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TO THE EDITOR OF THE FREEMAN. Dublin, Tu...
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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
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(Continued/rom tlie First Page.) that me...
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WESTMINSTER.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Physical And Moral Force. To The Editor ...
Pifotfromconsiderablcobservation , andof the Radioawr from thorough knowledge . J do not mean to Cum pare the Vindicator to tbe ^ Jiot either for vigour o wickedness ; but it is equally mean , more mercenary - and almost as vindictive . It is a right cnnuiugpaper lowevcr . It will seldom ^ onmr't itself to any opinion in a critical case , till in the course of the weel it is brought on the trail , and then itshall bark away most gloriously and kick you up a rare shindy . Butif it happened bo anticipate the cue . and fell into MIJ mistake in consequence , it shall lick you up its -words in the turning of a fly-leaf . Really , I never feel so prone to despair either for the cause of Ireland , or of man , as when I reflect upon the baneful effects of such papers upon the sense and virtue of the people , and how seemingly impossible it is to eradicate the cancers from society . They are a race of mostKOidonsvcnnin . Wourd-, ev en healthy ones , festeronce their filthy slaver is applied to them . A
, tr e hearted , large-hearted r atriot would mourn and blush at the hard necessity of disunion . lie would jield everything but primary principles . And only when the last barriers of his forbeamcc ^ ere invaded , and the essentials of free thought . and fair discussion put in jeopardy , only then , and then with grief too deep for words , would he leave his post . Butthes vretcbed- disgusting creatures , how they do crow aud jab ber in such a contingency . It is their triumph . They can't go wrong tliev imagine . People say , they do some good after all , hirelings as they arc ; nay , perhaps , because they are hirelings , and will promote their own interests . But , what ' s the good I They raise worthless questions , fight aimless quarrels , get up meaningless cries , chatter hoax year ' s end to year ' s end about O ' Connell , as if ihe whispered approval of one honest man were not of more worth than all their base and grovelling adulation .
To the pernicious influence of such false and flattering counsellors—to the carseentailed upon him by tbeir pestilent presence—their hypocritical support—their fawning idolatry . I attribute the false and sad position in which Mr . O'Connell has lately placed himself , and the disastrous con-equences that may result to the national cause from last Tuesday ' s proceeding . " A flattered prince , " writes Ben Johnson , ** becomes the prince of fools . " Verily , the "flattery has been laid on so thickly , that the fools , I iear me , will have him at last to themselves . And , jet , what a pity that a mind so bright , and -brave , and buoyant , should yield , even before age had yet enfeebled it over much , to this equally insidious , and perhaps more hw tful disease 1 In farther defence of myself , or of my opinions at Kilruslt , I shall not trespass on you , but only -ask further permission to publish two or three detached opinions pertinent te this time : —
1 . Although from reverence to Mr . O Connell , I Would arp ^ c seriously wHll him , I have no hesitation IB . Saying of Mr . J . O'Connell , and . rooreenergeticall y « f Air . Steele , that their inconsistencies in the matter of this controversy are so glaring , their affected lienor of the late article in The ISatioh so hollow , and their had faith , especially Mr . Steele ' s , throughout , so manifest , that in my opinion a large section of the country must necessarily despise tbem for ever : and if , indeed , a larger or as large a section > hall still submit to the juggling imposture , it will only prove that the Irish nation deserves its fate . 2 . Mr . Steele seems to me , at present , a melancholy monument of the wretched condition to which even the highest order of minds may fall when tbey lose their virtue aud independence .
S . The citizens of Limerick let slip a noble opportunity on Wednesday ; of serving their country . 4 . Expectants of office and place , have sprung up in such countless numbers to sudden maturity throughout the land , that in many pl aces , as in Limerick , the public feeling of grief and indignation shall have no organ of utterance . Let it gnaw the people ' s hearts in secret . Shall patriotic placehunters risk their discretion before the public f 5 . _ John O'Connell , enlarging upon cases in which physical force and carnage would be all right ( having a pass from his office ) at the very time he "Was provoking by his contemptible intolerance , men every way his superiors , is such an illustration of Shakspere ' s " That in the Captain ' g but a choleric word , which in the soldier were flat blasphemy . " as one does not rightly know whether be should hugh or cry at .
ft . Mr . Steele ' s exquisitely sensitive regard for the interests of peace , order , morality , and moral force—he , having so often professed his readiness in public and private to take the field in a wink from O'Connell—he being still ready , as he said on Tuesday , to hand over his religious countrymen to the English government , for a consideration , to wage all its murderous wars from Indus to the Pole , and slay at the rateof twelve-pence per day , all brave defend-« rs of their native soil , against the encroachments and pollutions of English lust and rapine—he , glory--ing in the profession and practice of tbe duel—the most absurd , and contemptible , and criminal form , "which the physical force principle could possibly assume—a portentous caricature of justice , wherein an injured man , whom God and nature may have
qualified to redress his wrong , if it was expedient , -with a high hand , abjuring the privileges of his power and his right , places himself on the level , or below the level , of whatever puny and malignant wasp may have stung Mm—he , the known and notorious disbeliever in all religion—the scorner of so much christian morality—this is a humbug so portentous , that , while itla-ts , adieu to hope I ( Alas . ' that the beau ideal to my youthful fancy , of honour , chivalry , and truth , should present to my maturer mind snch an altered complexion ! H-sw is the gold debased ! How changed its hue most perfect !) 7 . Tlie Repeal Association , deprived of the valuable services of Smith O'Brien and his associates , would lose the confidence of the best half of Ireland . The other half might aid it for two or three years to < drae a languishinjr existence into oblivion .
