , and jeopardise their souls by hypocrisy , for a cwt . of coal . They discover that the eursed' competitive system , ' while it increases the country cess and poor rates , adds to the bankrupt list , crowds the insolvent courts , and brings the employers of labour down even below their own level ; overcrowds tbe labour market with juvenile workers ; enables unprincipled speculators
to reduce the proSt of trade to the injury of honest and upright employers , and compels them to practice tho same suicidal system , whereby the workmen and their families are turned adrift to starve , and the ' apprentices ' as fast as their time expires , let loose npoa the world as vagabonds , or subsist as they can on the ovtr-taxed and ntcessatily meagre charities of their trade . And , lastl y , they conclude , that with a population increasing , 88 it is said , at the rate of 1 , 000 per day , this was between labook and capital must seen come to a crisis , as it has done in France . For that revolution , my lord , differs from each of the preceding ones ; and if yon , as do the Journals in the aristocratic interest , leok on it merely as the triumph of one political creed over the other , yon make a fatal mistake .
A great prelate , my lord , has said , 'All actions have their appointed result , either here er hereafter . ' There is a law of retribution in all Nature . Things good in themselves , become evil by excess , The eternal order of tbe universe is secured by the maintenance of an equilibrium . The centrifugal and centripetal forces , keep planets in their trackless paths around their present sun ; the disturbance of this order would wreck a world . A « in the natural , so in the moral and social world ; injustice committed by prinee , peer , or peasant— -by government , the bourgeoisie , or the mob- —will bring its own retriSutory results .
My lord , although the working classes , and those ins . mediately above , but fast merging into the vortex ' whlch is swelling tbem up , are slaves , they are equally as much justified in asserting and demanding tbeir rights , as were the mail-clad bsroos , who on the field of Runnymeds extorted Magna Cbarter from King John ; as were the earnes : Puritans who dethroned the tyrant Charles , and proclaimsd the Commonwealth ; as were the Whigs , who ejected James , and enacted the Bill of Rights ; an were the middle class Re . former * , who , under tbe guidance of the Whigs , used ' the mob' te start and run down their game ( as the 'Squires do their dogt , ) and thus carried the Reform Bill ; as were the Corn Liw Repealers , who under pretence of getting cheap bread for the pear , but , in reallty . ' to ' take advantage of it for further reducing the worker ' s miserahle pittance of wapea .
- Yes , my lord , if John was a tyrant , who for curbing tbe turbulence of his nobles , was opposed by them with arms ; if the Stuarts were tyrants , with their Star Chamber , their illegalarre 8 tg , theirreHgiou 8 bigotry , their doottlae of' Divine sight to goveta wrong , ' & o . ; if the oligarchy were tyrants , in their opposition to the claim of the mercantile and trading orders , for an extension of the Suffrage ; ( hen they , tsor , are tyrants who deny those liberties to ethers , which by both moral and physical force they obtained for themselves . Yau , my lord , and your party , have taught the lessons to the people—history has taught it—the boasted , but in * complete , ' Constitution' teaches it—your ' Reform
Revolution' practically exhibited it ; that resistance to tyranny is a Briton ' s right—that « political offences , ' as they ate called , are not to be classed with criminalthat rebellion of' right against might' comes not in the category of crime ^—that offences which arise out ot a struggle fe * an equal participation in political and social privilrges , have no moral turpitude . These declines bare made an indelible impression oa the minds of the ex . eluded millions , who are folly convinced that tbe pretended ' virtual representation' of the people by tbe present system is a palpable falsehood , and that < it Is impossible for those who live on the profit of labour to represent the labourer . '
Allow me tccall your attention to tbe following facts : Six millions of men , standing in the ranks of labour , with eighteen er twenty millions of women and children , of whom they are the natural protectors and guardians , are shut out of the gates of the constitntion , and are sneer-Inglytold , in language * tantamount to that Of a negro song ;— . ' It's of ao use knocking at the door any more * You ' re not good-looking , and yen shan ' t come in . ' All these men are considered to ba ' a rude rabble
roat , ' not worthy to utter their complaints , ot demand justice from' an assembly of the first gentlemen in the world . ' Host of them are struggling for an independent and honourable existence ; thousands of them are literally starving ; yet , with few exceptions , and when their coa . ditton is mentioned with feigned compasssion te bolster up some sinister measure of political economy , to enrich the capitalist , their heart-rending cries for work that tbey may have food ) are heard with cool indifference , replied to , with bitter irony , and tbeir few advocates interrupted with sneering cries of ' Oh ! oh I '
Tbe social wretchedness of these riaves is treated as an endemic ; the causes of that forlorn condition as a miasma , irremediable and irremovable ; the speech from the throne sometimes affects to pity , at other times to commend these patients of misrule , for their' nuex & mpUd patience and pious resignation to the inscrutable will of Providence , ' Politicians aver tbat it always has been bo , always will , and that all hopes of a radical cure are chimerical . The ministers of tho benevolent Jesus , fergetfal that bis system of morals , his plain and unmistakable apophthegms , Inculcate not a partial but an entire relief to human miseries—not a sectarian and proselyting charity , tat such as that exhibited in his
admirable psrable or history of the Good Samaritan—dare to ntt « r that God ordained tho poverty cf man , and , by plain logical consequence , that be is the author of all the squalor , vice , crime , ignorance , of which poverty is the mainfjeanse , and which are always its concomitants . The government treats their outbursts of desperation as symptoms which are best allayed by a due administration ef grape-shot , musketry , and rockets ; and if the cries of hie famishing children , and the murmuring of bis wife , should stir the bile of some poor weaver to harangue his brother unfortunates about their common miseries , they try tbe chilling influence of a felon ' s cell en hia excited cranium , or introduce him to the taming discipline of a chain gang .
