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MAfloa 10,-1840. THENnBTITOM STAR. ' ' "...
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LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES. XXXVII. ...
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CHARTISM AM) REPUBLICANISM. THE FRATERNI...
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PUBLIC MEETINGS, THE METROPOLITAN . FINA...
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FINANCIAL REFORM. On Monday evening a pu...
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™J0NA L ORGANISATION OF TRADES FOR THE I...
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EMPLOYMENT OP THE POOR. HOME COLONIES. A...
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TO THE C OAL AND IRONSTONE MINERS OF LAN...
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THE SHEFFIELD RAZOR GRINDERS. A public m...
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"VYl-stmi.vster Reform SociETr. — On Mon...
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF DALSTON, CUMBERLAND.
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One Missing.—The Rev. F. Coyle, in a lec...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Mafloa 10,-1840. Thennbtitom Star. ' ' "...
MAfloa 10 ,-1840 . THENnBTITOM STAR . ' ' " '"" * —^*^— I II ¦ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ * Mt —*—»«» ¦ I I ¦ ¦ I 1 TIIIM 1 MI _ *)
Letters To The Working Classes. Xxxvii. ...
LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES . XXXVII . " "Words are things , and a small drop of ink Palling—like dew—upon a thought , produces That which makes thousands , " perhaps mfl lions think . " itTBos .
Chartism Am) Republicanism. The Fraterni...
CHARTISM AM ) REPUBLICANISM . THE FRATERNITY OF NATIONS . Brother Pkoletaruss , The cause which too sufficiently excused the non-appearance of my usual letter in last Saturday ' s Star still operating , though in a mitigated form , would have induced me to abstain from writing—at least , until next -week—had I not felt it my duty to offer some observations on the letter addressed " To the Chartists , " by Mr . O'Coxxob , in last Saturday ' s paper .
If 1 clearly understand Mr . O'Connor , I perfectly agree with the sentiment he has expressed * in the first paragraph of his letterthat a right understanding between a party and its recognised representative , is most essential to ensure the onward march of the said party , and the success of its principles . If in lie ranks of a , party , differences of opinion arise , such differences may be reconciled , provided those who dissent from each other candidl y state their sentiments , and conduct any discussion that niay ensue thereon
in a spirit of fraternity . As long as human nature shall remain what it is , it wall he unreasonable to expect all men to think alike . For enemies—whether political or personal , public or private—to disagree and to wage war against each other , is a thing of course . But the best of friends will sometimes difter upon questions troth speculative and practical ; such difference ? would , however , never he productive ofevilconsequcnces , iftheparties disputing would act fairly by each other . It is ¦ well understood that I am no advocate for the
" mealy-mouthed" system of dealing with an enemy . I am in the habit of calling a spade , aspade . But when dealing with friends—true friends , I mean—I would always wish to express my dissent , when compelled to disagree , in the language of courtesy and good feeling . My rule is well expressed in the good old convivial toast : —** Grape shot to our friends , and chain shot to our foes . " Jlr . O ' Connor ' s expressed anxiety for a " thorough understanding" betweea himself and all other true Democrats , is for me sufficient assurance that I may freely comment on his letter $ applaud where I can , and dissent where I mast
I fear Mr , O'Coxxolt has been , misled by some fool or designing knave , -otherwise he would hardly have written a letter for the purpose of warning the Chartists against an alleged attempt to form a Republican party , or create a Republican agitation . I am well acquainted -with the sevtjral sections of the Democratic movement ; I am w-ell-mfonned of the seatiments of all who hnpart shape and tone to the popular feeling ; I have correspondence with many of the Chartist leaders at
present suffering the miseries of incarceration ; and I " speak by the card" when I say , that the idea of superseding tlie movement for the Charter by a Republican -agitation has ax ) existence , save in the fertile imagination of those who appear to have misled Mr , O'Cosxob , Certainly , Republicans abound ; but they are not the men to throw " the apple of discord" amongst the Chartists . If that charge applies to any persons , it applies to those who have supplied Mr . O'Coxxok . with false information .
The true Republicans of this country , whilst very properly expressing their sympathy for then- Republican brethren of the Continent , quite as properly keep their mouths shut as regards tliis nation . They know that " the pear is not ripe , " and " tbey bide their time . " That is not all . The true Republicans value forms of Government only so far as those forms are « alculated to arm the people with powerthe power necessary to enable the masses to work out their social emancipation . They knov that the mock power of a gilded puppet—whether in pantaloons or petticoats—is a matter of very small importance compared with the veritable , the gigantic , the ( at
prosent ) omnipotent power of the " kings of gold " —the traffickers iu human labour—the bloodsuckers of the children of toil Considering , therefore , that the question of " king , or no king , " is a matter of- —to say the least—secondary importance , and one , moreover , the agitation of which would , at the present time , be premature , and consequently impolitic , no true Republican would have thought of raising that question at this time , had Mr . O'Connor ' s letter not appeared . That letter containing sentiments which I am sure a large number of my brother Chartists dissent from , I think , as one of that number , that I am bound , as an ionest man , to show wherein and why I differ from Mr . O'Coxxok .
I have already corrected one error into -which Mr . O'Coxxok has been misled , expressed in the assertion that some attempt is being made , or about to be made , to create a Republican agitation at the expense of the Chartist Movement . I shall now proceed to notice—1 st , Mr . O'Connor ' s idea of the manner in which the agitation for the Charter should be conducted ; 2 nd , his version of Republicanism ; and , 3 rd , his advice to the Chartists respecting their attitude towards the people of the Continent .