8 . Smith O'Brien and his associates should by no linearis ( which I deem a vital point ) quit the Association , even though expelled , unless a full meeting of life members shall be duly summoned to deliberate and decide upon so grave a subject . It is highly absurd that such people as Steele and Broderick , and others , our paid servants ; or such as Wynne Ihecause he chances to lire within the Circular Walk : < or such as Reilly , because he may have profited by < 0 'Connell ; or that any others , because they might mow hope for some crumbs of Whiggery , should dare jattempt to expel some of our worthiest , most loved , < or most trusted members ; or even force them , by irude interruptions , to leave our Conciliation Hall jfor an hour .
9 . fiie Repeal Association of Ireland should he cdisburdened of sucb hollow , worthless , and rotten miaehinerv , as the Head Pacificator , TUe Pilot , and i samilar offensive stuff . Tours , ever faithfully , Jobs Kexyox , B . C . C ., Templederry . ( Chapel House , July 30 , 18 i 6 . P . S . —A clerical friend advises me that I ought to cdiselaitn here any intention of taking up arms next week , or proceeding to cut the throats of all the aabettors of English domination . I differ with him , yyet I yield , and do hereby disclaim any such silly jpurpose . My reason of difference is this : —I believe tthat no disclaimers will prevent knaves and block-Heads from misunderstanding or misrepresenting a naan of sense and integrity . And 1 would not ( countenance the slavish notion that a man may mot boldly deal with a clear question of truth and
i morality «> n its naked merits . He also says that iit might be useful to give an explicit answer to tthis question—Why did the Young Ireland party i introduce , or why do tbey keep alive , such a discission at all ? Here I assent to his opinion more rreadily . This is the answer : —They were conippelled , and are compelled to it . They would have willingly avoided it . They frequently sought to kJsave bye-gones left for bye-gones—they abjured over aand over again all idea of physical force , while the J Association held together or meaning to use itbbut in Tain . They were driven info a corner . The q question was forced upon them—Do you think a nuation may ever , in any circumstances other than pplain self-defence , lawfully resort to arms to redress aany imaginable wrong . What could these men do ? "VWere they to belie truth , history , and human n nature ? " Where they to brand themselves poltroons , hhypocrites and slaves ?
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To The Editor Of The Freeman. Dublin, Tu...
TO THE EDITOR OF THE FREEMAN . Dublin , Tuesdat , Aug . 4 . Bear Sir , —Though you may not agree with the isesentiments in the following remarks respecting the prpresent state of the Repeal Association , I trust Ulyryour well known impartiality for uuertion of this lleletter in the Fkeemas ' s Journal . I canmnp from my residence in Ulster to attend lOConciliation Hall yesterday , in the hope of reeeiviii " isosome satisfactory explanation of the strange and ] pjjpainful dissensions which have caused the retirement lofof Mr . O'Brien and other valued and trusted mem-Ibebers of the association . 1 had carefully studied the irereport of the proceedings in the two days' debate , iBwi & Dat being able to draw any real difference , either idodoctrinal or practical on the subject which formed Iththe ostensible grounds of quarrel between the two
Epaparties of speakers on that occasion . Yesterday 1 Ifefetoued with deep attention to the speech of Mr . D ' O'Connell , and to those of several other members of noromuiittee , and I frankly confess my mind is yet in ;; hthe same state of bewilderment as to the charges nrorought against Mr . O'Br ien and the gentlemen lleilenoininated "Young : Ireland . " 5 So far as I am able to comprehend the dispute , the aasase stands thus : all the members of the association ttrere entirely agreed in allegiance to the original conluttltutionof the association , according to \ shich we ixexe pledged to peaceable , le » al , and constituiional meaeans only , for the attainment of Repeal . This lav . uasas been uniformly understood by all members of the ssstssociation , and isstill understood by all members oi lheheassociation , "toleave the right of self-defence lerlerfectly free to the use of any force , sufficient to rc-
To The Editor Of The Freeman. Dublin, Tu...
• iatand defeat unjust aggression , " In _ f act , I am triable to perceive any difference . between Mr . O'Connell and Mr . O'Brien , Mr . John O'Connell = md Messrs . Meagher and Mitchell , . on the subject Amoral force , except as respects the Unas in which At & ctrhieis io U henceforth stated , There is about as much of principle involved as there would be in a quarrel about the use of the Latin instead of the Greek language for expressing the same idea . I would suggest that Mr . O'Connell , and those who understood his formula , should beat liberty io swear by it . For Mr . O'Brien and all others , including myself , who cannot apply Mr . O'Connell ' s interpretation to the terms he chooses to employ , I demand tlie right of adherence to ihe ori ginal rules and laws of the association . And let all Repealers forget absurd jealousies and unchristian personal feelings , and join in carryin" out the moral force of our country for the sublime object to which we profess our devotion .