Amidst all this mass of suffering humanity , my lordnotwithstanding the taunts about tbeir inability to conduct their own affairs , their ignorance of what is best for themselves , and lha necessity that tho capitalistorders should have the same care aad compassion for them as the wolf has for the lamb—there are men , who , ( like Drew , the blackeralth , tbat wrote a prize eesoy by fire lighten a bellows oa his knee , amidst the squalling of his little ones , ) can master the most deep and metaphysical subjects . There are men who can work out soma of the most difficult problems la Euclid ; who study the mechanical powers and tbeir adaptation to the work of production ; who walk the Heavens with the astronomer ; dive into tbe arcana or nature with the
chemist ; soar into tha wgloas of fancy with the poet ; who study man in the physiological , psychological , moral , and social aspects of his nature . Your supply of Intellectual and moral education , by the late extension of the means of instruction—faulty and sectarian as it iswili increase their number , and give a moral power to the masses , which will heavo up the crust of society , like somemigaty volcano ; bury tho asinine brayers at the people s missries among the petrescent remains of former worlds , and elevate te the seats of these insolent popinjays , men careful to understand the condition of the people—to consult their wishes—to produce by wise and salutary measures an equi poise and consolidation ° f the claims of all .
There are men ready to do all this , my lord , ay , in year own ranks of society , men that commiserate the condition Of Staged , soul-Vortared , djin / r labour-that hear its wailiugs ^ -thatareabore the paltry selfish prejudices of their order , and are firm in tho conviction tbat the only way to preserve its existence , and make it peEmaneat in societ y l 9 , to' do jritico entf love mercy . ' Ay , and there are men among the slaves themselves , who have looked death in the face so steadily , so constanOy , as to penetrate tho black veil which abtouds it , and conclude that they have two rights—to Uvc-todlt—
To The Right Hon. Lord J. Ru Ssell. My L...
and if society deprives them of the former they can at east risk the latter . Mark U , my lord , this Is all that Is left to hundrede-a lingering death by starvstlon-B speadyquletHsb y a soldier ' s musfcet , or a suisido ' s grave , it vfiltsoon come to this : you must save the people—slaughter them when they rise in despair—er fall with your order amidst the wreck and ruiac of tbftt ec-nBhtutWS ,, Wh | ch you glory . The dikes , the em . bankments of society , are saturated by an ocean of dis . content ; it is rushing into the foundations of tbe social
mbric ; the once solid and compact basis of society is becoming a shifting quichsand . Tho modern Babylon is invested ; its rulers are at ease ; they curl tbe lip ; they laugh to scam the coming hurricane ; the handwriting is nevertheless upon tbe wall , Anon o 'Gideon' shall arise ; his « barley calce' shall overturn their tents ; his 300 lamp-bearers shall stilke pale panic into the hearts of the 100 , 000 mercenaries that man its walls . There is p osslbility—awfni probability—in all this . There is no mngio in the word' finality . ' Britons are not impetuous —they bide their time .
Hoist your old standard , my lord— ' Retrenchment , Economy , aud Reform '—add to it , « the Rights of Labour , ' and be assured that nothing lees than ' Unlvirsal Suffrage' will natisfy the people . Excuse tho candour of oae whose name to know , ' To thee it matUrs not Te whom related , or by whom begot . ' Ah Educated AbtisA !? ,
^ Mpmai Pruamem*
^ mpmai pruamem *
Monday , Ar-Ail 3. House Of Lords.—Ihvas...