I agree with Mr . O'Coxxok , that it would he folly for any man to pretend to predict the political and social consequences of the enactment of the Charter . But I am not prepared to censure those who believe that the shortest road to ike establishmcntof the Charter is through the enlightenment of the people as to the social value of that measure . The events of last year proclaimed , truuipet-tongned , the necessity of imparling knowledge to the masses , if possible , hefore their acquirement of political power . The blunders of the " Provisional Government" and the intrigues of the rich would , both combined , have failed to damage the glorious victory of February , provided the people had "been sufficiently enlightened to have elected an
honest Assembly . Unhappily , common sense had not preceded common Suffrage . Still the French Revolution of 1848 has been fruitful of food as well as evil . I am sorry that Mr . > 'Coxxor should speak of the French Constitution as " a bag of moonshine . " That Constitution , with all its faults—which are neither few nor trivial—is , nevertheless , the Charter , and something more—something more in the way of good , I mean . If Mr . O'Connor means that the first general election , under the provisions of that Constitution , is likely to give birth to an Assembly no better than the present , I share his anticipations ; but even that will not prove the Constitution " abag of moonshine . " I am not at all confident that
A first , or even second election , under the provisions of the Charter , would produce a House of Commons containing a majority of real Reformers . But even though , with Universal Sanra « e ^ ihe people should elect a Parliament of Peels and Cobdens , Rusbells and SmmoBPs , such an exhibition of popular madness would not stamp the Charter " abag of moonshine ; " it would only prove that the people's heads were filled with an incomprehenal
sible substitute for brains . Still the leg existence of the Charter would be " agreat fact , " The peop le would possess thepower to save themselves , and , perhaps , time would supply them with the necessary sense . ^ So with the French , thanks to the Revolution of February , they possess the suffrage . Their blood be upon their own heads , if , under their Republican Constitution , they ahW themselves to be driven as sheep to . ife p ; : daughter , when , if they would , they might be free ! - j
Chartism Am) Republicanism. The Fraterni...
Mr . O'Cosxor says that "in America there is as much class-distinction , national suffering , and popular discontent , as in any monarchy in the world . " There j * " class distinction , " there is " suffering , " and there is discontent" in America , but certainly not so much , nor anything near so much , as in many monarchies . I believe Ireland is a monarch y ' The alleged state of society in America , used by Mr . O'Cox-vob as an argument against Republicanism , is also made use of , by our opponents , as an argument against the Charter . Their cry is "Look at America ! Behold the results of Universal Suffrage : — slavery , ' class-distinction , ' « suffering , ' and ' discontent . '" But neither Chartism nor Republicanism are to be damaged by such arguments . The existence of slavery , class-distinction , suffering , and discontent in America , testif y to the wickedness of the few and the ignorance of the many ; but the principles of Eternal Justice proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence , are true and glorious , nevertheless . °
The examples of popular folly cited by Mr . O'Conxor , such as the French pouring out their blood for . Napoleon , only illustrate the fatal consequences of popular ignorance . It should , therefore , be the first duty of a democratic teacher to labour for the extirpation of that ignorance . So believing , I should be very sorry to goo the agitation for the Charter confined to the discussion , illustration , and vindication of the " six points . " Even though it were possible for such an agitation to win the Charter , it would not prepare the people to make a good use of their power when obtained . More than that : I am impressed with the conviction that the Charter never will be won until the
masses are made to comprehend all that its possession wonld enable them to accomplish for themselves —socially and politically . A Trades Union , a Benefit Club , a Land Society , holding out certain tangible and immediate advantages , is each more popular than an association that has the obtainment of the Charter for its object . Why ? Because the masses do not understand the vast and veritable benefits they might derive from the Charter , were it law . In my opinion the free discussion of all social and political questions which would , or should occupy the attention of a Parliament elected by Universal Suffrage , will be the best means of stimulating the millions to struggle for the Charter , sud the best means also of preparing them to make a wise use of that Charter when made the law of the land .
I cannot but express my astonishment at the views Mr . O'Coxson seems to entertain concerning Republicanism . Mr . O'Coxxok says : — " speaker gets upon the platform and says : 'I am a Republican , ' he may be cheered , but neither he nor his audience know the meaning of the term . " If this is true , the more need is there that Republicanism should be discussed , in order that the people may understand the good or evil of that system ot government . But I venture to believe that the Chartists at any rate , are much better informed of the meaning of Republicanism than Mr . O'Connoe imagines ; and , furthermore , I venture to assert that they entertain views thereon widely differing from those entertained by Mr . O'Connor . I may add , that the
earnest , sober-minded Republicans , are not in the habit of advocating Republicanism on public platforms . Any man who comes before the people , a candidate for their confidence on the strength of a Republican cry , should he questioned by his hearers as to what he means by a Republic . If an impostor , his answer will reveal his ignorance or his knavery . Mr . O'Connor is in error in asserting that America never was a Monarchy , and that , therefore , Republicans were not arrayed against Monarchists , and Monarchists against Republicans . America teas a part of the British Monarchy , and at the commencement of the revolution there was & strongparty for continuing theconncxion ofthe colonies with England . Fortunately , thatparty was in the minority , and
naturally and justly suffered confiscation and proscription for their hostility to the rights and liberties of then * countrymen . Until within a few years past , a large sum of money was annually voted by the British Parliament to compensate tlie "American Loyalists" for their sacrifices in the blessed cause of the British Monarchy . At this moment I am unable to say whether that annual vote has been continued to the present time . Those who can refer to the " Miscellaneous Estimates" of 184 S , may satisfy themselves on this head ; at all events I am confident that , until very recently the American Monarchists figured amongst the devourers of the taxes wrung from the plundered labourers of this eountry .