If the association do not repent these disgraceful proceedings , it seems to me inevitable that those circumstances iu our organisation which have hitherto formed our greatest strength—I mean the unparalleled personal influence of our great leader and the consequent centralisation of the agitation under his authority—will prove the ruin of the national cause . The powers entrusted to the managers of the association by theconsent of the Irish nationalists , for concentrating the moral force of the country and guiding it to the resumption of our rights as a free nation—that sacred trust will be perverted to the weakening , the dispersion , the destruction of our moral force . For what is our moral force ? Is it not the might of public opinion vindicating truth and justice ? Is it not the irresistible influence on public
opinion which , in the circumstances of these countries , with a free press , freedom of discussion , must be excited by our peaceful perseverance ^ in the rational , deliberate , conscientious , declaration of our rights and our duties ? _ Onr right to be a free people making and administering our own laws , by our own Queen , Lords , at > d Commons . Our duty as Irishmen to persist in working for the regeneration of our pauperised , degraded country . Thus have I understood the speeches of the great leader of the association , and of Mr . O'Brien . Mr . Meagher , Mr . Mitchell , < fcc . Thus have ! understood thearticlesof the chief journals advocating repeal—the Nation and the Freeman . All those speeches , all those articles , I have uniformly regarded as consistent with the constitutional principles ofour confederacy—the
principie of moral force—as stated in the original rules of the association and in Mr . John O'Connell ' s interpretation of the new resolutions , And I do so still . But the authority of O'Connell's name has been employed foe directly comi elling the retirement of Mr . Meagher , and indirectly by requiring subscription to a form of words containing a certain ethical or religious doctrine , for compelling the re « tirement of Mr . O'Brien and others . As well might Mr . O'Connell require us to wear a certain livery—to observe a certain medical regimen—to subscribe the 39 articles . As 1 understand i ) ie phim meaning of the words of his new resolutions , no Christian other than a member of the Society of Friends can hold it as true doctrine . And all these violent proceedings of last Tuesday
are part of the policy and practice of moral force . At the command of O'Connell , conveyed by his son , are we to'disregardthe rules of fair play , the dictates of generous feeling , to forbid freedom of speech in the only substitute we have for an Irish senate , and all under the pretence of vindicating the principle of moral force and carrying out the policy of conciliation ? And is there , indeed , to be an unreasoning and unquestioned dictatorship to control our consciences respecting principles of truth and justice ? The Romans , long ago , appointed dictators in times of danger : but it was iiot for carrying out the policy of moral force . Camillus and Fabius had other work than a vocation against the shedding of Moon . Now , a word as to the policy of these unfortunate proceedings , and I have done . Mr . O'Connell , in his speech yesterday , pointedly attacked the Nation newspaper and . "Young Ireland" as treacherous to Repeal , by pursuing a course of conduct calculated
to fr ighten the Protestant gentry from the association . Now , I am a Protestant gentlemam I am an inhabitant of Ulster ; ray family has resided there for generations . I make bold to assert , that I know the sentiments of the Protestants of Ulster , at least as well as Mr . O'Connell . I have no hesitation in declaring ray opinion , that thepreseni conduct of the association is calculated to ruin the cause of Repeal with the Protestants of Ulster . Their grand objection to Repeal is a dread of Roman Catholic ascendancy . Freedom of speech , freedom of opinion , civil and religious liberty in Ireland , they say , would be at the mercy of Mr . O'Connell and the Roman Catholic clergy after Repeal . And they are strongly prejudiced respecting Mr . O'Connell's real sentiments on these subjects . It follows that the late exhibition of abject submission to Mr . O'Connell ' s authority , and the forced retirement from last Tuesday's meeting of all men who dared to profess independence of his dictation , will confirm those injurious prepossessions ef the Protestants of Ulster .
The success of our peaceful struggle depends on the conversion of a respectable portion of the Protestant non-Repealers . Such conversion depends , in my opinion , " entirely en the horcst employment ol our moral force . " If the association will fairly and openly state all its proceedings , publish the accounts of its expenditure , vindicate freedom of speech and action , consistently with our original rules ; and in all respects pursue the direct course of peaceful agitation—then , and not till then , will the Protestants forget their fears and jealousies , and join in a peaceful struggle for nationality .
In all that I have said , I do not mean anything opposed to the rightful authority of O'Connell as our leader . I do feel it as a cause of pride that we have for our leader the greatest public man of this age . He is grown old in peaceful triumphs . He is despot of the Irish Catholics , by his hold on their gratitude for unparalleled services . He has through a long life preached lesson * of truth and justice ; and it ig not wonderful that at length his authority has become so great that many yield him unreasoning submission .
" But my allegiance is solely to his truth and justice . " If he , yielding to human infirmity of mind , from which neither a Napoleon nor an O'Connell is free , forget his own lessons of moral force , and employ his hold over his countrymen's affections and judgments for ministering to hisl accidental personal grudges—then , 1 say , we owe to ourselves , as under discipline for freedom—we owe to this great man himself , as careful of his fame , and as proving we have profited by his teaching—to do justice in these unhappy dissensions , by vindicating the principles of civilliberty . . I am , dear Sir , your obedient servant , John Martin .
Imperial Parliament.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT .
(Continued/Rom Tlie First Page.) That Me...