MONDAY , Ar-aiL 3 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —Ihvasioh or Lomdabm . —The Earl of AblboeEn rose to put a question respecting the entry of Sardinian troops into Lombardy . He said : ' The policy of Austria in Italy may have been good or bad , but certainly it was not aggressive ; there was erery reason , on tbe contrary , to suppose and apprehend that the aggression would proceed from the other side . Tho state of Italy rendered this probable , and this-probability was increased , aad must have ben increased in the mind of every man who recollected the ancient and constant policy of the house of Savoy , It was the maxim of one of the princes of that house constantly to have it in view tbat Lombard ? Ought to be considered as an artichoke , to bo eaten leaf by leaf ; but King Charles Albert
seems to fancy that he has so good an appetite that he ought at once to devour tho whole plant . ( A laugb . ) But , be ihU ns it may , It Is to be observed that , amidst all the convulsions which we have witnessed around us , convulsions most unexampled and portentous , tbe Sing of Sardinia is the first power who has directly controverted the public law of Europe . ( Hear . hear . ) Hobos theught right to command his troops to enter the territory of a neighbouring , friendly , and allied power , with - out the slightest pretest of a grievance , without any provocation , as 4 without any complaint or reason assigned whatever , and also in direct violation of engagements by which he as well as this country was solemnly bound . ( Hear , hear . ) I think , my lords , that this first viola , tion of puUlclaw should not pasu altogether urinoticeA by those who desire to preserve the peace of Europe . ( Hear . ) I do not wish , however , to be misunderstood , I have nothing to say to tho endeavours of the people of Loubardy to fihahe off the power and dominion of
Austria . Tbat la their own affair . If tbey succeed in this endeavour , I only hope that they may find themselves as happy , and as prosperous as tbey will be more free , than under the government of Austria , out your lordships are not to suppose tbat this endeavour is made against an usurping power , or that the Austrian Government is to be held as a government of usurpation , Lombardybas been under tbe dominion of the family of Austria for three centuries ; and since the peace of Utrecht has been positively assured to the Emperor and his family by all Eurape ; therefore these arenot dominions which the King of Sardinia , who has himself received great accessions to his territory only the other day , can consider as having been usurped by the house of Austria . ' fHear , hear . ) He concluded by asking whether her Majesty ' s government bad at any time declared to the government ef Sardinia -that any aggression in violation of those engagements by which the King of Sardinia as well as this country were bound , would not be viewed by Great Brltain with indifference i
The Marquis of Lansbowno said , tbat thongh this country was not bound by any treaty to assist the Austrian government ia tbe defence of Iiombardy , yet her Majesty ' s government had thought it right to instruct their minister to espress their hope and confidence that in the present alarming and agita ' ed state of all the countries In that partof the world , his Majesty tbe King of Sardinia might be advised to preserve a perfect neutrality . . He could only say in conclusion that the entry of tho Sardinian troops into Lombardy had been trade not only without the concurrence , but against the advice of the British government , and in the faeo of instruc tions sent to our representative at Turin . Lord Stahiev was deeply Impressed with the propriety of referring as little " as possible at the present thus , either in that or the other house of fittrlunwnt . to what was passing in ither countries . ( Hear , hear . ) But he could not help saying , that he had heard with much satisfaction the statement tbat her Majesty ' s
government had thought it tbeir dnty to represent to ihe King of Sardinia tbeir desire that he should not put himself at the hend of any expedition for tbe invasion of Lombardy . Lord Aberdeen had , however , very properly taken the opportunity of pointing oat to the house and tho ccuntry that an example of aggression had been set , which , if followed up by other powers , might be attended with very dangerous consequences . ( Hear . ) Ho believed there was no man , either in tbat or the other hoo . se of parliament , who would not recognise the doctrine which had been so freely and fully laid down by her Majesty ' s government , ofthe right of any nation , in connexion with the sovereign authorities of that nation , to introduce any internal reforms , any modification of their constitution , which tbey should conclude to be for
