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jBE FUTURE OF CHARTISM
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, editor, —Of all things required at •jv...
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/foJ&Si^t^ /fct &tU^ ^ oiL^Z&j&c^'
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^ ANDNATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL.
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M JM S cuhveio obtain the. XT. p. 736. L...
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Among those persons killed during the pr...
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LOUIS BLANC 03 THE REVOLUTION OF BRUTE F...
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A woman named Mary Long, died at Cork la...
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PATRICK O'HIGGINS TO THE CHAR
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF ENGLAND. Friends ,—H...
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PREE TIUBE AND PROTECTION, WITH THEIR RE...
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*— ¦» FRENCH REPUliLlOANS.-A MEETING A.T...
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Failuuks.—tv .;ii-, „-i..>.on of Messrs....
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Jbe Future Of Chartism
jBE FUTURE OF CHARTISM
, Editor, —Of All Things Required At •Jv...
, editor , —Of all things required at jv tai « , a proper appreciation of Cbar-^' - ce £ S ities is the one most to he desired . ^^ ffMmprudent zeal . thetacticsofChartists I ^^ ed to make the name offensive , and fr ^ -sociation 0 f evil p rinciples . This is an aB " ^ ablc consequence of being illiberal to ^" feelings of other men who advocate an ^ = ite policy . 1 hesitate not to say , that ° v ? diicip les of Chartism have been badl y \ f ' sed' that when the * interference ' decree ? issued , a mortal blow was struck at the - litv of' Charter . A political creed ^ notbe forced upon men . When accepted , ^ di sinterestedly , it is the result of a reason-¦ conviction . Hence to thrust upon a ^ tinf ' the sis points of the- Charter ^ liere the assembly has met for a g iven pur-* BO tinconuexiou with thedoctrines therein
ifl ponnded , and the expenses of which are * aid ffom P " vate ^ ^ » * make enemies * f Hberally-minded men , who , but for such ° onduct , may be said to be within si ght of the ^ aine goal . And the worst thing connected lith ail thisis , that it dictates to men they our ? a 16 "S * * m the discussion of the political ¦ k towb of the country—a kind of vanity e ttremely calculated to serve the interests of jyrannv , to the entire sacrifice of freedom of nninion and speech . To be a Chartist , it is
niadly contended , a man must be nothing else . He must have no sympathy with a Reformer trho is content to enfranchise every householder and lod ger , and to introduce the triennial system of representation ; nor must be treat another as sincere who is not for the Payment of Members . Such dictation is unbearable . In a country like our own with bo many traditions of the past , he is the true friend of Progress , who is willing to accept all he can get from a government whose members
io not derive their power from the absolute votes of the people ; ever continuing the strangle to obtain the remainder of his wants , wbidi the fresh accession of power has placed nearer to his grasp . It becomes , then , an undeniable fact , that Mr . Hume , Sir J . Walmsley , and Mr . Bright are doing more real service to the people ' s cause than Chartism can ever hope to do , so long as such arbitrary language is put forth as advice for Chartists to follow .
I have said , in a former letter , that the body of Chartism is dead . Its spirit happil y floats over the surface of eociety , wanting some trne , earnest , practical hea * ds to ali g ht npon . And where are they to be found ? Experience points to five men who , if elected for the purpose of making Chartism a respectable political creed , one that will not abash men at its name , because of its intolerant antecedents , and , in the end , reall y constitute a People ' s Party , such men s names are Thomas Cooper , Ernest Jones , Robert Le Blond , S . M . Ky dd ,
and Bronterre 0 Brien . These gentlemen are men of ability as well as of practical life ; well qualified to undertake so responsible a task . Certainly they are not the only persons to be mentioned as capacitated for the office ; but as I know names may be g iven of friends who could not serve the cause as members of its Executive , through ill health and private engagements , as declared by themselves , I haveltated those only who , I believe , are prepared to lead , if invited to do so and a fair amount of confidence guaranteed to their
efforts . An Executive so appointed must be paid . Tbek entire services must be ensured . One of the five should be chosen as Secretary , who must he a man as ready with his pen as he should be exp licit in his statements relative to the progress of the movement . Two of the five could be spared to advocate the cause in the provinces , for , though absent , their opinions , by letter , could always be obtained , upon matters of urgent importance ; and two of the remaining three mi g ht serve the
movement in London , by their personal advice and advocacy in the local meetings . For funds , let the 1 st of January next be the day named for the enrolment of members , by the payment of Is . for the year 1852 ; collected , in localities , in four quarterly p ayments of 3 d . each ; and let those who would help the cause by a larger contribution be permitted to do so , the contributor not deriving any extra power as a consequence of his extra subscription . Surely , G , 000 men can be found to contribute , on the day named , 3 d . per head ; which , if done , would realise a sum of £ 7 B , and other 500 men to pay Is . each , or £ 25 , in all £ 100 , as a surety to the newly-formed Executive that
their immediate exigencies can he defrayed from this collection , which will be added to as each week passes by . I am quite sure that there are 50 , 000 men to be found prepared to pay the quota here demanded , and who would do so before the end of June next ; so that £ 0 * 25 would be the quarterly income of the wovement , from that time , a sum that would not only 1 ) 6 sufficient to make the cause both solvent and respectable , but would give an amount of power to it , which , in result , must prove irresistible . How easy , then , are the means for building up an effective organisation , which shall make the people ' s voice heard both in and out of Parliament 1
Having provised thus much , I desire to add a word of caution . It is the great fault of the working classes , that directly they connect themselves with any political or social ^ movement , they immediately look for the ri pening of the fruit . That feeling is the ruin of their order . They forget that there are negative as well as positive good to be accomplished ; and that the natural effect of an unequivocal organisation is to prevent future evil being done , as well as to urge on the increasing liberty of the peop le . So hostile is the class in whose hands is reposed the balance of power in England—the middle class—that , for my part , I do not expect that the principle of