Certainly no man , in the possession of his senses , will think of condemning the Swiss Confederation on the strength of Mr . 0 Coxson ' s striking anecdote of a lusty innkeeper cuffing a peasant who , I suppose , was not quite so lusty . Mr . O'Connor , to have given his story the slightest weight , should have shown that there was no law in the canton to punish a man for assaulting another ; or that there was a law positively permitting a landlord ( i . e ., innkeeper ) to cuff a peasant ; moreover , he should have shown that if Switzerland had been under Austrian rule ^ " landlords" would not have been allowed to cuff peasants . Otherwise , this cuffing story goes for nothing . Were I to " cross the frontier" I could supplvMr . O'Coxxok with no lack of anecdotes of
cuttings , and far -worse than cuffings , guttered by peasants and others , under the blessed rule ofthe Austrian Monarchy . Let those who admire Monarchy remember the massacres of Galicia ; reflect on the hellish cruelties committed by the Austrians in Lombardy ; picture to themselves the storming of Yienna , the bombardment of Cracow , Lemberg , Prague , < fcc , < fcc ; and last , not least , imagine , if they can , the present state of Hungary—drenched with blood , desolated by fire , and afflicted by horrors to which I will not give a name—all the tvork of Monarchists !—all this tvorsc than hell produced by ruffians who but execute the commands of a still worse monster , a Monarch 'Emperor bu the" Grace of God !" Mr . O'Coxxok has been in Belgium—I have not ;
nevertheless I take exception to the very charming picture he has drawn ofthe loyalty of the Belgians , and their social happiness . I can assure Mr . O'Connor that a very numerous Republican party exists in Belgium ; indeed , in Ghent—the Manchester of Belgium—ihe working men are , to say the least , quite as much Republicans as the working men of Manchester are Chartists . I have reason to believe that the peasantry are not in favour of Republicanism . "Why ? Because , with the exception of the peasantry of one other nation , tbey are more priestridden than any other portion ofthe Catholic population of Europe . The priests keep Leopold on his throne . Mr . O'Connor savs , the Belgians "have all hut the Charter . " But if they are to be
admired on that account I think the French , who possess the Charter entire , and something more , are still more entitled to our admiration . As regards the happy condition of the Belgians , I believe that all that Mr . O'Connor asserts is warranted by all that he saw . But how much and how far did he see ? I very well remember that hi the time of the potato-famine , the newspapers represented the peasantry of Belgic Flanders as suffering searcely less than the people of Ireland . They were represented as being utterly destitute , and roving through the country in large bands , taking food by force wherever they could find it . Mr . O'Coxxor , addressing the Chartists , says : " The difference between a Monarchy , as you
understand it , and a Republic , is simply this—that in the one case the head is called King , and derives his title from descent ; while , in the other case , the head is called President , and owes his title to election , " & c . Mr . O ' Connor proceeds to argue on the evils of the American system of electing a President every four years ; and , in opposition thereto , gives his reasons for preferring a King , or at . least the election of a President for life . Here I may observe , that the principle of Elective Monarchy was not found to work well in Poland ; and all the objections to the system formerly in use amongst the Poles , as regards the appointment of their kings , apply to the election of life-Presidents . God forbid ! that Mr . 0 ' Connor should ever be placed in the fatal position
of being called upon to give his casting-vote on the question of a Presidency . I cannot agree with Mr . O ' Connor that , even with the Charter , it would be a matter of no importance whether the Pope , the Devil , or the Pretender sat on the throne . I believe , notwithstanding that the Devil has many friends , that a majority would be averse to his rule . The Romans—sensible people that they are—seem to be in opposition to Mr . O'Connor as regards tho Pope , and when Rome kicks out the Pope , it would be a , shabby nation indeed that would accept his Holiness for King . For my part , I should be as little disposed to accept the Pretender—such a Pretender as Louis-Uafoleox , I mean—as either of his rivals . Every one to bis
fancy , as the man said when he kissed the cow ; but , with all deference to the tastes of others , I have no inclination for either Tope , Devil , or Pretender Mr . O'Connor says : " There would be no difference—not a particle—between Monarchy and a Republic , provided the power behind the throne was greater than the throne itself . " Of what use , then , the " barbaric splendour of a throne at all ? Or why have a President for life , or for four years ? Mr . O'Coxxok seems to be unaware of the fact , that his version of Republicanism is out of date . It was correct , perhaps , sixty years since , but the true
Republicans of the present day — the men of the future—reject President as well as King , and will no more vote for one than the other . All Mr . O Connor ' s reasoning , therefore , against Presidential elections every four years , falls to the ground . A principal object of the Republicans , henceforth , will be to prevent the possibility of the peop le committing such a blunder as the French peasantry committed in December last , when they elected that thing , Locis-Nafomon , to the President ' s chair . With no such chair , there will be no fear of having it badly filled , or of seeing it transformed into a throne . The length to which this letter has already eztended , " compels me to offer tha shortest possible comment on Mr . O ' Coshob ' s advice to the Chartists ,
Chartism Am) Republicanism. The Fraterni...
as regards the attitude they should assume towards "ie people of other nations . If I understand Mr . u ooxxoR he advises that that attitude should be one of selfish neutrality . If it be true that " no otner peopleonthe face ofthe earth care three straws lor you , you may thank yourselves for that . You nave done nothing worthy of a people for vour own ireedom , whilst , on the other hand , your fathers were the willing accomplices and tools of the oppressors of Europe , and yourselves , though repenting of your fathers' follies , have not shown a hearty sympath y for those who are struggling to redeem themselves from the tyranny imposed by continental tyrants , who were aided and sustained by English force and English gold .
Had your fathers paid some attention to foreign politics they would not have poured out their blood , nor have imposed burdens on their posterity , to put down freedom in France . Bear in mind , too , thatvour rulers willnot follow Mr . O'Connor's advice , they will either interfere or prompt others to interfere to put down thefriends of Freedom . If they abstain from plunging a dagger into the heart of Liberty , they will at least , like Judas , betray her into the hands of her enemies . If you ' [ wean your minds from the consideration of foreign questions , " and quietly allow your rulers to unite with the league of tyrants , now re-forming for the purpose of reducing the nations to their old state orslavery , the people of the Continent will justly hold you responsible , and regard you asparticipators in the criminality of your rulers , and " the curses of hate and the hisses of scorn" will accompany the name of "Eng lishman" throughout the globe .
It has been by some oue observed , that that man is not to be envied who could stand upon the field of Marathon and not feel his pulse beat quicker , nor his blood flow with greater warmth than when treading any common spot of earth unsanctificd by the blood ofthe brave and free . But that man is still to be less envied who can . behold unmoved the struggles and sufferings of his contemporaries , those struggles and sufferings being for the self-same object as that for which the Greeks , fought , died , and conquered—Freedom . When I behold a nation bursting the shackles of ages , releasing herself by one great effort from foreign thrall and domestic oppression ; asserting the freedom of the mind as well as of the body , by casting off the tyranny of priestcraft alongwith the fetters forged by kings ;—when I behold that nation , betrayed by Us iron * cherous chiefs , and pretended friends , and abandoned by its ancient ally , determined , notwithstanding ,
to defend its new-born liberty at any cost , and then , when I turn my eyes homeward , I am lost in wonder , sunk in shame , at the apathy , the selfishness , the slavish spirit of my own countrymen , who have neither the virtue to imitate the " Italians , nor the generosity to fly to their help—no , nor even utter a prayer for their victory ! Mr . O'Connor would encourage—I would dispel —your fatal indifference to " foreign questions . " That Mr . O'Connor means well , I am sure ; but in my heart and soul I dissent from his doctrine—I proclaim a doctrine the reverse . I tell you that a blow struck at the liberties of one people is intended to strike down the liberties of all ; that " he who oppresses one nation is the declared enemy of all , " and that "Men of all countries are brothers , and ought to yield ono another mutual aid , according to their ability , like citizens of the same state . L'AMI DT 7 PEUFLE . March 8 th , 1649 .