their own national advantage —( hear , hear )—and that there was no justification for any other nation , from the remotefear of probable consequences , interfering with the internal affairs of that nation with an armed force . ( Hear . ) But if that doctrine were fully admitted , and if in deference , probably , to their own sense of right and prudence , the government of Austria had abstained from any attfmpt ' to interfere with the affairs of Naples , Sardinia and Sicily , then Austria bad shown an example aad a regardfor the rights of other parties which might have been expected to save her from an armed invasion on the partof Sardinia . ( Hear , hear . ) It was a dangerous dootrino to admit the right of any other nation , from sympathy with the supposed grievances and injuries inflicted upon another , to enter it with the avowed
object of overthrowing the reigning iomr . ( Hear , hoar . ) And if there was a country in the world whose eBsenUBlinterestHwas to rebut and reject this doc trine as to the right of interference , it was this country , with Us wlde-spread and outlying colonial possession * . ( Hear , hear . ) It of all others , therefore , should most strongly protest against the attempt of any country by foreign force , whether on the part of the sovereign against the people , or on the port of the people against the sovereign , to interfere with the internal affairs of other states . ( Hear . ) He did not understand his noble friend to have askedber Majesty ' s government to inter , pose by force , or in any way to assist Austria , but he unfriend to call their attention to the
derstood his noble fact that amid the universal convulsion of the states of Europe and admitting tho right of all to modify their own constitutions , this was tho first instance of carrying out the dangerous doctrine of propagandisro , which , if not condemned by tho public opinion of Europe , might lead to Invasion , by the more powerful and active , ofthe rights of tho lesser powers —( hear)—for he believed that unless it was put down by the general sense of Europe and tbe civilised world , even tbe best efforts of her Majesty ' s government , supported as they would be , without reference to political feeling , would be utterly unavoll . log towards preventing the spread of a sanguinary war throughout Borope . ( Hear . )
A discussion then arose on the subject of emigration te Canada , and after disposing of some unimportant business , their lordships adjourned . HOUSE OP COMMONS , —After tbe reception of petitions and conversations on a variety of subjects , arising out of questions put to memburs of the govercment , On Lord John Russell moving the order of tbe day , The State o ? Ibeiahd , was brought forward by Lord JocBivtr , He said , the attention of every member of that house , and of the public , had been calUd within the last few weeks to tbe language and conduct of certain individuals in Ireland , and he was sure tbey had all seen with indignation and disgust—( loud cheers)—the language of those mischievous and traitorous men—( renewed cheers )—avowedly with the object of
overturning the institutions of the country , and levying war on Her Majesty ' s Crown , by exciting to overt acts of re . belllon Her Mijosty ' asubjjctB in that country . ( Cheers . ) With similar feelings the people of this loyal country had seen that men had been found ia Ireland so devoid of their own and all national honour , is to be at this moment seeking ; , he believed , in a foreign country , the arms to carry out their traitorous objects . ( Hear , hear . ) If he were not the representative of nn English constituency , he should have called tho attention of English members to the effect such language aa had been used in Ireland was likely to have on discontented individuals here . He knew " tbe largo body of Hor Majesty ' s subjects were loyal and faithful ; yet , tven In this country , such language could not be left unchecked without danger ; but the unnatural and the dangerous state of affairs in Ireland would prove his best apology for the observations with which be had prefaced his question to tho noble lord . Not that he apprehended any real dancer
to the institutions of tho country in Ireland , He belUved that the throne of our beloved sovereign , standing unshaken amidst the shock that had overwhelmed the mast powerful monarchs of Europe , rested not on the bayonets of bor soldiers , but on the loyalty and » fl \ ctions of her people ~( loud cheers)—the institutions of this country rested on a sound and broad basis , and it was satisfactory to know that tho most enlightened Germans , struggling for constitutional freedom , showed their anxiety to follow tbe example wo had set tbem rather than that of any other nation in the world , ( Hear , hear . ) Fortunately , the design In Ireland was apparent ; but men might be urged Into open acts of treason against their Spvcreign by tho traitorous Iangunge of these miBcbiovona persons . T '« p danger , be apprehended , was to those individuals , and not to the institutions of tbe state . Fortunately for Ireuaid , a neble lord was at tho hiad of the government in that country who had rallied arorfed him the nnited support of Pro-
Monday , Ar-Ail 3. House Of Lords.—Ihvas...