Manhood Suffrage will be granted for the next twent y years , live who may , amongst us , to see it It could be obtained much earlier , were the men wanting it but true to themselves ; but , viewing them as they are , and allowing for their weaknesses , they must become an altered body to achieve the victory sooner than I have just named . This will be denied , I doubt not by some ; laug hed at by the sanguine ; and generally pronounced as unencouraging , and therefore injudicious . Be this as it may , the man who thinks that so great a political change can be broug ht about in a less time , divided as men are npon the question itself , is onl y deceiving himself ; and the sooner he is aware of the fact , the
better will it be for the cause generally . There is much work to he done , apart from that connected immediately with the Charter . An Executive of a People ' s Party must become the friends of the oppressed poor ; make its voice heard upon the great social questions which affect the dwellings and sanitary arrangements of the more humble portions of their order ; and otherwise awaken attention to the important and leading features of any particular crisis , be it commercial or political . The country must be made to know that the cause of Chartism ia identical with the real
Wants of the people ; and that the * Sis Points' are but the development of a par * of a great whole , the adoption of which will expedite the accomplishmentof the latter . This Jill be the future of Chartism , if it is ever destined to occupy any important place in the country ' shistory . A new Executive is about to be chosen , formed of men who , not being paid for their arduous Services , must attend to their personal dnties . I am sensible of the difficulty in advising a contrary line of action , because it is in the bond that such should be the case . But when the Convention so agreed , it had no attempt was made , by the ^ wl y electe d Exe-
, Editor, —Of All Things Required At •Jv...
, subscriptions I have menturned , of 3 d . or Is . per head from every real friend of the Charter , on the 1 st of January next , and 10 , 000 men respond to that appeal , wh y not convene a new Convention , to determine npon tbe question of having a paid Executive , their remuneration , and the policy to he followed in the subsequent agitation of the movement .. Trul y there is no time to lose , The moments are precious . If we cannot obtain Manhood Suflrage m 1852 , the leaders of the peop le must make the Ministerial measure as closely approximate thereto as human and peaceful efforts can do . I say peaceful ; for in the name of all that is dear to our causelet
no-, thing be done which is at all calculated to give triumph to our enemies , b y p lacing the law between them and our writers and speakers . As Englishmen , Chartists might trul y say , the Law and the Constitution are our watchwords . To obey both is the devotion of our lives . "We struggle to improve , not to destroy . We have libert y of speech and communication ; and as evidence of our appreciation of these blessings , we will not abuse either in our own persons , and will endeavour to enforce as much acquiescence in others . ' This will be thought exceedingl y conservative ; but my objectors may rel y upon it that it is eminentl y practical , and pregnant with subseauent benefit .
The Executive that is about to quit office deserves the favourable consideration of thefriends of progress . It has done its best ; though , as constituted , it could do but little . Composed of men of various opinions , if not political , its twin all y social , unanimity of action could not be expected from it . Thus , as one instance onl y , —Mr . Thornton Hunt is a Communist , and he says he particularly desires to be surrounded only by men like in princi ple . If Mr . Hunt ' s wishes are gratified , then Chartism and Communism must be declared as one . This is the danger of an unpaid Executive . Every one of its members must live ; and the better to do so , his name must he identified with a particular set of
opinions . Now as he cannot subsist by advocating the Charter onl y , his own ideas of right ( some people call them hobbies , 1 do not ) , must ever be predominant ; so that in the end the leaders of Chartism are found to embrace nearl y every kind of ism promulgated . All this is very prejudicial ; for , if Chartism is to be bagged with Communism ; or if , b y the advocacy and support of the former , an identity of sympath y is to be avowed in the latter , then I say Chartism has for ever perished , both in body and spirit , and the people should call npon the editor of the * Leader' to write its epitaph , as one who contributed his quota to render its existence in this life more painful than natural .
In the names I have g iven , Mr . Feargus O'Connor ' s is omitted . I wish to spare that gentleman such labours . He has done his work , for the present . Both in health and fortune his sacrifice has been great . Our children will speak of him as such , when history only shall record his actions . He is not the man , however , that should be now solicited to travel the up-hill journey before us , His name will be more effective as a venerated
mend than a present adviser . No slur upon his past advocacy will be cast , if that he be not one of the chosen few . "Whatever honour is centred in an Executive , it can add nothing to the position held by , and respect entertained for , that gentleman . I am for releasing him now that an opportunity serves . I am sure I am serving the cause of the Charter b y advising the withdrawal of his name ; and I feel equally sure I am doing Mr . O'Connor a lasting service , by soliciting him to take no active part in the future of Chartism , until his constitution has recovered from the shock which the enemies to his Land Scheme have chiefly occasioned . Recollect , the election is an annual one . It is the necessities of the time
that are consulted , and not present dishonour to any man . And let no man , omitted in my list , feel that the absence of his name is a disrespect to his past services . I have chosen five out of thirty men who are already named as competent to govern the movement . I do not say they are the most learned or experienced men to be found in that list ; but I do say , and challenge inquiry into the fact , that in ability they are
second to none ; while in their persons are concentrated less of the current isms of the day , and more of the sterling reality of Chartism , which is so much needed at the present moment , than can be found in a different selection . Personall y , they are strangers to me . In p rivate , 1 never exchanged a - word with but one of them , and that but cursorily . They are only known to me publicly . Therefore , in mentioning their names , the interests at stake have only been consulted .