Public Meetings, The Metropolitan . Fina...
PUBLIC MEETINGS , THE METROPOLITAN . FINANCIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY REFORM ASSOCIATION . The following address to the people of London has been issued by the council of the above association : — Unrivalled in population , wealth , and intelligence—its individual sympathies always enlisted on the side of progress—London , the first to suffer from tlie evils of misgovernment , has usually , and with a few brilliant exceptions , been the last to unite for their extinction . To remove this reproach—to coUect and combine the scattered and slumbering elements of political power which abound in the metropolis , in aid of the gathering force oi public opinion in the provinces—to create , for the achievement of Financial and Parliamentary Reform , a legal , powerful , aud comprehensive organisation — constitute the end and aim of this association . Strictly constitutional in
its objects , the agencies employed will be such only as are recognised and permitted by tlie law . Its first efforts will be directed to strengthen the hands ofthe people ' s party in the House of Commons , and array public opinion hi aid of the removal of obstacles which stand at the very threshold of progress . Its practical character will be found in the assistance it » vill he enabled to afford to the existingmachinery , established for watching over and conducting the registration of liberal voters resident in the metropolitan count ies , cities , and boroughs , combined with the adoption of an efficient plan by which its members may become freeholders and -voters . Although deeply impresssed with tlie conviction that no great change tending to lessen or destroy the exclusive immunities enjoyed by the privileged classes will bo permitted , until the portals of tlie constitution are sufficiently widened to admit that large portion of our fellow
subjects who are not more unwisely than unjustly excluded ; yet , feeling that the burdens under which the industry of the country is daily groaning , and the mischievous effects produced upon all classes by the . present unequal and viciously contrived system of taxation , are evils which require prompt attention and immediate remedy , the agitation in favour of Financial Reform will receivc at the hands of the Association its willing and vigorous co-operation . While , however ,, cordially uniting our exertions with those of our fellow-reformers for the attainment of financial ameliorations , the great questions of Parliamentary Reform will not be suffered to remain in abeyance . The wisdom of conceding modifications in the political system , to meet the altered circumstances by the increasing number , wealth , and intelligence of the people , has been singularly instanced by the fact that while Europe has been convulsed with the throes of revolution , the storm
which has swept away dynasties and governments , ruined commerce , and destroyed credit , has passed over fids country , leaving its institutions , its property , and its great interests , comparatively unscathed . It cannot be doubted that tlie enlightened policy which conceded the two great measures , Uie ' Kefurm Act and Free Trade , has reaped its rich fruits in the general tranquillity of the country , the stability of its credit , and the extent of its resources . The necessity of adopting a similar policy at this moment will be urged upon the Legislature with great earnestness . Such a measure of Parliamentary Reform will be asked for as will fairly entitle the people to look for its fruits in a large extension of the franchise aud the complete independence of its exercise—the means of education placed within the reach of all—the extinction of monopolies , unlimited freedom of commerce , and the total abolition of exclusive privileges—an untaxed and unfettered press—the removal of all undue influences from the House of Commons—public
appointments thrown open to talent , integrity , and fitness , instead of , as now , the price which the government of the day pays for active support or hostility forborne— and the reformation of all those abuses in onr political and social system which have been too long upheld . The machinery which the association will put in motion will be of the simplest character ; a president and a council selected from the members will constitute the governing body . The efficiency and power of the association can alone be found in the number and the earnestness of its members . The nucleus of a powerful political organisation is now formed ; it remains with tlie reformers of the metropolis to vindicate themselves from the charge of indifference to the great interests wliich are involved in the ascendancy of cheap and responsible government , by giving to the people ' s cause the inestimable advantages wliich result from the combined power of union and numbers . By order of the Council , Joshua Walmsisv , President .
Financial Reform. On Monday Evening A Pu...
FINANCIAL REFORM . On Monday evening a public meeting ofthe inhabitants of Bayswater and Notting-hill , convened by the Committee of the Metropolitan Financial Reform Association , was held at the Prince Albeit Tavern , Notting-hill . Mr . D . unford was voted to the chair . The Chairman said , in reference to the majority against Mr . Cobden ' s motion for financial reform , that no less than 356 of the members were directly or indirectly interested in the maintenance of our war establishments , and the remaining 300 . interested in the continuance of the plunder which was carried on in the name of the church . ( Hear . ) In tlie list of those members who voted with the majority againt Mr . Cobden ' s motion , were the names of Sir De Lacy Evans and Mr . Wakley . ( Laughter . ) .. Now these eentlemen , and many more who were in the
majority , and whom he could name , were hitherto believed to be the friends of the people and friends of reform ; but now they had proved themsslves the contrary , it was to he hoped that their constituents would bring them to an account for their conduct , and insist upon their resigning into better hands the trust that had been placed in theirs . ( Cheers . ) He then submitted to the meeting the following resolution : — " That the thanks ol the Notting-hill Financial Reform Association are justly due , and are hereby given , to Mr . Cobden , and the seventy-eight members of the House of Commons who supported him in his endeavours to rescue the country from the ruin into which it is being forced by successive augmentations of our warlike and police establishments , and tho enormous increase of taxes and place-holders . " W . Macfari ^ ne , Esq . seconded tliis resolution .
Mr . Serwj observed on the necessity for an entire and absolute parliamentary as well as financial reform . There were many men engaged in commerce who would rise and clamour for financial reform because they would derive personal benefit from it : hut financial reform , unaccompanied by a reform in the parliamentary representation of the people , was not exactly what true reformers wanted The people of England were politically educated , and why , he would ask , were they denied that which had been accorded to the people of France ? Votes there could not be bought . Mr . Hume said that the
only means of putting an end to bribery was the extension of the franchise , and all right-thinking men would say that doctrine was a true one . ( Cheers . ) The chief characteristics of our system of representation were degrading , and was this to exist in England whilst the rest of Europe was bravely and manfully rising into moral existence ? ( Cheers . ) Give them the ballot—they would ask no more . What else they wanted they could then get without askinir The ballot would be the wicket gate . by which the y would enter , and then they would open the mighty portals themselves . The speaker then
Financial Reform. On Monday Evening A Pu...