testants and Reman Catholics , ( Cheers . ) He believed that that noble lord , by Ma ability , and his courage , had rallied round him ail loyal men of all religious persuasions and ail political creeds . ( Cheers . ) But U had been seen that while that noble lord had stretched forth bis arm in vindication of tbe law he had been unable to put r > stop to this treasonable language , The continue flcce of language such as that must eventually lead to hostile collision and bloodshed , and , although we might not fear tbe result , still tho consequence must be doploredi ( Hcnr , bsar . ) With the recollections of past conflicts , knowing that years could not wipe out the stain of blood abed in civil contest , in tbe name of those who wished war away from our shores—in the name of all her Majesty ' s loyal subjects , he asked tbe noble lord at the head of tbe government , whether he thought tbat there vias sufficient power vested in the government to crush this rebellious spirit , or whether he did not think the time had come when some
alteration should be mads in tbat law which allowed the instigator to be at large while tho victim of his instigation suffered ; and when some powers should be given to tbe executive government to meet with vigonr and effect whatever emergency night arise . ( Hear , hear . ) Lord J . RcsBEiL . —I rise , Sir , with considerable anxiety to answer tho question which the noble lord has put . It Is quite true that language of the nature he bns described has been used in Ireland —language exciting tbe people to rebellion against tbe Crown—language exciting them to acts of violence against persons and prop « rty , with a view to establish Inland as a separate nation— anation independent !^ tbe Crown of these realms . Such language may at some periods be passed over as the mere ravin- of a distempered fancy , and which can
have no effect . But unfortunately it is not so at present . ( Hear , hear . ) I believe that the effect whiou has been produced by that language may be attributed partly to the eaoiteable nature of those to whom it ie directed , —partly to the * et $ gte & t digress -which has bees U \ x by all classes now during three years—a distress whleh naturally induces men to listen to any desperate Ianguage , —and thirdly , to tbe great excitement which has been created by tho events which have recently taken place in Prance and some other parts of Europe . But , whatever may be the the cause , it is certain that the utterance of this language bas been followed by the manufacture of pikes—( hear , hear ) —by Ihe formation ol rifle clubs , and by various other preparations , all ol which are openly avowed by a part of the press of that
country to be with a view of stirring up civil war In Ire . land , ( Hear , hear , ) Now , Sir , I cannot bat agree with tho noble lord that , viewing these proceedings as the cause and instigation of civil war , it is not so much her Majesty's Government , not so much the institutions of the country that are in danger , »» the peaw of Ireland , and the well-being of all classes , especially those who are engaged in the occupation of trade and commerce , in that country . ( Cheers . ) My belief is , that those who have uaod tbe language to which I have adverted have done so for the purpose ot raising themselves , careless of the bloodshed and ruin which may ensue Sir , It Is , however a most difficult and most delicats task for the Lord-Lieutenant oflreland to decide what Is best to be done under these circumstances . The noble
lord oppeiite has paid what I consider a just tribute to the aohle ' . lord now at the head ofthe government in Ire . land . ( Cheers . ) I hope I need not assure the hOUBB , that while my nqble friend is animus to put down disaffection and rebellion , it is at the same time his warmest wish to listen to complaints , and to apply , so far as in his power , a remedy or an alleviation to any distresses or evils that exfct , With respect to the means now at the disposal of tbe government in Ireland for the purpose of meeting the oonspira « y to which I allude , my noble friend the Lord-Lieutenant has been in constant com . munlcation with my right hon . friend the Secretary of State fer the Home Department and with myself , and he has informed us tbat , while ' on the one side there were evident preparations for rebellion , on the other
side he had received the most gratif ying assurances of loyal support— ( cheers)—from a great number of per sons , both Protestast and Roman Catholic ; from clergy , men of the one , and priests of the other religion ; from all classes — landlords and merchants — and , in fact , from a large number of persons of all parties and classes In the country . ( Cheers . ) The noble lord opposite must excuse me if at the present moment I decline stating what further measures are in contemplation by the Lord LUvjttnant and her Majesty's govern , ment in Ireland . I trust he will be satisfied with the assurance that both ia this country and in Ireland we have most carefully looked into ihe law appllcable lo the case—that we have entered into the most constant daily communication with the Lord . Lieutenant ;
and that should he be of opinion that further powers are necessary than those which have yet been obtained by tbe government , I shall then feel it mj duty—being convinced tbat Mich measures as he may ask can be no mere than are necessary for the occasion—to come down to this house aud ark this house to intrust tbe government of this country with such powers . ( Great cheering . ) Sir . Lord Clarendon has to consider in any proposal he may make , and in any wish he may express , that if ho * heuia appear— or if there should be the least semblance of his appearing , to favour one rtllgioua denomluation more than another , ox of hia favouring ' . any particular class of tbe community above any other class , he would thereby lose a great deal ot tbat support
which he has hitherto obtained—( cheers ) , and which has proceeded , aalhave already ' said , from landlords and clergymen of the Protestant persuasion , and from priests of tho Roman Catholic persuasion ; all these have joined in giving their best assistance to him in the maintenance of peace . ( Hear . ) But the noble lord may rest assured that it is tbe fall determination of Her Majesty ' s government , having the utmost confidence in Lord Clarendon , ( hear , hear ) , and in his admlnistra - tion of public affairs , to do all that is in his power to support the law in Ireland , ( hear , hear ) , and maintain the peace of that country and , furthermore , that we shall not shrink , should it prove ntcessary so to do , from asking this honse for the grant of any further powers that may be requisite . ( Cheering . )