The events of the hour call for vigorous action . If Chartism cannot live now it never can again . Bold and clever men are wanted at the helm . There are numbers read y to man the good shi p , bat to steer clear of the breakers a-head skilful p ilots are wanted . I have faith in its ultimate destiny . The needle points to a land of promise and hope . Her sails are set , and the vessel is read y for the riding of the political storm .
Look to its passage , then , you that are sincere in wishing God speed to its journey . Cease your mutinous feeling . Learn discipline from the ranks of active service . Appoint competent men as your guides ; and protect them from the malevolence of the enemy . See that you give them the means for securing their devotion ; and leave the management of the vessel to them . . i m i ! . _ _ fi r « l t »_ : j . „!— TV ., » Great BritainThe
Awake , Chartists of . call now made is imperative . In your hands reposes the future destiny of « The Peo ple ' s Charter . ' An honest action on your part will g ive the princi p les of that document anew life . Answer by your conduct shall Chartism live again ? Say , on the dawn of the new year , that it shall ; and be sure you will have done an act worth y of yon as freemen , and beneficial to the principles expounded in your name . Cbssoe .
/Foj&Si^T^ /Fct &Tu^ ^ Oil^Z&J&C^'
/ foJ & Si ^ t ^ / fct & tU ^ ^ oiL ^ Z & j & c ^'
^ Andnational Trades' Journal.
^ ANDNATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL .
M Jm S Cuhveio Obtain The. Xt. P. 736. L...
M JM cuhveio obtain the . XT . p . 736 . LONDON , SATURDAY ^ DECEMBER 13 8 r m ^ m vrmam n .,. ^_ ' »« ww »*» kuvmhm / mm « V | HUtfii p . re shiiiiagoand Sixpence per Qnnvlcv fiUlive . to nlitoJn tt , ry n „ i . _ i _ a : t , —^—^—a——— i ¦ ——Z ^ . ¦ .
Among Those Persons Killed During The Pr...
Among those persons killed during the present French Revolution was Mr . Charles Iloffe , whose friends reside in Southampton . Mr . Hoffe was an intellig ent and amiable man , and was for many rays connected with the press of Paris ; his knowledge of several languages rendered faim peculiarly adapted for such a connexion . His mother is an a ged widow lady residing in Southampton , and to whom the disastrous news of her son ' s death was a sad blow . Mr , Iloffe was a widower , with two young children , who are stay ing at Southampton . It was only a week or two since than he came to Eng land to see them .
Thb Smithfield Club Cattle Show was opened to private view on Monday . The arrivals of cattle and other stock are numerous . The North Western , Great Western , and Great Northern railways have brought the larger proportion ; and the animals apnear in fine condition . . P Chdbch Reform .-Two churches in London , viz the Church of St . Stephen , Westminster , and Christ Church , Broadway , Westminster , are open all day for private worship , or for inspection . It is tbe particular desire ef the clergy that no money be given to the aUendants . - £ n 5 fM CRurcftman , _ _
Louis Blanc 03 The Revolution Of Brute F...
LOUIS BLANC 03 THE REVOLUTION OF BRUTE FORGE . The following letter has been addressed to the editor of a morning Journal by Louis Blanc :- ° ' Sib , —It is cruel to be compelled again to take up the pen , when the soul is horrorstricken and the hand seeks a sword . There are things , however , of which it is absolutely necessary that public opinion in Europe should be informed . In my own country , momentaril y crushed , the press is dumb : I have recourse to that of a free people .
Nothing is finished , Sir . A mock Ccesar , supported b y his drunken praetorian guards , cannot impose himself on Prance . It is not by cannon shot that the French revolution can be driven back . Nothing is finished . This is what every one says j it is at least what every one thinks . If I had onl y to prove this my letter would be useless . But one fact stands forth in the history of our recent disasters , unforeseen , strange , most important to explain , and of which the key is to be fdimd in the information which I have received since my departure from London .
- That an army of 100 , 000 men , disciplined , experienced , formed of chosen regiments , and supported b y a formidable artillery , should have held Paris in check—Paris taken unprepared—Paris long since disarmed—Paris without ammunition and without pikes—what is there surpising in this ? And yet , had the faubourgs thrown themselves en masse into the insurrection , of two things one would assuredl y have happened . Either this army of 100 , 000 men would have been destroyed , or Louis Bonaparte would have escaped the execrable distinction of remaining erect amid corpses and ruins—so great is the intrepidity of the people of Paris ; such ia the devotion , such the intelligence which it brings to the combats of liberty .
But the working men , taken en masse , have not engaged in the struggle . This is certain . Wh y is it so ? Why ? Because their first words were ' C ' est bienfait , ' when they heard of the dissolution of the Assembl y which had sickened and disgusted them ; when they heard of the arrest of M . Thiers , who had spoken of them as the vile multitude , of the arrest of General Cavai gnac , who in the month of June had fired upon and decimated their ranks ; and of General Chaugarnier , of whom the reactionists boasted as a captain capable of insulting by the use of the whip , as well as of striking with the sword .