TI ? mott ? th 0 l ' scntleirienaddl , esse ( i tlw meeting . toM ™ J V 2 ! nil , 10 ?» ycanM . and a Pe"tion lw M , \ Pll'anoial Reform , to be presented nS g \ e ^
™J0na L Organisation Of Trades For The I...
™ J 0 NA L ORGANISATION OF TRADES FOR THE INDUSTRIAL , SOCIAL , AND POLITICAL EMANCIPATION OF LABOUR , A public meeting of journeymen tailors , comprised of those who work in shops , and those who work at home , was held at the Coach and Horses , Silver-street , Golder .-squarc , on Monday evening to take into consideration the propriety of ioininjr crowded ^ Th ° large r 00 m was " ien 8 cl i ' Mr . fj . F . Goodfellow , a homo worker , was unanimously called vto the chair , and said ho accepted the honour of presiding over so numerous and intelligent a meeting , because he was one ofthe home workers and had found an aristocracy in the trade , which no thought the " National Organisation of
iraaes , was calculated to break up , and because lie was desirous of seeing a bond of love and unity exist amongst the wealth producers ; and whilst they had nottlie least desire to destroy property , thev were animated , he trusted , with a spirit of determination to protect labour . ( Loud cheers . ) We must . remember , that it was circumstances over which wo have hitherto had no control , that hav * made us at once the slaves of capital and the victicis of a vicious competition ; our legislature hadm ? ide tho workhouse the test , and consequently the operative was reduced to the lowest ebb of misery and ^ gra dation , lie had much pleasure in introducing jj " > missionary from the parent society , to address them on the objects of the proposed
Organisation . ( Loud cheers . ) * Mr . Walton said , after the Trades petition , which it would be remembered was presented to the House of Commons by Lord Ashley had been laid before-that assembly , the necessity was discovered' that a constitution embracing their fundamental rules should be framed ; the several Trades delegates had set about the matter in earnest—the fruits of their deliberation he held in his hand , and with their kind indulgence , would endeavour to explain its principles to them , although when he told them it embraced those two great principles , Home Colonisation , and Universal Suffrage , sure Y e was , that they would agree with him , when he said a clever man would be well employed in exnatiatin i ?
on them in a course of lectures . ( Hear , hear . ) In the language of their first rule , they held the land to bo ' the gift ofthe Almighty to the people , " and consequently did not admit ofthe right of sale of it , but simply that it should be held in trust for the benefit of the people , producing a rental suflicient for governmental purposes . ( Hear , hear . ) Many of the trades had already taken up this question , and they wished the public land to be dealt with in the same manner as land was now dealt with that was required for railroads or other public purposes , namely—that an Act of Parliament should be obtained sanctioning its use , for the purpose of self-supporting Home Colonies . Their second rule contained that great and all essential principle ,
Universal Suffrage ; and surely no intelligent , rightminded man , would deny to his fellow creatures who was non-convicted of crime , and who had arrived at twenty-one years of age , the right to vote , and' who , he boldly asked , was better calculated to exercise that privilege wisely and well , than the intelligent inechanics ofthe United Kingdom ? Their third principle was national education , by which he meant , a good secular and scientific education principle . Their fourth embraced " a representative currency , " which should be forthwith issued by the government , and be equal in amount to the wealth offered in exchange . The legitimate use of currency was to enable a man when he had made a coat to go to the bank , obtain its symbol
or representative , which should enable him to go to the . store and get what he required in exchange ; let this be once effected , and from that moment they might date the emancipation of labour . Their next principle was * that "Great Britain and Ireland contain a superabundance of land , skill , and capital , to profitably employ , and comfortably support more than double its population . The government should introduce a bill establishing self-supporting Home Colonies , and this he ( Mr . Walton ) held to be the best way of finding employment for the unemployed , combining as it did the primitive elements of wealth , land , skilled labour , and capital . The next principle was , that the application of machinery should bs
made available to the interest of the whole community . Another of their principles declared the necessity of forming local boards of trade , under tlie superintendence of a Minister of Labour , who would act as an impartial arbitrator between the employer nnd the employed . ( Hear , hear , ) The eighth article declared that most excellent , principle-that taxation should be equalised , by . substituting for all ; other taxes a graduated Property Tax . " He was happy to tell them , then , organisation was progressing ; since he attended their preliminary meeting a body of shoemakers , numbering upwards of seven hundred , had sent in their adhesion ; and be trusted they wou'd have the co-operation of the tailors . He trusted to see the trades act with a
spirit which would carry the conviction home to the powers thu tbe—that the working classes were not to be trifled with when they were in earnest . Mr . Walton resumed his seat amidst great cheering . . Mr . Reaudon then moved the first resolution : — "That the journeymen tailors present do hereby form a branch or lodge of the National Organisation of Trades , for the industrial , social , and political emancipation of labour . " After a few words from Mr . Barker , the resolution was put and carried unanimously ; after which , Mr . C . F . Goodfellow , was elected delegate ; Mr . Williams e'ected secretary ; and after votes of thanks to Mr . Walton and the chairman , the meeting adjourned till Monday evening next , at six o'clock .
Employment Op The Poor. Home Colonies. A...
EMPLOYMENT OP THE POOR . HOME COLONIES . A great meeting of the Trades of London , at winch more than two thousand operatives were present , was held at the Hall of Commerce , Thread-• ncedlc-strcet , on Wednesday evening , " to take into consideration the distressed condition of tho trades ofthe metropolis , and the working classes generally , with a view to petition parliament to sanction the establishment of Home Colonies j as the best and most efficient mode of giving immediate employment to the numerous , but compulsory unemployed of our population ; also to consider the propriety of petitioning parliament for the establishment of local boards of trade . " Mr . L . J . Hansard took the chair , and expatiated upon the objects for which the meeting had been convened .