( Continued / rom tlie First Page . ) that measure , for he wonld tell them that public men were now at a discount with the people—a Birmingham discount of seventy-five per cent—( laug hter . ) The present Ministry were not secure in their places ; their tenure of office stood on a very small foundation ; they were watched by a large portion ol the people with great suspicion , and if they passed that Bill without good reason , the people would think , and not without cause , that public men changed their principles when they crossed from one side of that house to the other —( hear , hear . ) Hiregretted that government bad not become wiser ,
but they did not really seem to have done so for they were now advocating acoercion measure similar to tlie one they brought forward twenty years age . He felt strongly on the subject , because he wished to support government if possible , but in the psesent instance he considered that by doing so . he should be degrading and disgracing himself ; he should , therefore , vote for the amendment —( hear . ) Messrs . S . Crawford , K . Yorke , Belusw , Horsman , and Osborne opposed the bill . Mr . Pigot supported it . He was a very active opponent of the former measure : but the question at present was , what was now best for the people of Ireland in reference to this subject —( here)—and he felt that it was best not to tamper with them by
patchwork legislation . ( Hear , hear . ) He objected to the present system when it was a new one , because of the annoyance of a new registration , and tbe difficulties that hampered it , and because of such provisions as that which prohibited a blacksmith from following his trade withoutresignation ; but the course he now took was perfectly consistent with originally opposing , the measure Very lew registrations bad taken place of late months except in one or two counties ; the greater portion of the arms in Ireland had been registered ; few registrations would take place undier this temporary hill , and during its continuance the entire system could be considered with a view to its amendment next session , ( Hear , hear . J It was true that there was the power of
domiciliary visitation , bui he crrald hardly think any one could believe that the government would use it vexatiously under this temporary law , when they avowed that it was not to continue . ( 1 Jcar , hear . ) Mr . Osborsk referring to this extraordinary specimen of legislative reasoning said , he had been much struck indeed with the speech of the hon . member for Clonmel ( Mr . Pigot ) . He knew something of Clonmel , and he rather thought that even though he were to take the repeal pledge whole he need not exueet to have himself proposed a » ain by a vMit rev . doctor there . ( Hear . ) The hon . gentleman , though always opposed to coercion before ^ supported it now , and then turned round and said we ought to have confidence in the government ? He should like to know what reason there was why they should give
this confidence to government . Mr . Dbscomke said the hon . member for Clonmel was the only member on ihatsidc who bad attempted to show why he should vote for the Uiii , but he ( Mr . Duncombe ) thought there were other members on the Treasury bench whom it behoved to explain tinvotes tbey should give upon that question , ami uoitt
(Continued/Rom Tlie First Page.) That Me...
more so than the noble lord who was considered by some means or otiier , the Prime Minister of that country . ( Liugktea \) That Bill had been approved by the hon . gentleman and the noble lord , for reasons stated in their speeches in 1843 . On aformer evening , not many weeks ago , he had asked the noble lord on what principles he meant to conduct the government of the country . That was considered an impertinent question , and he incurred the displeasure of the noble lord by his question ; he also incurred the displeasure of several hon . gentlemen , his friends , who were then getting very many berths , and who would now support the noble lord in hisapostacy . If ever there were occasion for such a question , it had arisen noiv . The noble lord had said , he would
conduct his government on the principles he had always advocated . Then that must be a bill he had always advocated —( hear , hear , )—and yet , in 1843 , he had said , speaking of that very bill , " If we are to be told that this is a sample of the mode in which Ireland is to be governed , I think we ought to present an address to the Crown for some government . " ( Hear . ) Those were the principles on which they had always acted , and now , as a tribute to apostacy , they were urging the house to carry that measure . ( Hear . ) On what principles did theyturn out the late government , unless on principles of non-coercion ? Never was a Ministry turned out by a procedure more unsatisfactory to the country , more discreditable to the house , and more dishonourable to the parties succeeding
them , than that division , or the combination by which that division was obtained . Did they suppose the country would forget what took place in November , when that non-coercion Ministry was offered the reins of Government on free trade principles , and when they shrunk from forming a . Government , leaving it to the right hon . baronet , whom they had just turned out on the question of non-coercion for Ireland ? ( Hear . ) Was not the pretence for their then inability to form a government , that one noble lord could net agree that another noble lord should preside over the Foreign Office ; and yet did they not now fee both noble lords in the Government with their former differences perfectly healed and reconciled , the one as Secretary for the Colonial , and tbe other at the head of the Foreign Office ? ( Hear , bear . ) Hid they for a moment suppose that the people would * he bamboozled by such shallow farces as
these ? The right hon . baronet lately at the head of the government had incurred obloquy and aspersion from his former friends , in his determination to confer OH the country great commercial advantages ; and he was turned out of office for bringing in a coercion bill . Yet the first act of the present government , who had taken the lead in turning him out , was to ask for a renewal of the present coercion bill for Ireland . ( Hear . ) Their conduct had been styled infatuation ; he considered it something worse than infatuation . Let those who held petty places falsify their former YOtCS and lie dragged through the mire in support of this measure ; he , for one , would do his best to defeat it , as those very gentlemen bad done when they sat on the opposite side of the house . ( Hear . ) Mr . Protheroe expressed his regret that he could not , consistently with the views lie entertained , give his support to Government on the present occasion .