Placed between the maintenance of the robber law of May , and the pretended restitution of Universal Suffrage , between the danger of a monarchical restoration and that of a sham Republic , between the obstinate denial of its ri g hts and a h yp ocritical homage rendered to its sovereignty , the peop le retired , leaving the field to the two tyrannies , of which one would serve to destroy the other , and reserving its blood for less equivocal triumphs . The defeat
of the President , might it not result in the reinstallation of the Assembl y , repudiating the people in insurrection after having drained its life blood , proclaiming itself the leg itimate power , taking possession of the army , creating for its own . purposes a parliamentary dictator , and , taking [ r . ' . y- }*? ¦ sm-vv . ' , ^ some new ' $ - omened hero of June ' ; and then , with loaded cannon , turned against tbe people , how could they come and demand a reckoning from their new master ?
It is true that the victory of the President was also an immense peril . But here at least one resource remained to try—the vote . It is true on the other hand , that the people once master of the streets , would have been more in a position to dictate than to submit to laws ; but it had already so often had to see , iuthe confusion which follows a battle , France robbed of the price oftho victory which had been gained . Distrust had even been shown towards it , and in its turn it was distrustful . The other day the ' Times , ' speaking for the representatives of the bourgeoisie supposed them to say , Nontali anxilionec defenmihwristis . Alas ! the people on its side , with regard to the representatives of the bourgeoisie , has had the very same sentiment which these words express . Here is the horrible , the melancholy fatality which has dominated the occasion .
God grant that this experience may be profitable to all . It has become absolutely necessary that the bourgeoUie should lay on one side itsunjust suspicions , stretch a friendly hand to the people , and consent henceforth to be one with it . Here is the only safety of liberty and civilisation . How profound and terrible a lesson ! The members of the Parliamentary majority had triumphantly inaugurated the system of the state of siege—and behold they themselves are made to undergo its utmost rigours . They had disarmed their fellow-citizens ; and behold arms are wanting against the sanguinary domination of the soldier . They had never ceased to decry the constitution ; by their law of May they destroyed it ; and the constitution is no longer a protection to them .
They had allowed the principle of national representation to he odiously outraged in the persons of their colleagues on the Left ; and drunken corporals now lay rough hands upon them . When the Mountain revolted against the people being called the vile multitude , they cried out with insolent irony , " allons done , " and when they seek a peop le ready to fight for their quarrel , those who who would have combatted may say— " And " n tliis , then , the vile multitude , which is not fit to vote , fit to die ? allons done . " This is the immortal lesson contained in the events which have now occurred . I repeat it—let its bearing be studied , let it be understood . The bourgeoisie and the people must be one and all is saved .
And when I say " all is saved , " I speak not only of France . To divide Europe into three great empires—a Eussian empire extending to Constantinople—an Austrian empire , with the definitive annexation of Ital y ; a French empire , with the addition of Belgium . From this new holy alliance between these three despotic empires to cause to arise a war to the death against the Democratic party , and
against the Liberal and Constitutional party ; to distinguish between tho armies' tread what the absolutist powers call the revolutionary flame—that is to say , whatever li g hts the human sp irit on the way of progress—and if England resists to crush her . .... Such is the plan ( who can doubt it longer ?)—such is tbe sacrilegious plan of which the sack | of Paris is the commencement , avid for the accomp lishment of which Louis Bonaparte has delivered France into the hands of the French
fjfmsiiCris On the reality of this plan , and on the abominable complicity which binds to the fortune of the Emperor Nicholas the ambition of Louis Bonaparte , I may be able very shortly to publish some proofs , which I am now in course of collecting , we can then judge of the important influence which Russian gold exercises in the humiliation and misfortunes of France . Meanwhile , Sir , it is indispensable that Europe should know that the issue of these last events is attributable neither to the indifference of the people nor to the cooling of its spirit—nor , least of all , to its Bonapartism—a word impossible to write without a blush .
And this will remain true , even should the result of a shameless management of the vote appear to indicate the contrary . ISo , no ; the people ot France has not deserted all its traditions of courage , of noble pride , of devotion to liberty . £ P ;~ ing the famous expression which Sieves applied to the Asssemblyof 1789 , fallen for a moment under the blow of brute force— " The peop le is to-day what it was before . " Dee . 9 , 1851 .
A Woman Named Mary Long, Died At Cork La...
A woman named Mary Long , died at Cork last week , at the great age of 106 years ,
Patrick O'Higgins To The Char
PATRICK O'HIGGINS TO THE CHAR
TISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . I cannot , as formerl y , call you brethren , as I have , for some time , ceased to belong to any political societ y . Nevertheless I still feel as deep an interest in every movement affecting your organisation , your political power , and social happiness , as if I were still an active member of your honoured society . Believe , my friends , that it grieved me sorely to see the recent divisions in your ranks , audtheapathy—the death-like apathy—which pervaded , and still pervades , the only society in the British emp ire , having for its objects the political and social redemption of a peop le , a noble , a generous , and a just people , now on the very abyss of immediable serfdom , slavery , and degradation ,
The treachery and infamy of the spy Powell , and some others of the same sort , in 1848 , did not damp my hopes of the ultimate success of Chartism . I hoped on , and believed in the eternal truth of the sanctified principles of the People ' s Charter . I had hoped that they were too strong , too hol y , too de ' epi-Toofced in the hearts of the people to be struck down b y the machinations of Whi ggery or eke of Toryism .