Mr . A , "\ Yauon moved the first resolution , which was as follows : — " That as Great IRritain and Ireland contain suflicient land and capital to employ and support , under associational arrangements and skilful directions , several times the number of their present population , the government supported by the legislature , should bo called upon to pass an act for the establishment of self-supporting home colonies , combining agricultural , manufacturing , and educational arrangements , for employing the present unemployed of the industrious classes , and thereby prevent the increase of pauperism and crime which now threatens to overturn the whole institutions of society . " It was the desire ofthe association that this question of employment should not
be made a question of party politics , but that they should receive the support and co-operation of pers , on £ of all political creeds , who thought it desirable that a move extended field of employment should be afforded to the working classes . The trades' delegates in Manchester were commissioned to ascertain the correct condition of the trades of that district , and they showed that it was worse than it had been in former times . It appeared that the number of artisans and mechanics in London was 200 , 000 , and one-third was employed at wages totally inadequate to obtain for themselves and their families a sufficient supply of the necessaries of life . . One-third was half employed , and the remaining third was obliged to accent relief at tho
workhouse . Denefit and trades societies had been compelled to withdraw then- funds from the savings banks , and apply them to the keeping their members from starvation . Many trades had expressed a wish that some means of employment might be found ; amongst such trades might be enumerated the several buildlngbranches , carvers , gilders , tailors , shoemakers , & c ., & c , & c . While recently at a meeting of weavers , he had heard one of their members inost truthfully declare , that bod y to be one living mass of starvation , ( Hear , hear . ) The problem as to how the people might be profitably employed , might be easily solved , for its immediate application was at once within the power of the legislature . All that was
required was simply the combination of the three primary elements of wealth , viz ., land , skilled labour , . and capital . Let them examine how far they had these valuable elements of human happiness . They had the authority of M'Culloch , Sir John Sinclair , Sheriff Alison , and other eminent statists , that if the land of Great Britain and Ireland was properly cultivated , it was capable of sustaining from 120 , 000 , 000 to 130 , 000 , 000 of a population . If that were true , how came is to pass that such large masses ofthe people were in a state of destitutio * ? An answer to this question must be sought from the lips , of the minister , and the legislature must be made to solve tho question of labour . ( Loud cheers . ) The cause was that the land was locked up against the people , They had twenty-two milUon acres of
Employment Op The Poor. Home Colonies. A...
waste lands , a considerable portion of which might be made available to give immediate employment . Moreover , they had the statement of the most accredited authorities that if the crown lands were sold they would fetch upwards of twenty millions . They might be made a more profitable source of revenue to the crown by allowing them to he let at afair rental . Sir John Sinclair had said our land was not two-thirds cultivated . Ay , but it was asked , will you interfere with private property ? Did not Parliament interfere with private property for railway purposes , fov the improvement of towns , and when it brought in an Irish Encumbered Estates Bill ? ( Loud cheers . ) Then let us not be met with this senseless cry of , interference with private property . Then withrcsneefc to the second element , that
of skilled labour . The tons of thousands who now thronged our streets were a sufficient proof of our having a superabundance of that element . With respect to capital , they proposed to raise that by way of loan from the imperial treasury . The higher cla sses by Exchequer bills do this to support their own interests , and surely it is more justifiable when it wonld save millions from starvation . ( Great cheering . ) He thought the millions given to Ireland should have been spent in setting her population to work at self-supporting employment , ana if the government had so employed it , sure he was instead of their now requiring £ 50 , 000 , they would be in a position to return that amount . ( Much cheering . ) Government found money for the blacks , and surely tbey could not object to find one million , five
hundred thousand , to permanently employ the whole British population . ( Repeated'cheers . ) Ho would show how they proposed to continue these elements . Let them , then , suppose , as the basis of a plan , that l , 00 o families of five each betaken from 10 of our principal towns , and let each individual have one acre ; that would be 50 , 000 acres ; and all practical men agreed that it required £ 10 per acre to commence their practical operations . That would amount to £ 500 , 000 . It would require £ 750 , 000 to erect the necessary dwellings and sluices , and then it would require , say £ 120 , 000 to purchase the necessary machinery requisite to combine manufactures -with agriculture ; and as tho men would require to subsist during tho time they were employed at tho early state of their proceedings , if 10 s . per
week were allowed to each family for six months ( and they ought not to have less ) there would be a further sum of £ 130 , 000 , making , in all , £ 1 , 500 , 000 . Thus , by applying these three constituent elements of wealth , immediate employment mi g ht be given to large masses of the unemployed . ( Loud cheers . ) There were many schemes before tho people for bettering their condition , and amongst others the Cobden one , for curtailing our expenditure , and reducing our armaments ; to this he had no objection , ashe thought a man was much more useful with aspade in his hand than a musket , but at the same time let it not be forgotten , that every man discharged from the army , was an addition to the supply m the unemployed labour market . It was fallacious on the part of any government to expect
a people to be loyal , whilst that government stood between the people and the means of existence—( tremendous cheering ) — if employment and the means of existence were not found , wo must expect to hear of convulsions . Tho question was not now , whether this King or that Pope should rule , but how can the people be best employed , and obtain the greatest reward for their labour ? Mr . Walton resumed his scat amidst loud and long continued applause . Mr . A . Campbell seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Mr . Kalthober moved the adoption of a petition to the House of Commons to the following effect : — " That your petitioners belong to the industrious working classes , whose only means of subsistence
depends upon the demand for their labour ; and that considerable mumbers of your petitioners are sutferiig the greatest prviations for tho want of useful employment , while the other portion are obliged to levy heavy contributions on themselves to sfcipport those who are compelled to go idle , to save them from starvation or the workhouse ; that the demand for their labour , and the wages they receive are becoming daily scarce and uncertain , which deprives your petitioners of obtaining the means of subsistence . That your petitioners , as well as the working classes generally , are , under the present management of society , compelled to be idle , and suffer all its direful consequences . That society is deprived of the benefits of their labour , and tho revenue of her Majesty ' s government considerably diminished .
That your petitioners are the friends of order , the protectors of property ; that for the preservation of the oneand theprotection ' of the other , your petitioners respectfully implore your honourable House to consider a remedy for the evils under which your petitioners now suffer as the best and surest means of preventing those convulsions which must inevitably follow from excessive poverty arising Irom compulsory idlesness . Your petitioners are fully satisfied that the remedy is simple and effective , and its immediate application within the power of your Hon . House . That it consists of a well-devised system of home colonisation , uniting in due proportions , land
labour , and capital , for agricultural , manufacturing , and commercial purposes : the whole to be under the direction of those who have most experience in their respective branches . Your petitioners , therefore , pi-ay that that your Hon . House will introduce a bill sanctioning the establishmcntof home colonies , and that sufficient capital be supplied , by way of loan , from the Imperial Treasury for that purpose , being the best and most profitable means of giving productive employment to our numerous but compulsorily unemployed population . " Mr . Winton seconded the motion , which was carried unanimously .