Lord Morpeth was not so much afraid of any charge of apostacy as to claim any latitude for himself , because it had been his fate very often to propose arms bills for Ireland , and never to oppose them . He had , it was true , voted for tbe first reading of the Coercion Bill , and he had voted against the second reading of that bill , but not with any notion that he should be able to dispense in future with any of ihe existing laws for the protection of life and property In Ireland , or that such laws would not be required . He thought that the question had been treated with much exaggeration that evening , and that the people of Ireland would not think that the Government were seeking by this measure to embody in tiwsiv legislation the principles which they had condemned in the
legislation of their predecessors , but merely that they were desirous of not doing in August what would be done better early next session , in the hope ' that the mode adopted by the Government of administering the powers thus entrusted to them , and the measure which they would be prepared to introduce early next session , they would not be found to violate the confidence reposed in them . After a few words from Mr . Spooner , Lord J . Russell said he rose , after the many attacks made on the Government for proposing the continuation of the bill , to speak , first , as to the point of consistency on which the honourable gentleman , the member for Finsbury , dwelt so much ; and , next , as to the nature of the proposal made to the house . The hon . gentleman held that it was very
inconsistent that he ( Lord J . Russell ) should'vote for the continuation of a bill , some clauses of which he disapproved of . Now ; , the question for consideration was , whether he ought to propose the continuation of that of which he partially disapproved , or whether he should move the alteration of the clauses , or should propose to drop the bill altogether . Now , if he had proposed to drop the bill altogether , as was proposed by tbe hon . member for Montrose , and was probably desired also by the hon . member for Finsbury —( hear , hear , from Mr . Duncombe)—he should have been acting a more inconsistent part than was alleged by the hon . gentleman , because during the ten or eleven years he had held office he had continually voted for hills of this description . With
respect to some of the clauses in the bill , he must admit that he thought some of them had been vexatious . If the bill was continued till next session , the vexations could be few in number . But they were now on the second reading of the bill , and if any hen . gentleman ; thought that with regard to any ot the clauses , that it would be better to omit them , it would be in his power to propose amendments to that effect in committee , so that the measure could be deprived of those clauses which it might he deemed would operate vexatiously . —( Hear , hear . ) Till a change took place in the condition of Ireland , he was not prepared to say that they should at once and without consideration abolish that which had been the practice for fitty years . With respect to the measure introduced by the late Government withe protection of life ' and property in Ireland , neither he nor his colleagues denied that a great many
murders and other outrages had unfortunately taken place in that country , but what they contended was this , that the measure was not calculated to remedy the evil . When the house considered that only in the month of March last these crimes were very rife in Ireland , and might be so again in November or December , his belief was . that to repeal the measure would be to give encouragement to crime . —( Hear , hear , ) If such was his opinion , he could not shrink from proposing the second reading of the bill ^ " nor could he shrink , however unpopular it might render him , from asking tbe house to place the same restriction on the possession of arms in Ireland which has heretofore existed . They , unfortunately saw from the evidence on recent trials in Ireland , that men in that country were ready to undertake almost any deed of atrocity , And he had no doubt that Jf the house threw out this measure , it would give encouragement to tbe most abandoned characters in Ireland .
Mr . T . Buncombe . —On that principle then this bill will he permanent . Lord John Russell would not allow the assertion that this Bill would be permanent . But to take away at once the power already conferred in that Bill , would have the injurious effect he had described , lie would be glad if they could , but he did not believe that they would be able even next session to part with the whole of this BUI at once . But his feeling was that they would remove the most obnoxious parts of it . Witli respect to an observation which fell from the Hon . Member for Birmingham , he ( Lord John Russell ) was not prepared to admit that any fear cf unpopularity , and still less any dread Of the loss of power would deter him from
taking such steps as he conceived necessary for the protection of life and property in Ireland , —( hear . ) The late Government conceived another measure was necessary for that purpose , and one was brought forward . The hon . member for finsbury seemed "to think that he gave great annoyance to the present government by his panygerics on the right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth . He ( Lord John Russell ) could assure the hon . gentleman that this course did not in the least annoy him , for ho quite concurred that the right hon . baronet eminently deserved them for what he had done on the principles of free trade , and that praise must ever attend him , on accoant of the sacrifices lie had made on account ot the course he had adopted .
Mr . T . Buncombe . —It is quite a matter of indifference to me whether I please or offend you . ( Laughter . ) . Lord John Russell said if the hon . gentleman had always expressed the same feelings towards the late government , it was a great pity he did not da more to preserve them in office by giving them more constant support , —( laughter . ) But the question now for the consideration of the house was , whether they would agree to the second reading of the Bill , lie was quite ready to listen to any proposal for an alteration of the clauses when they went into committee . Lord Seymour , Mr . Mjldmay , Mr , Covlhours , and other members having spoken ,
Mr . Collett , as one of the lew Irish members present , could not give a silent vote on a measure which he considered uncalled for , unnecessary , inap p licable , and inellieient . On Monday he had seen evidence sufficient of the estimation by the public of tlie Government inconsequence of their course on the flogging question . —( The lion . geiitlem ; ui excited ' much merriment by displaying a large portion of a monster placard opposite the Treasury Bench . ) This Arms Bill save the finishing stroke—the last nail in their coffin—and they would soon be buried , never to rise again . —( Greatlaughter )
Colonel Sin-ruoHP rose amidst loud cries ol " Divide ' . " He had voted against the late Govern irent because he considered it was their duty tohavi . introduced a real measure of coercion . —( Laughter . ) The present-Government exhibited the sain cm oral cowardice . Ho had no confidence in them , and Inmost therefore take the same course he had adopts with reference to the last Cneercion Bill . Thehonse then divided . ' whsn the numbiri wer «—
'" ¦ •' For The Second Reading ..... ......
'" ¦ ' For the second reading ..... .... —•••••••• g ° ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ; Against it 23 Majority .. ,........ —¦ 2 ^ Mr . Duncombe severely commented on the conduct , of the Ministry with reference to this measure , and said they had caught several votes by a vague promise to omit the obnoxious clauses alluded to . He asked if the noble lord would now come forward and state , in a straightforward manner , what he intended to do , instead Of dealing with tbe subject in the equivocal manner he did , and waiting tor the opportunity ol a majority from the Opposition . He denounced tne contradictory and shuffling policy of the Government with respect to Ireland , and exposed the inconsistency of several of its members , in voting for the pill , after having assisted to overthrow the late Administration on a similar measure . .. ¦ ¦ ¦
A desultory and somewhat warm discussion ensued , in which Messrs . Hume , V . Smith , B . Osborne , Muntz , and Labouchere , took part . The matter ultimately dropped , on the assurance of Lord John Russell , that the Bill should be printed , and that in the meantime the Government would consider the clauses that ought to be struck out . There were several to which he had great objections , but the manner in which they were interwoven with other parts , required some consideration to detach them . The Bill was then ordered to be committed on Monday next . , , „ The other orders were disposed of , and the House adjourned at a quarter to one o ' clock . HOUSE OF LORDS . — Tuesday , August 11 . The Earl of Fortescue presented a petition , praying for the abolition of flogging in the army , and took occasion to pass a high encomium on Col , Whyte . .