Chartists , you are men , you know the history of your country , you know , or ought to know , the schemes , traps , p itfalls , and devices of Whiggery . You know , or ought to know , that when the Devil appears in one of Stulz ' s best made coats , and Hoby ' s best top boots , salutes and compliments you , tells you that your are a ri g ht honest tellow ; asks you to take share of a bottle of claret with him , makes you drunk , and then secures you and
yours for his own vile ends , he is then a Whig , and acts like a "Whig . On the other hand , when he appears perfectly undisguised and openly proclaims his ri g ht to act as he thinks proper , and to deal with you as he pleases—should he get a hold of you—he is then a Tory . This being the case , the apparent question is , which shall we have ? The deceitful treacherous Whig , or the openl y professing tyrannical Tory ? A serious difficulty arises where all three characters combine to
destroy the rights of the people . Beware of traitors in your camp ! I never thought that it would be my fate to see a case of this sort , to see the three parties —Whi g , Tory , and the devil himself , pal pably and unmistakeabl y combined to overthrow the peop le . ' Sow dissentions among the Leaders of the Sabines , ' said the Roman to his son , when he cut off the heads of the tallest popp ies in his presence . Strike down the leader , the father , the originator , and the martyr of Chartism , and its votaries will
become an , easy prey , said the infernal trio ; and , to a certain extent , they have succeeded . Who would have thought that the occasion of Kossuth's visit to England would be seized upon as a means to destroy Chartism , —b y striking down its leader , by destroying the man who sacrificed family connexions , friends , wealth , home , happiness , and country , for its great and noble principles , for the holy ambition of being the acknowledged re ^ prescriptive of theri g htsof the working people of England ?
It was hard—very hard , to see through the conduct of the Chartist Executive towards Feargus O'Connor at Copenhagen House and Hi g hbury Barn , until a letter , si gned ' Gr . J . Holyoake , member of the Executive , ' appeared in the ' Star ' of the 6 th inst . The man who does not see the animus and sophistry in that letter as a screen tor " assail Feargus O'Connor , and , if possible , destroy him , must be blind indeed .
I am far from palliating or justify ing Mr . O Connor s appearance at tho dinner to Kossuth at Southampton . Mr . O'Connor should have known , of old , that if the Redeemer himself appeared at that dinner as the advocate—the well-known and trusted advocate of the ri g hts of the working classes , the dinner party assembled then would , if they could , crucify Him , with his head downwards . For tho life of me I cannot ae © what broug ht
him there . But this gross insult to Chartism was not enough . Instesd of taking the first opportunity to retaliate upon its authors , to blot it out , and cover them with disgrace , Messrs . Hunt , Holyoake , and Co . , cap the climax of baseness and ingratitude by their dastardl y conduct at Copenhagen House and Highbury Barn . Why did Messrs . Holyoake and Hunt not enter into some explanation before Kossuth left England ?
Chartists ! I beg to call your attention to the miserable , puerile excuse Mr . Holyoake makes for his ' acquiescence' in Mr . Hunt's behaviour towards Mr . O' Connor . He says , ' the reason of my ultimate acquiescence ( in Mr . Hunt's conduct ) was the understood disinclination of Kossuth to be subjected to the same annoyance as Mr . O'Connor had subjected him to at Southampton . ' Now , just mark the word ^ understood , ' Who understood Kossuth ' s disinclination ? Messrs . Thornton Hunt and Gr . J , Holyoake . They understood it , hut nobody else did . Again , he says , ' This was the reason Mr . Hunt was compelled to propose to the Committee the omission of Mr .
O'Connor s name in the invitations . ' Pray , Mr . Holyoake , who compelled Mr . Hunt to propose to the Committee the omission of Mr , O'Connor s name in the invitations ? Was it Lord John compelled him ? Was it Lord PalmerstonfLord Clarendon , or their friends , Powell , Dobbin , Barrey , and Luke Pundar ? Who compelled him ? Surely the vague terms * understood disinclination' could not compel . But suppose that Kossuth had any such objection ?—which to imagine even for a moment is quite preposterous—suppose that he was so utterl y i gnorant of human nature , and the
feelings of hatred which rankle in the hearts of some rich ruffians against any man whom the working classes choose as their leader—Hapsburgh and Haynau have a most affectionate regard for Kossuth—to be sure they havejust as warm and Cordial as the enemies " of Chartism have for Feargus O'Connor . Permit me to ask you , was it not the duty of your Executive to have taken prompt and effectual means to prove to Kossuth and the whole world that neither the Mayor of Southampton nor any one else could insult with impunity any Chartist leader , much leas Us chosen representative ? Instead of your
Executive dofng this , they have heaped injury upon insult , and , as far as in their power , degraded the Chartists and Chartism below contempt . Rest assured , my friends , that you have not been treated in this manner by those whom you trusted without a quid pro quo . For the last sixteen years the Whi gs have been planning the destruction of Feargus O'Connor . They tried their hand in York Castle , at Lancaster , in 1813 ; at Nottingham , in Bradshaw ' s notorious and infamous case j and , now at Southampton , Copenhagen House , and Highbury Barn . Whiggery has , at length , succeeded in finding tools to do its wicked work .