Mr . J . Wilson moved the second resolution : — " That , for the just protection of labour and the fair profits of trade , a labouring protecting board should be established for the purpose of regulating , from time to time the prices of labour , and thereby preventthe ruinous competition among employers , and the demoralising and destructive effects on the working classes . " Mr . BmscK seconded the resolution . Mr . CGooppellow , in supporting tbe resolution , showed the competition prevailing in the
manufacture of army clothing . Here , said he , are the inmates of workhouses , prisons , penitentiaries , « Ssc , & c , brought to bear against the independent labourer . ( Hear , hear . ) Ay , he blushed to own it , in this land of Bibles and Prayer-books , the so-called independent labourer was made to compete with the pauper and felon . The actions of our very religious rules strangely belied their preaching . ( Immense cheering , ) He a ? ked not charity but justice . Charity was for slaves , justice for freemen . ( Tremendous cheering . )
Mr . Helajporce moved : — "That the petition be engrossed , signed by the chairman , and presented to both Houses of Parliament- '' Mr .. Hamnel seconded the motion , which was unanimou-ly adopted . Mr . Thomas Cooper having been loudly ca'led for said , he was-thinking thatas no particular member of the House of Commons had been named to present the petition , the renegade of Tamworth would do , seeing that he had recommended that a transfer of property should take place , that the wilds of Conneniara , under commissioners , taking " an enlarged view ofthe matter , '' should be appointed to transfer them with justice and equity . ( Laughter . ) Well all we require is that the . wilds of England shall be " transferred withjusticeandequity , "takingan "
enlarged view of the matter of cours , —( laughter)—and there , were twenty-two million acres of them . ( Hear , hear . ) He agreed nith the last speaker , but could not agree with the first , who was desirous of excluding politics altogether . ( Ilere Mr . Walton rose to deny this , and disclaimed party politics . ) Mr . Cooper did not wish to quarrel with him ; he was a Chartist , as well as he was—sure they all were . ( Tremendous cheering . ) True he did not how handle the awl , draw the thread , or bend over the last now , but he worked hard with his head , but still he never could forget his origin , or the condition of the operatives of Leicester , the town in which he was born . ( Cheers . ) A baronet had cal ' ed i-n him to ask him what they wanted the Charter for . He
had told him as a means of obtaining and cultivating the land in order to live . ( Loud cheers . ) He trusted they would couple the Charter with their movement . ( Loud cheers . ) He moved that Sir R . Peel present the petition to the House of Commons . Mr . Walter Cooper seconded the motion . The resolution was unanimously adopted . On the motion of Mr . Campbell , seconded by Mr . Walton , a vote of thanks wai given by acclamation to the chairman , who , in acknowledging the compliment , gave fifty pounds to the funds of ' * The Nati-nal Organisation of Trades , for the Industrial , Social , and Political Emancipation of Labour . " This test of his sincerity was greeted with prolonged applause , The meeting then quietly dissolved .
To The C Oal And Ironstone Miners Of Lan...
TO THE C OAL AND IRONSTONE MINERS OF LANARKSHIRE . ( From the North British Express . ) Fellow-Workmen , —Considering the improved state of tlie iron trade , and the great advance on the price of iron , I am more than astonished to think that no portion of our trade seems as yet inclined to move for a rise of wages . We have had now eighteen months of keen adversity , and really it is time we were beginning to inquire whether or no we have learned anything from the admonitions of that stern teacher , that may be of service to us in future . We have formerly experienced the benefits resulting from association . ^ We have likewise felt the manifold grievances which our abandonment of union has entailed on us ; and as the last eighteen months have afforded ub sufficient time for reflection , we might now be prepared to decide which is the best for ns to adhere to . Are we to attempt a reorganisation of our body ] or are we to remain as we are ?
To The C Oal And Ironstone Miners Of Lan...
1 hat is the question . Are we , I would ask , to contmue the poor passive and crouching slaves of our taskmasters ? Are we patientl y to submit to toil for them for a pittance far from being adequate to pro-TZ ff M ? A cessai'te , to say nothing 0 f the com * forts of life ? Are we weekly to bear with every species ot insult , scorn , and contumely , lest our muvmvmngs might give offence to those lords of iron , who regard us as mere mechanical automatons that were sent here for the sole purpose of raising tlrm up to the dignity and splendour of princes , and upholding theln in such a state ? No , God forbid . Let us once more unfold the banner of union , for : bsar in mind ( notwithstanding the failures of past struggles ) , it is tbe only means by which we can even expect to secure to ourselves anything approachingto a fair remuneration for our labour . Up , then , brethren of Glasgow and Holytown , it is you that must first lead the van in this good work . Ayrshire
looks to you , the miners of Scotland look to you * Let it not be said , that with iron at 56 s . a ton , miners arc working for little mere than 2 s . in many places , whilst the highest does not exceed 3 s . a day . You have now an organ of the press that will attentively publish reports of your grievances , such as you may furnish the editor with , or of the proceedings of your meetings , resolutions , & c . ; this is a , great advantage , and cannot be too highly , appreciated . I trust that the miners generally will follow up the resolution agreed to by the delegate meeting at Blaekquarry , Glasgow , a few weeks tince ,. viz ., to support the North British Express . Let us so far adopt the spirit of exclusive dealing as to support that portion of the press only who advocate the ri ghts of industry . 1 had intended to make a few observations on the restriction of labour , but have already occupied more space then I had intended , but with the editor ' s permission I shall address you next week . Duncan Robertson .
The Sheffield Razor Grinders. A Public M...