Lord Brougham also bore his . testimony to the Colonel ' s conduct , and expressed his opinion that the charges brought against that officer were unfounded . The Duke of Wellington said , that having , in conformity with his duty , considered fully the eonduct of Colonel Whyte in the late transaction , he could assure their Lordships that there was not the slightest ground for attributing blame to Colonel Whyte . or to any officer in the regiment . The Noble Duke then declared that it had long been the wish of all connected with the command of the army , particularly the late Duke of York , to diminish corporal punishment as much as possible ; and that principle had been acted upon by the best commanders during the last fifty years . But it was
found impossible to discontinue corporal punishment altogether . The experiment bad been tried in the East Indies , but in consequence of relaxed discipline , insubordination and routinues , flogging was re-established . His Grace then stated that he had ordered the severity of the punishment to be considerably mitigated , and pledged himself , as far as possible , to diminish the exercise ol it ; and concluded his statement by expressing his hope to live to see corporal punishment in the army abolished altogether . Lord Bjudmont moved for papers and correspondence between this country and the courts of Vienna , Petersburg !! , and Berlin , respecting events which have recently taken place at Cracow , in violation of the Tieaty or Vienna . The noble Lord related the
occurrences which took place in Cracow and in Gallicia , and called on the Government to interfere . The Marquis of Lansdowne admitted that by the Treaty of Vienna the independence of .. Cracow was guaranteed , and therefore it became a right , and more than a right , in the contracting parties , to see that the spirit of the treaty was firmly and fairly carried into effect . But the acts committed in Cracow had jeopardised the peace , not of Germany only , but of all Europe ; and the neighbouring states , finding the conspiracy to be wide spread , demanded of the Government of Cracow to put down the disturbances . The Government , however , confessed they were unable to do this , and it was on this representation that steps were taken to occupy Cracow by the troops of the surrounding countries , and by
force to attempt to terminate so deplorable a condition of things . Under these circumstances , the troops of Austria entered and occupied Cracow . But communications had passed between the three Powers , and in a short period Cracow would be relieved from military occupation . With respect to whathad occurred in Gallicia , this country had no right to interfere whatever . The Noble Marquis made no objection to the production of the correspondence . The Duke of Wellington said that the occupation of Cracow by troops was an undoubted breach of the Treaty of Vienna , which , if not already explained , should be explained to this country . But , when the treaty was made , a state of things such as has lately happened , was not contemplated ; and if ever the breach of any treaty was justifiable , it was in this case of Cracow .
After some remarks from Lord Kinnaird , the papers moved for were ordered . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Tuesdat , August 11 . The Speaker took the chair at ten minutes past twelve o'clock . Mr . B . Escott gave notice that on Monday next , on the order of the day being read that the Speaker do leave the chair to go into committee on the Irish Arms Bill , ho would move that the house resolve itself into a committee on that day three months . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Bdncombe presented a petition from certain
of the inhabitants of Ashton-under-Lyne , praying for the immediate discharge of eleven children who were now in custody under the Masters and Servants Act . The petition set forth that the children had been in the employment of Messrs . Mason and Son , and had been sentenced to seven days' imprisonment with hard labour , for stopping away from their work . The petitioners complained of the injustice of the law , and prayed the house to institute inquiry into it , and cause such alterations as , upon consideration , they might deem advisable . The petition was ordered to lie on the table .
Mr . Parker remarked , that as he saw Mr . T . Duncombe in his place , he would beg him to postpone his motion for an inquiry into the circumstances attending the dismissal of Thos . Mitchell , a sub-sorter in the General Post Office , who had petitioned the house , complaining that his dismissal was occasioned by proving in evidence certain malversations and corruptions on behalf of his superior officers ' . As he ( Mr . Parker ) had upon the previous day moved for a copy of tbe evidence connected with the subject , he hoped the hon . member would agree with him , as the house was not now in a position to go into the consideration of the ^ subject . ( Hear , hear , hear . )
Mr . Buncombe was so full y sensible of the great importance of the house having all the facts of the case before it that he would at once postpone his motion until Tuesday next . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Ward , in reply to a question , stated that the law officers having determined that the court-martial held at Cork , which lately sentenced a marine to be hanged , was illegally constituted , the proceedings had been declared null , and the offender had been sent back to his company . Lord John Russell , in answer to Mr . Williams , stated that the Government would frame some measure for the regulation and examination , in future sessions , of-Railway Bills , and would make some proposal relative to the formation of a Rail way Board ; but they had found that it would be both undesirable and impracticable to interfere with the application of capital to railway enterprise , and that , therefore , they would not meddle with that part of the subject .
On the third reading of the Dcodands Abolition
Bill , . Mr . S . Wortlet objected to the . Bill , as one that had not been duly considered , and which dealt with questions full of difficulties , He proposed that the Bill should be postponed to nextsesswn , and that in the meantime a select committee should be appointed to consider the law relative to deodands . After a discussion , in which the Attorney-Genernl Mr . Wakley , the Lord Advocate , Mr . Henley , and Mr . Cripps took part , the house divided—For the third reading ... 61 Against it „ ... .,, 0 Majority 45 The bill was read a third timeand passed . The Deaths by Accidents Compensation Bill was read a third time and passed . The Small Debts Bill was committed pro forma and some amendments made in it .