• Chartists ! if you are men , or deserve the name of men , you will take the earliest opportunity to wipe out this foul disgrace ,
Patrick O'Higgins To The Char
The question for you is , whether theMayoi of Southampton Insulted Mr . O'Connor , and whether Messrs . Hunt , Holyoake , and Co ., added injury and grievous wrong to that insult . I need not tell you that any man who paid for a ticket had a ri ght to be at the Southampton dinner , and to speak there . Patrick O'Higgins . Dublin , 7 th of Dec , 1851 .
To The Chartists Of England. Friends ,—H...
TO THE CHARTISTS OF ENGLAND . Friends , —Having been informed portions of your body in various ' localities have nominated me again as a fit and proper person to act as one of your Executive for the ensuing year , and feelin g confident that year will be one of unusual excitement , I have thought it prudent to lay before you briefly an outline of my views upon your past and future policy , in order that you may run no chance of electing a man whose views may possibly be antagonistic to your own ; and to avoid the possibilitv ( should
I be one of the chosen ) of having it said that I sought your suffrages whilo sailing under falso colours . To be plain with you , therefore , I declare to you I have three positive objections to urge against the policy laid down by those who are , or who assume to be , your leaders : — 1 . I disagree entirely with the proposition that your Executive should be reduced in number or that that body should Jje ^ aid .,. _ / " " ' - *~" -i *' : i *& as 2 . I look upon the notion of working men o . vw being elected , not only as a childish idea , but believe in practice it would be a delusion and a
snare . 3 . 1 scout the idea of repudiating all men but those who belong solely to your movement , believing it to be undemocratic , absurd , and impolitic . My reasons for my first dissentient are briefl y as follows : —A Convention was sailed together on whom devolved the duty oflegislating for the movement , and which decided it sliould be regulated in its present mode ; and until another Convention be called , and until that Convention decides to alter your constitution , it is the duty of all who call themselves Democrats to abide by the laws which their own representatives made ; but further , I hold it to be a wise policy to have as large a number on your Executive as practicable , because ,
first , it ensures a good average attendance ; and , secondl y , for the reason that all propositions having to be examined and sifted by a number of men who , naturally viewing each given circumstance from a different point of sight , will afford a security to your movement that no hasty or undigested measures shall ever again retard or jeopardise tho onward march of Democracy . And as to the prudence or practicability of poying your Executive , really it is not onl y unnecessary , but ia truth it is impracticable ; and were it not , the money could be devoted to better .. purposes . It must be clear to those who do not scorn subtraction , addition , and
multiplication , that to pay three , five , or nine men would consume weekly £ 6 , £ 10 , at £ 19 , leaviug unprovided for secretary , rent , printing , and leetureis . I say we do not want an Executive to live upon your energies and sacrifices , in the form and shape this plan would involve . I say if either of the above sums can be raised , let the money be expended in tracts and lecturers , under the direction of a temperate , capable , and practical Executive ; and you will do infinitely more to elevate and dignify the movement than a mint of money expended merely for the personal services and attendances of an Executive Committee of paid men .
I do nob wish you to infer that I am opposed to the proper payment of those who labour for you either on paper or on the platform—this is altogether a different question—butin this it is my deep conviction you will be better served , and your interests will be safer in the hands of voluntaries who will serve the movement without any other hope of fee or reward save the approbation and testimony of a good conscience , than you would be if you delegate your authority to the sameinumber of men who
could not live unless they were paid by the raoyemeEt for their services ; not that men thus circumstanced would be necessarily dishonest , but the possession of offioe would be craved—and secured tooby the spouters and hangers-on of the movement , who never have done anything but retard it , — whoso antecedents are the shibboleths that keep hundreds of men from joining you , and who , even lately , have done their little all to drive from your councils that class of men who alone can save your movement from extinction ,
In touching upon my second objection , I sliould like , without giving offence , still to make myself distinctly understood . Why do the rational scout hereditary legislation ? Simply because we run the risk of having , as the case may be , a rogue or an idiot , as often as a wise man , for a legislator . This is precisely why , upon principle , I object to an absolute law being laid down " that working men alone should form your Executive Committee . " There is no innate virtue or talent in a " working man " above another man , and the results of the legislative operationa of such a committee I fear if probabilities are to be considered , would be anything but satisfactory . Let me ask , what chance , to obtain the requisite knowledge has a man who
has to toil from sunrise to sunset f It is my hrm belief that if one thousand men , artisans , mechanics , and labourers , who love their children and study their homes , were canvassed , you would not find three men who would or could undertake what you require an Executive Committee to perform ; you would then be driven to the doubtful men whose characters , domestic or public , would not stand the light of Diogenes' lantern , or to those who some of you want to repudiate , namely , that class of men who are in a position that justifies them , for the love of their fellow men , to meet tho required demands on their intellect , their time , and their pockets . One of your eloquent friends ( who can use both tongue and pen , and who , if hia ideas are carried
out , must be " one of , " or perhaps t / ie only one with the required qualifications for , his Executive Committee ) thus writes : — ' Shall the movement proceed in the miserable way in which it has hitherto stagnated V Sow , this is not exactly the thing ; it has the appearance of a dirty bird fouling its own nest ; for was not the writer one of that very Executive that he accuses as tho instrument of this stagnation ? and ( speaking from memory ) he was one , too , whose attendance has not been more regular than that of other members ; whoso sugnestions , practicable or impracticable , have not been more frequent than those of other members ; and whoie absences in the country , though professedly on Chartist business , have not had a tithe of the effect , and for the future will not realize a thousandth part of the value , to Democracy that will spring from the lecturing tours of another member of your Committee , whom he twits with
being absent on other business . Your eloquent friend repudiates the services of men who have papers , and advises you not to elect a man who has counting-house business to attend to . If the latter cap is meant to fit me , thus I reply to it : That any men who rise from tho ranks of labour by industry —who , amid their rising prosperity , have never turned their backs upon the toilers—who have the respect Of a lar » e number of working men—and who , in those sneered at counting-houses , communicate daily with more men capable of doing good service to the cause than certain other people ( j ud ging from tho past ) are ever likely to meet with in their lives—and who , by their practice and demeanour , have given pledges of their sincerityare worth shoals of your untried , theorizing , non » contributing , fauH-fiading , do-as-I-say-not-as-I-do declaimers .