THE SHEFFIELD RAZOR GRINDERS . A public meeting of the association of hand loom ' Linen Weavers was held . t Mr . George Utley ' s , on Monday night , when the committee of the trade , - reported that £ 5 had been given from the funds , and £ 30 lent on loan to the Sheffield committee , to enable them to prosecute the writ of error , which terminated in the favour of Drury , Marsdeii , Bullos , and : tlall . On the motion of Frank Mirfield , seconded by John Hughes , the conduct of the committee wasapproved of . Proposed by John Fairclough , and seconded by M . Woodward , " That , the trade empower their committee to advance a further sum of £ 20 to the Sheffie'd committee , to defend Drury , and brothers , at the ensuing assizes . Carried . Messrs . Hawksworth and It berts returned thanks on behalf of the Sheffield committee . Charles Currie > . chairman . At a public meeting of the inhabitants , which was addressed by the delecates from Sheffield , Messrs . Hawksworih , Roberts , Richard Taylor , Frank Mirfield , and others of Barnsley , it was resolved : ' That , if . is the duty of the working men of Barnsley to enter into a general subscription iu aid of the Sheffield committee to defend Drury , Marsden , Bullos , and Hall , at the present assizes . The town was divided into districts , and Mr . Richard Taylor appointed to obtain collectors to receive contributions . Mr . William Fullerson handed in eight-Shillings , received from a few friends , towards tha defence .
"Vyl-Stmi.Vster Reform Societr. — On Mon...
" VYl-stmi . vster Reform SociETr . — On Monday evening a meeting of the members of this society took place at the York Hotel , "Wellington-street , Co vent Garden . Mr . Gecson in the chair . The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed , several new members were proposed and admitted . The chairman called the attention ofthe meeting to a fact strikingly illustrative of the extraordinary inequalities existing in their present representative system . In the Tower Hamlet ? there were 18 , 748 registered electors , by whom two members were returned to Parliament . Now he held in his hand a list of fifty towns , the number ( ol registered electors in which amounted to 18 , 511 , or 237 less than the Tower Hamlets , yet they returned
no less than eighty-six members . ( Hear , hear . ) It was stated that in several parishes in Westminster , meetings were in progress for tho purpose of petitioning for a repeal of the window-tax . —Mr . Austin regretted that while tho inhabitants of Westminster were making very great efforts to procure a diminution of the public burthens , they should have returned a representative to Parliament , who thought it his duty to oppose Mr . Cobden in his attempt to reduce the army and navy estimates to the footing of 1835 . Sir Do Lacy Evans was a soldier , and perhaps could not conscientiously support Mr . Cobden in carrying out that portion of his financial scheme which referred to the army : but the
electors of Westminster had conscientious duties to fulfil also , and if they were wise , they would not again return a man likely to bo influenced by professional predilections . ( Hear , hear . )—The meeting , after having been addressed by other speakers , was adjourned . Repeal op the Window Tax . —On Tuesday a meeting of tbe vestrymen of St . James's , 'Westminster , was held , Mr . Churchwarden Gcesin in the chair , to petition for a repeal of the window-tax . The petition having been adopted ncm . con ., it was resolved that Mr . Lushington , M . P ., be requested to present the petition to the House of Commons ; arid after some uninteresting business , the vestry broke up .
The Arbitration Movement . —On Tuesday evening a meeting of the inhabitants of Farringdon Ward was hold in the British School Rooms , Harpalley , Farringdon-strcet , to' adopt a petition to Parliament in favour of Mr . Cobden ' s motion for treaties of arbitration to settle international disputes instead of war . Mr . Fry took the chair . The petition having been read , its adoption was mo .-fid by Mr . M'Crce , and unanimously carried . Thanks were passed to the chairman , and' the meeting separated . Repeal of Malt-Tax . —Meetings for the repeal of this tax have been held at Doncaster , Dorking , Chelmsford , and other places .
Oxford Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association . —A meeting was held on Monday , when a report was read by the secretary , and adopted , as also a petition to the House of Commons , urging the necessity of a large and immediate reduf ; ion of tho national expenditure , with a view to a corresponding diminution of the burden of taxation ; and praying also for tho substitution of direct in lieu of indirect taxation , so that all classes may be assessed according to their income . A vote of thanks to W . P . Wood , Esq ' . M . P . for Oxford , for his consistent support of Mr . Cobden ' s motion oil the 26 th ult ., was . unanimously carried .
To The Chartists Of Dalston, Cumberland.
TO THE CHARTISTS OF DALSTON , CUMBERLAND .
Brother Dkmocrms , I am informed that you desire to put me in nomination as one of the candidates for the representation of Cumberland , in ' the forthcoming Con * vention . ' I feel myself flattered by your preference , the more so as it tells me that I still enjoy that confidence which prompted you to elect me your delegate to the first Chartist Convention which assembled ten years ago , in the memorable year 1839 . But in the first place , 1 must observe , that up to this time , no Convention has been summoned . A Convention has been suggested by Mr . O ' Connor , but up to this time the Executive have not deliberated , and of course not decided on that suggestion . In the event of a national delegation being con *
vened , I fear it would not be . in my power to place my humble services at your disposal . Last year I was elected to represent Nottingham in the Chartist Convention—I did so , but with extreme difficulty ; the performance of ray duties as a member of the Convention , in addition to the duties of my office in connexion with the Northern Star , being much more than one man ' s work . Hence , I was compelled to decline the nomination of delegate for Nottingham to the ' Assembly . ' And hence , I must very respectfully request that you will not submit my name to the suffrages of your ( and my ) brother Chartists of Cumberland . I say this with some reluctance , for I remember with pleasure and gratitude my former connexion with the good Democrats of the English border counties .
This answer is given publicly instead of privately , in accordance with your request . A severe fit of illness prevented this reply appearing in last Saturday ' s Star . With sincere respect and gratitude » lam , Brother Democrats , For ' tbe Charter and no surrender / Yours eter faithfully , G . JVLIAN HaKNBX . Northern Star Office , March 8 tb , 1849 .
One Missing.—The Rev. F. Coyle, In A Lec...
One Missing . —The Rev . F . Coyle , in a lecture on memory , delivered at Adelaide ( reported in the South Australian Register ) , instanced stage-drivers , whose memory of orders and directions given them is remarkable . He once rode outside with the owner and driver of a stage from Troy to the land of the Knickerbocker ; the driver could not have had less than fifty parcels , and messages to deliver by the way ; buthewasat a loss , he had forgotten one parcel , but , " ding him if he could remember what it was . " At length the stage arrived at his owndoor , when his children came rushing out with a " Welcome home , Pa ; but , oh , where did youleave-Ma ? " " May I be teetotally scorched , " said he , " if I hain't forgot Sal 1 " That was the missing parcel
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 10, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_10031849/page/5/
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