The Contagious Diseases Prevention Bill and the Lunatic Asylums and Pauper Lunatics Bill , passed through committee . . Tbe Medical Practitioners Bill was , on the motion of Mr . Waklet , read a second time . Tho Lords' amendments to the Art Unions Bill were agreed to The house ' adjourned from four to five o ' clock , but on the Speaker ' s resuming the chair at the latter hour , forty members had not assembled and the houseadjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS ,- Wsdmsmt , August 12 . At the request of Lord Morpeth , ' Mr , Mackinnon consented to place in the hands of that noble lord bis Smoke Prohibition . Bill , lie expressed a hope that public feeling would compel the Government , to carry both this bill and the Cemetery Bill into effoet in an ensuing session . The bill was then ordered to be read a second time that day month .
Jiie ' 1 iirnpikc-ronds ( Ireland ) Bill went through Committee . On the motion that the house resolve itself into a Committee on the
¦ ^ RELIGIOUS OPINIONS RELIEF BILL , xvlr . Estcott gave notice of his intention to propose certain additions to the bill , as it did not fjive that perfect reliot' which it ought to give to . pui'SOUS affected by the old law , Lord J . Russell suggested that Mr . Escott , should withdraw flic amendments of which he had given notice , « nd bring forward the subject nextseggioil . Af ' rer a shm-t conversation , in which Mr . Henley , Mr . Eslcourt , Mr . Shaw , and the Earl of Surrey ,
'" ¦ •' For The Second Reading ..... ......
jwned , the house went , into Committee . In the Committee , .- " - "' . ' . „ . ¦ Mr . Escoit , on . the first clause being read , observed that , though it repealed the penalty for offences under the statute , it did not repeal the prohibition . The offences prohibited by the statute would therefore still be offences at common law , ard the oftenders would be liable to indictment , He therefore proposed to add certain words to the clause which would also repeal the prohibition . Lord J . Russell thought that if the . house Adopted this amendment , it would go beyond the intention of the framers of the bill . It was not the intention of the House of Lords to render that lawful which was unlawful at common law . After some discussion the committee divided , when there appeared—For the amendment ... * ... 10 Against it ... 5 S
Majoriiy ... ... ... 43 Mr . Escoir then declined to press the amendments . „ , , _ The house went into committee on the Rateable Property ( Ireland ) Bill , after Mr . S . Cjuwfobd had withdrawn his resolution , that there ought to be only one valuation for all purposes of local taxation , framed on the net annual value to let , determined on the principles laid down in the Poor Relief Act . The clauses up to 33 ware agreed to , with some verbal amendments . The Chairman was then ordered to report progress , arid asked leave to sit again on Friday . HOUSE OF LORDS , TuuRSdat , Aug . 13 . The Poor Removal Bill went through committee .
SUGAR DUTIES . On the motion that the Sugar Duties Bill be read a second time , The Bishop of Oxfodb addressed the House , at considerable length , in opposition te the measure ; and concluded by moving , as an amendment , that It be read a second time that day three months . The Bishop of London supported the amendment , and the Marquis of Lansdow . me replied . Their Lordships then divided , when the amendment was lost by a majority of 28 to 10 , and the Bill was read a second time . The Court of Common Pleas Bill was read a second time , And their Lordships adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Thursday , Aug . 13 . The Speaker took the chair at twelve o'clock .
. CORRESPONDING SOCIETY . Mr . Warburton presented a petition from a person named Lemaitre , who had been a member of the Corresponding Society , and complaining that lie had been the victim of conspiracy . The petition stated that in 1704 he was , when in his eighteenth year , living with his parents , his father being a watchmaker . That while a member of the Corresponding Society he had subscribed to the fund for the defence of John Home Tooke , Thelwall , and Hardy . These funds were partly paid into the hands of a person named Upton , who kept a small shop in Bell-yard , Whom it was discovered had been prosecuted by the Pheenix Assurance Office for setting five to his own house . On finding him out , on the niotinn of Lemaitre ,
this man Upton was expelled lrom the society . Upton declared that he would be revenged , and soon found an opportunity for his resentment . This was , in August , 1794 , and in that very month he made a communication to the Privy Council accusing himself , with Lemaitre and another , of a Conspiracy to shoot the King with a poisoned arrow from a frame which he had himself seen that morning . On this charge he was apprehended and committed to Newgate , where he was confined for nine months , without any connexion or communication whatever with his Mends . At the end of this , period he was releasi d on his own recognizances . Upton went over to France , fiom which place he returned on an exchange of prisoners of war , and on his arrival again
renewed his charges . Upon these Mr . Lemaitre surrendered himaelf , and was brought to trial . On the morning of the trial the wife of Upton appeared in widow ' s weeds , and took oath that her husband was dead . It was in vain that a testimony was tendered that Upton had been seen alive at his own house that morning . The trial was interrupted , and Mr . Ltmaitre was remanded to prison where he remained for five months . He was released at the end of that term , and abstained from any connexion with tho Corresponding Society . But then came the time of the Irish rebellion , 1707 , and lie was applied to to give his adheison to that movement through the Corresponding Society . In an evil moment he consented
to attend the meeting of the Society , to give his advice against any such connexion , lie went there , having nothing whatever to do with public affairs since his last imprisonment . The Bow-street officers rushed in , and all the party were apprehended . He was committed to Newgate , and , at the end of a twelvemonth , his health failing , he was removed to Reading gaol , where he passed two years more . He was then released , and again after a few months apprehended and confined in TothilLfields Prison . His attorney had applied lor a writ of habeas corpus , but in vain , Lord Ivenyon refusing it , as he said , on his own responsibility . After another twelvemonth i Vlr . Lemaitre [ was released , and thus had suf * fared , between 1818 and 1826 , an imprisonment of not less than six years , without trial .