A conversation of some length and Interest then took place on the subject of the dilatory proceedings o ! the government in bringing forward a bill for the repeal of the Navigation Laws , especially after the allusion made to such a measure in the speech from the throne . It was terminated by a declaration from Lord Johh Russell , that before tbe Easter recess he would announce the final views of the government on the subject . Jewish Disabilities BitL . —On the question for going into committee on this bill , Mr Goeing moved as an . amendment , that 'solong , at least , as tbe House of Commons exorcises the authority which at present it does exercise over the established church , no Jew ought to possess , the franchise , much less he allowed to sit- in that house , ' Ho protested against the bill aa an act of national wickedness , which was certain to draw dowa on the country the direct vengeance of Qod . '
This lea to a debate which terminated in the amendment being negatlrod without a division , and tho house then went into committee upon the bill , when several amendments were proposed and negatived . After the different clauses had been agreed to , a scene of considerable excitement occurred in consequence of the Indiscretion of Mr Law iu proposing that the report of the committee should not be received forthwith ( as is usual whoa no amendments are made in a bill , ) but should be postposed till Friday , Lord J , Russell overwhelmed Mr Law with ridlcale , and os Mr Law bad based his oppesition on his attachment to the ehurch of Eng land , annoyed him very eonsidtrably by regretting that the defence of that church had fallen into such hands , Mr Law complained , in consequence , of tho want of courtesy exhibited towards him by Lord ^ Johh Russell , but was afterwards pacified on his lordship ' s declaring that , although he did not think his ( Mr Law ' s ) conduct either very wise or rerj discreet , he meant him personally no disrespect .
The report was thea ordered to ba brought up instantfr . Ihe house resumed . The report was agreed to , and the bill was ordered to be read a third time en Monday . The house adjourned at one o ' clock . TUESDAY April 4 th . HOUSE OF LORDS . —The Marquis of Londokderrt In presenting some petitkns , seised the occasion to express bis unqualified approbation of the coarse pursued by the government in Ireland , and to declare his full confidence in the firmness of Lord Clarendon , and in the bravery of the soldiery / should their services unfortu . nitely be required . Their lordships disposed of some unimportant business , and adjourned at an early hour , HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Sir J . 0 . Hohbouse , the rrjected of Nottingham , having been returned by the rotten borough of Harrtfoh , took the oaths and his seat .
Mr F . O'Connor presented a petition from the chair , man of a public meeting held at Newcastle-upon-Tyne , praying the house to address Her Majesty to grant a free pardon to Frost , Williams , and Jones , and all other political offenders . The latl Illegal Ejections xh Galwat , — Mr St GBoaoE , whose name had been mixed vp with that of Mr Blake in the Galway evictions , estered into an explanation of his conduct as an Irish landlord , for the purpose of showing that he bad not done anything either illegal or illiberal towards his tenantry .
In answer to Mr Staffobd , Sir 6 . Grex said tbe government were about lo bring in a bill to meot such cases . The bill would provide tbat whatever might be the legal right of the landlord , and whatever the nature of tbe tenure , no ejectment should be put in force without due notice being civea to the tenant , and also with out due notice being given to tho board of ganrdians in oases where tho act of ejectment was likely to produce extreme destitution . The bill would also provide tbat no houses should be destroyed or pulled down at midnight , even under legal right . The bill was under preparation , but that was its general purport .
IRELAHD . —THE'NATIOS ' NEWSPAPER—Mr B , CoCR . bane wished to ask the right hon . gentlemen tho Secretary for Ireland whether his attention had been called to the following paragraph , which appeared ia the last number of the Nation , nowspnper , published ia that country , and , if ao , whether it was the intention of the government to proceed against tho edlcer of that paper f The paragraph was this : —• ' Ireland ' s necessity demands the desperate remedy of revolution—it demands , and wHl justify UBforoGod nnd nil men rrnlJy made in His Image , this last resource of nations leng oppressed . A revolution means a peaceful or a violent uprooting of a government or an upaeMing Of society ; Us business is lo care the evils it cannot endure— ' . o cure t ! em as with
Monday , Ar-Ail 3. House Of Lords.—Ihvas...
little loss of blood and time as the means of the vevolu . tionlsts and the nature of the opposition agaii ^ t : thera may allow . The continents ! nations all had « mr grit vaaoee , but oura are immeasurably greater «~ they sought the right of meeting , but we seek the right of existence ; they sought liberty of the press , bnt we seek liberty to live ; tho real alternative with Ireland is decimation or rsvolutfon . It is evident to all men that our forelga government is but a club of grave-diggers ; tbey foster poverty , and protect pestilence ; fever , taxation , exile , death , all arise from their felonious taking ( wny of our
means of Ufa ; we are decimated not by the will of Goo , but by the will ofthe Whigs ; obedience to a government ? which rules to rob and legislates to destroy is a high Cfime , alliance with it is a conspiracy against ( he na » tion ; votes of confidence in such governments are dt'ath warrants ; keepisg order for them ia doing undertaker ' s work ; aiding them in the administration of the law is finishing off without accusation or trial fresh myriads of our doomed populace . ' He held Mr Duffy , who was the editor of that paper , to be guilty of holding most treasonable langnage in that paragraph .