I now will briefly touch upon the third objection I have to make against the absurdity—the madness of repudiating men who belong to other movements . I have heard of some men who , having but one idea themselves , have a strange fancy to make all the world subserve to it ; and I have heard , too , of a certain Fox who , having lost his tail , endeavoured to persuade foxes with tails they would be better without theirs ; but I never expected amongst a class of men who have studied , or who pretended to have studied , the aspects of political or social economy , to find any hardy enough to attempt its realization , I should like to know how many capable men you would have left in your movement
if members of the following associations were ineligible to act as your officers — the Christian Socialist , the Anti-State Chuvoh , and Parliamentary Reform Associations , the Society for the Repeal of the Taxes on Knowledge , and the Secular School Society ; te say nothing about the plan proposed actually Shutting out men who went ior Jive points out of the six . How" beautifully less " would the sum total of efficient members soon be , were such a narrow and miserable policy foisted upon the so oft deluded bod y to which you bcIon <>! For my own part , I tell you candidly , if you elect me , I . shall join or act with any association I please ; and if you do not like it , ; pray do not elect me . Further , I tell ygu . it is high time you threw
To The Chartists Of England. Friends ,—H...
off the mental yoke of those eccentric councillors who bare always reduced the real , friends of protrress to the necessity of serving your movement ( if , indeed , it , r ,-, to he served at all ) in despius of font-sal ve * and your iouil-in ! k )» tf advocates . Yoar t'loqucut friend sav .-c , " Tin- men eleoiL-. i ought to oe tried , indubitnblc—real bona fide Chartist * . " ibis is a sounding sort of sciituiico ; but . either means nothing , or else n > c ; n > s more than some men "o . 'Ul itkn if they crave to retain the helm of vour Jhn L * I - a tried ma " "ot necessarily one vtio ins been , pri 50 ri > j tWak thoS 6 who I ™ fi t 0 8 u I'port men in prison have mnch moio the appearance of tried inent-I think mora
and I hesitate not to tell you that it is ray delibe-S rate opinion , m nine cases out of every ten that fact should be a disqualification , because it evidences such men have neither the foresight , calmness , nor discretion necessary to be possessed by the leaders of such a movement . I should be sorry were this opinion taken in a personal fense by any of the political sufferers ; those of them who know me wili feel that I would be the last man to say anything with the intention of wounding their feelings ; what I wish to convey is merely this , that a man who has been a victim is not necessarily the man to be a leader , unless he possesses a number of other qualification ? , which if you do see in him , of course his past sufferings in your cause will always give him a superior claim to your respect and suffrages . '
Your eloqu & nt friend also says , "Elect men who can use both pen and tongue on platform or paper . " I fancy many aspiring Chartists will feel this an utter disqualification for them , however worthy ; while working men proper will hardly know how to conceive such a qualification to he at all harmonious with the suggestion of having none but their class on your Executive . I say also , have none but tried nien ; but take care they are tried men ; not forgetting also the time must come when some fresh men must bo chosen , and that there is a time when all men are untried .
Weigh well , then , the qualities of the candidates before you make your choice ; but when you have made it , be honest enough to support them ; and if any whim or crotchet sliould induce you not to do so , be candid enough to blame yourselves , not the men whom you decline to afford the necessary means to carry on your own cau * e . If you do thia in ^ sjnoerUy ^ ysnr new Executive will l ay dowu their ottSSteHV & l & A ^ mfyMitii Chartism advanced many stages towards its consummation ; if not , Chartism will still continue to be viewed as a sort of political Frankenstein , to be made use of by your enemies whenever they want to filch another tax , or place some other yoke upon your necks . If you are wise , tho Chartists will cease to be held
up to scorn as a factious clique , opposed to everything and everybody ; and Chartism will be viewed as a practical proposition emanating from , and being carried on by , practical men . All associations moving in parallel paths must and will appl y to , and receive assistance from , your organisation in achieving their objects , which , if good , however short they may be of your own , you should never withhold as & istance from . Your movement would thus be the rallying-point of all others , and each , one achieved would be just so much progress made towards the consummation of your own . At present the argument of your leader is , literally , that all men are villains ; that each step gained by any class or man makes that class or man enemies and
tyrants over his fellow-man . In consequence your policy , instead of improvement or progression , is , in fact , retrogression . Were you successful in carrying it out , its fulfilment would be anarchy , and every man ' s hand would be against his neighbour . Instead of ample work , more food , and more comfort , your policy , in effect , is , no work , less food , and starvation , on the false presumption that , if a man has a full belly , be must be an aristocrat of full bellies , and contribute his quota to keep his fellow-creatures in their present degraded position . These assumptions are false and scandalous libels
upon our common humanity , and should be scouted by you as the ravings of madmen . Your policy should be to make Chartism attractive and loveable , that the unenfranchised may revere it as a means of deliverance , and look forward to its realisation with hope . That you will adopt this policy is my earnest hope ; that if , after this expression of my sentiments , you think it well to elect me , I shall do as I always have endeavoured to do—serve tbe cause of f regress to the utmost of my power and ability . I remain , yours faithfully , Robert Le Blond .