Sir W Sosie & villb aaid that ho had not r-. c * i the ex . tract to which the hon . member referred , and tbe ton , member ' s perusal of it was tho first notice of it which he had received , but bo had been for some thn-: in the hubitof reading in-productions from Ireland Innpuago equally extravagant . Of course he was not able to state what tha intention of the government ivith respect to tbe paragraph in question was ; but no doubt tho attention of the Lord Lieutenant had been called to it ; he believed everything would be left in his bands , and tbat he would take such steps respecting it as ho thought proper .
MrF . O'Cosuon said , that seeing the learned Attor . ney . Qeneral in bis place , he wished to ask him whether his attention had beea drawn to a letter published ia Thk Times newspaper of that morning , in which it was & ald that the govemmeat mlgfet be , destroyed hy otner means than by open warfare . He theught that nothing in the United Ibisujsah , Na « oh , or any other aewspa » per in Ireland , could exceed the language of that letter in barbarity .. The Attobnei-Gehmal said , that if tho ton . giatleroan had given him notice of bis intention to put the question , he should havo been prepared to answer it , but ho had been engaged the whole day in the House of Lords and had not seen tho letter in question , and was ^ therefore , unable to give any oplalon respecting it ,
Episcopal Revehuib . —Mr Hosshan moved « that inthe opinion of this house , tho distinction botweeu the episcopal and common funds , restricting the application of the surplus revenue of the archbishops and bishops toepiscepal purposes , and permitting lo part of it , in any circumstances , to be applied to the relief of parochial destitution , is inexpedient , and ought not to be continued . ' Tbe hon . member after showing the necessity for the adoption of the resolution , gave the ( ollowing U > lustrations of the misapplication of the ecclesiastical rcv-nues by the commission to which the management of these revenues is entrusted . A strong and general opinion prevailed that in the recent administration of ecckciasticl affairs , the interests ef tho episcopacy had been more cared for than those of tbe parochial clergy .
He was bound to believe that opinion well founded . ( Hear , hear . ) Let them compare the ceuduion of tho parochial clergy with that of the episcopacy , At tho present moment there were no lees than between 4 , 030 and 0 , 000 parishes in which the beneficed clergyman had no house . What instance could be produced of a bishop net well provided with a residence ? The ecclesiastical Commissioners had spent £ 40 , 000 in providing clergymen with houses , while tbey bad expanded no 'less than £ 140 , 090 on the palaces of the bishops . Above 3 , 000 of the beneficed clergymen had incomes under £ 150 ; some even had Incomes under £ 10 a year ; but by act ef Parliament tbe incomes of the poorest prelate approached that of a Secretary (< f State . This
was not all ; having such incomes , provided for them by act of Parliament , had the bishops'been content ! Had not an act of Parliament been passed , limiting the Income cf the Bishep of Durham to £ 3 , 000 a year , bnt had there not been jears in which he had netived £ 15 , 080 , £ 20 , 000 and evea in one instance £ 26 , 000 ! ( ' Hear , hear , ' and cries of' No , no . ' ) Why , in 1815 he found tliat the Bishop of Durham received £ 31 , 101 , from which he had to make a payment of £ 11 . 000 to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners , which left the net income , as he had stated it , at £ 26 , 000 a year . It was also known that the income of the Bishop of Salisbury , which was limited by act of Parliament to £ 3 . 000 , varied from £ 5 , 000 to , In 1845 , £ 17 , 000 .
Lord Ashlev , Mr Pltjmptbe , and Lord St . Maub ,. having supported Mr Horeman's motion , Sir G . Gai 3 explained how the distinction between the episcopal ami common funds hs , d arisen ; but declared himself unprepared to maintain . its permanency . The resolution of Mr Horsman struck at the very root of the Ecclesiastical Commission , -without providing any aub . stitnte for it . If the abuses were so great as Mr Horsman contended , he ou & ht not to meet them by on abstract resolution , but by an act of Parliament remedying them in detail . There were at present in preparation by the Ecclesiastical Commisfionere measures which would efftct considerable Improvement in the mode of the re * caipt aud management of the episcopal funds . Ho therefore should move the previous question on tho resolutua of Mr Horsman , In order to prevent : hs . bouse from coming to a precipitate rote in its favour , n-hen it was not ia possession of all tbe necessary information .