Pree Tiube And Protection, With Their Re...
PREE TIUBE AND PROTECTION , WITH THEIR RELATIVE EFFECTS UPON OUR SHIPPING AJJD COLONIES .
- Mr . J , Du-ncaiy delivered a lecture upon the relative aierits of tho above systems , on Wednesday evening , at the City of London Coffee Rooms , Ludgate-hill . The attendance was numerous and respectable . The substance of his discourse was , that Free Trade would be tho rational policy of a nation , provided it was not encumbered with a National Debt , and that indirect taxation was abolished , always supposing that the soil and climate were rqual to those of the i . ations it competed with . Unless these conditions existnd , it was neither lionust aor politic to expose the labouring classes of this country to the competition of the whole world . The " Times" newspaper admitted that the race of Free Trade had not yet fairly
commenced , and th « t when it did , we must alter our whole representative and monetary system , or the bone and sinews of our land would be compelled to emigrate . The maxim to buy in the cheapest , and sell in the dearest , market , was incompatible with our present currency system . Cheapness had been the ruin of Ireland . However important it was to bave | food , cheap , plentiful employment to working men was a move stern and pivramount consideration . The repeal of the Navigation Laws , combined with the introduction , at a low duty , of slave-grown produce had been the ruin of most of the colonies . Free Trade implied reciprocity , but other lands would not reciprocate with us , "We admitted the staples of America free of duty , but the lowest tax
placed upon our manufactured goods by tho American government was thirty per cent . The Amerieons knew that checpness was profitable to the annuitant , but injurious to the producer , and while labour was represented Jin their government , it was useless to expect them to reciprocate with us , and thus destroy their young and rising manufactures . The same argument applied to France . The Americans regarded Cobaen and Bright as they did Moses and Co ., who wished to supply the whole world with slop clothing . A change in the currency was essential to preserve us from sudden panics . Tho emperor of Russia , by selling ; out at any price the four millions which he had in our funds , could cause them to fall fifty per cent . The changes from paper to ' gold currency in 1819 ! had doubled tho
National Debt , and caused the working man to give double the amount of labour for the same amount of gold or silver . The only safe course was to have a national paper currency , confined to this country . If foreigners would not take our manufactures in exchange for their products they would then have to buy our gold at its market value . These reforms would never be effected until the people were represented in parliament , because it was tho interest of those now forming the government that money should continue dear , and notwithstanding the influx of gold from California , while it was hurried in the Bank cellars it was as useless as in its native beds . Great talk was made about keeping faith with the public creditor , but none whatever was kept with the public debtor .
*— ¦» French Repulilloans.-A Meeting A.T...
*— ¦» FRENCH REPUliLlOANS .-A MEETING A . T NE WCA S TLE- UPOS-TYNE . A Public meetingof the inhabitants of Newcastleupon-Tyne was held in the Lecture-room , on Monday , the 8 th inst ., to sympathise with the French . Republicans . —Mr . Gunn in the chair—when the following resolution was proposed by Mr . Watson , seconded and supported by Messrs . Charllove , Thomas , and Harney , and carried by acclamation : — Thnt the solidarity of the peoples being a great truth , and the fraternity of the nations a great duty , the persons composing this meeting feel called upon , individually and coUectively , to declare tlieiv heartfelt sympathy for all the oppressed people of Europe , That foremost amongst the betrayers and opposers of our brethren stands the perjured usurper—Bonaparte ; and inasmuch , as lie lias treacherously and forcibly overthrown the liberties SO gloriously achieved by the French peeple in February , 1848 ; having extinguished the parliamentary
representation , the press , and all the other guarantees of freedomhaving , to consummate his treason , let loose a bribed and brutal soldiery upon an unarmed people , whose blood he has caused to flow in torrents , he lias stamped and proclaimed himself' perjurer , ' ' traitor , '' brigand , ' and' assassin ; ' an enemy not only to France , but to the world ; audas such , worths of the execration and venguaace of the human race . That , in the pursuit ( if freedom and jus . lice , the people are bound to aid each other ; that the arlstoerarical government of Great Britain is the great obstacle in the way ot the people of this country performing their duty to their brethren ; therefore it is UlC houndett auty oftho unrepresented millions to forthwith struggle for , and win , Democratic Parliamentary Reform , based upon universal and equal representation . Mr . Harney spoke upwards of two hours , and eloquently defended the doctrines of democracy , llis denunciations of the traitor , Bonaparte , was received with hursts of applause . After a vote of thanks to the Chairman , this in > poi-tant meeting hniK ' : \\>
Failuuks.—Tv .;Ii-, „-I..>.On Of Messrs....
Failuuks . —tv . ; ii-, „ -i .. > . on of Messrs . Ed-wari Fyffe and Sons , E »> i . md West ! India , merchants , was announced on Tiu- ^ iay . Thejr liabilities are not supposed to be- vvry large . At Boston ( America ) there has been anutiu'v failure , the firm being that of Gardner and Danlett , . vfith liabilities lor 200 . 000 dols .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 13, 1851, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_13121851/page/1/
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