Sir R . Ikolis end Sir R . Peel supperttd the govern , ment view of the case—the Iatter , hewever , after showing tbe great want of church accommodation , expressed himself favourable to Mr Horsman'e object , but thought a bill better than an abstract resolution , and that such a bill should bo prepared by the government . Mr Brioht , with reference to the alleged deficiency of church room , said tke statements on that subject were fallacious , because churchmen alnvjs excluded from their reports the aecomaiodatioa provided by dissenters . With respect to tho incomes of the bishops , he said , if they looked back to tho two last Archbifhsps of York , it might be shown that those two Individuals , who lived a long time , received more than £ 1 , 500 , 000 , or nearly £ 2 , 000 . 000 . This was either state money , or
money belonging to the church , and in cither case it was scandalous that in any religious establishment whatever there should be such gross misappropriation of these enormous funds , whilst there was a vast mass of spirit , ual destitution in almost every part of the couatry , Un . der these circumstances , he was amused with the coolness with which thenoblo lord at tbe head of the gorermae & t said tbe other night to the hon . member for Ceckermouth , that it would be satisfactory to h ' m to knew that the new archbishop was to bo limited to £ 15 , 000 a year . It was insinuated last year by the right hoc . m-mbcr fos Ripon that bishops , after all , were not so hard worked , and yet here was an instance of an archbishop receiving about three times as much as the Prime Minister .
Ho believed that the noble lord at the head of government would not live bo long as an archbishop , II he con . tinuod to be Prime Minister ; ( Laughter . ) If thero was any class of individuals easily situated with respect to temporals , with work slight and pay exceeding , it waa those comfortable gentlemen who eat on the bench of bishops He found that they had a strong ' , dispo . sitisn always to go with the government of tha day , aud be believed it waa a point ef etiquette with them never to change their seats , but always to sit on tha same side as the executive government , He considered—and the opinion waa also very generally entertained in the country—that the existence ofthe bench rf bishops had not only been unfavourable to the progress of public liberty—( hear , hear , )—but also to the Christian religion itself .
Mr Gladsxobe defended the bishops , who , according to his account , are a very active , very hard-wciked , and very poorly paid , body oi men . With respect to tho mo . tion , although he agreed with Mr Horsman , that there ought to be no insuperable barrier to prsvent the appli . cation ef tbe surplus of the ecclesiastical feeds to tbe mitigation of parochial destitution , yet he objected to the declaration of the principle that no part of that surplus should be applied to the formation of new bishoprics . His opinion was , that ,, if tho government founded new bishoprics from time to time , whoreverit was ascertained that there was an opening for them , it would only bo pursuing a good and wise economy .
Lord J , Russell said , it bad occurred to him tbat there were many things at present in the Church which required reform ; but he could not form a definite opinion upon the mode of accomplishing that reform , until ho had consulted the new Archbishop oi Canterbury , Other reforms must be introdused with that for which Mr Horsrt-. an row called ; nnd he had not aa yet made up his mind , nor would he make a declaration of hia plan to the house until he had had a full conference with the Archbishop of Canterbury , for the improvement of the views which he new entertained , Mr Hi me declared his hostility to the formation of any new bishoprics . It any such measure ware proposed , it would bo' a question whether wo had not too many bUhopricsalreaoy . That question had been raised last session ; aad it would be the worst policy for the church to renew it again ,
The motion was ultimately withdrawn , on the un « derstsnding . that tha government are to take the matter up . Pernio Works ( Ireland ) , —A conversatlou of considerable duration took place on a motion of Colonel Dunbe , for the prodnciionof a mats of returns , showing the txpenditure undertaken by the authority of the Board of Works in Ireland , under tho act 0 and 10 Vic , c . 107 , The CnAsctixoa of the ExcBtcnEB stated , that his only objection to tho production { of these returns / / as , tbat'they would be very voluminous , very useless , and very ' espensire , for they would cost several thousand pounds . Colonel Dunne agreed to withdraw his motion , and to move for a return of the expenditure In a particular barony which be would select . 4
Poland . —Mr C . Anbtey moved—Tbat a dutiful address be presented to Her Majesty , on tho occasion of then cent important politic j ! events in Alistris , Poland , and Prussia , acd praying Hor Majesty that she will not concent to any now territorial or other arrangement conseqjuut on men events that does net sccognlso and secure te tho Polish people their lawful liberties and independence . ' Mr Osboiine soconded the motien , and at tho same lime remarked , thnt there were not forty msmoera present .
The hous / s wae then counted , and as only tblrty-ono members remei & aed In , § stood adjourned at a quarter ty >
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), April 8, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_08041848/page/3/
-