He had applied repeatedly to the several Whig Governments for redress , but had been constantly refused , till at last Mr . Canning promised to do something for him , and through the intercession of Lord Grey , Mr . Lemaitre was appointed a protector of slaves in Demerara . He set sail in 1829 , but his usual ill-luck attended him , for , shortly after leaving the coast , the vessel was wrecked , and all his effects were lost . He had hardly time to recover himself before the Government passed the Act for the abolition of slavery , and thus his salary of £ 800 a year was entirely lost . This was a fair subject for consideration and compensation , and with a hope that now , as the injury had been suffered for more than fifty years , it would he pro « perly entertained by the Government , he wouldmove that the petition be printed with tbe votes .
IRISH ARMS BILL . InreplytoMr . T , Duncombe , Lord J . Russbll stated that it was the intention of Government to proceed with the Bill in Committee , pro forma on Monday , and to take the discussion on the following evening . - The " Contagious Diseases Prevention Bill , " and the Pauper Lunatics Bll , " went through Committee . The « 'Drainage of Lands Bill" was read a third time and passed , as was also the "Religious Opinions Relief Bill . " Several other bills were advanced a stage ,
THE BRITISH POSSESSIONS BILL . went into committee . In answer to Mr . Spooner , The Chancellob of tbe Exchequer said that all that this bill contemplated was the enabling ofour colonies te repeal as many of the additional duties as were now imposed upon foreign goods as they pleased . After some discussion the clauses were agreed to , and the bill reported without amendment . It was ordered to be engrossed , and read a third time on Saturday .
' FLOGGING IN THE . ARMY . . Mr . Estcoum moved for a return of persons flogged in the army in Great Britain aud Ireland , in the years 1845 and 1846 , to the end of July ; specifying , L 'flic offence . 2 , The regiment , the place of station , the time . 3 . The sentence . . 4 . The order for Its execution . 5 . Whether the trials were open to the public , or only open to the regiment , or with closed doors . 6 . The number of lashes inflicted , and the day . 7 . How soon after punishment the man was able to return to his duty , and at what place he was then quartered . 8 . Whether death has followed within twelve months of the flogging , and the date of such death . Whether the punishment was inflicted , if in cavalry regiments , by the trumpeters or farriers ; if in infantry regiments , by privates or drummer ? , and with what instrument . 10 . Copies of the surgeon ' s minutes of all such punishments , and any subsequent obseivationson theircoi .-
sequenees . Mr . Vox Mauxe moved an amendment , excluding some of the returns moved for , but afterwards , upon the suggestion of Mr . Hume , included in it a return of the number of lashes inflicted . Lord J . Rdsskll had no objection to give a return of the number of lashes inflicted ; . but hoped that Mr . Escott would not call for "the regimeni , " if the house should be of opinion that it would lead to invidious and unjust comparisons . . Mr .-WiKiiBT hoped that no part of this motion would be . refused . He believed that its production
would convince any reflecting man that the odious and disgusting practice of flogging ought to be instantly abolished . He expressed his readiness to give Mr . F . Maule the name of a surgeon at Hounslow , who was prepared to say that no soldier , who had received 100 lashes , with full force , had ever lived a year afterwards . He contended that the specification of the regiments was imperiously required '; for if it sfcould appear that in one regiment there was no dogging , and in another regiment there was much Hogging , it would be the duty of the house to enquire into the cause of the difference .
Mr . Wabbubtox maintained , that as the house oufe ' ht to know whether the average mortality among the men who had been flogged exceeded the average mortality in the rest of the regiment , by that return we should learn , whether this punishment extended to " life and limb . " lie hoped that in » -omc shape Government would give the house int ' ovutacion on this point . » Mr . C . BuLLtit objected to g ' ve a return upon that point , as it would appear to ' furnish the country with the effects of flogging , when it did no such thing in reality .
Mr . B . Escott ' replied to the objections , both of form and substance , which had been urged against his motion , ami after a few words from Captain Polhill , who contended that it was ncccssarv to retain lluiijjiiitf fur the discipline ol' the ariny , \ hc return , as amended by Mr , F , Maule , was ordered . The house then adjourned . "
Cratresf Ffltobemtnts
Cratresf ffltobemtnts
Nottingham.—A Three Counties Delegate Me...
Nottingham . —A three counties delegate meetinr of framework knitters will be held on Monday the 24 th inst . at the Dove and Rainbow , Parliamentstreet , Nottingham , at ten o ' clock in the fo renoon when delegates from the villages and towns of the counties of Leicester , Derby and Nottingham , are particularly requested to attend ; to take into con . sideration the mission of Mr . Felkin , who is authorised by the Central Committee of the National Association , to receive tenders for the making of 100 frames , and other business of vital importance . Thomas Winters , Secretary . Boot anh Shoemakers . —We have received the following from the City Trade of Boot and Shoemakers : —
The late disagreements among the different sections of our trade in London , which has caused upwards of 1100 of its members to secede from the General Union , basin , nicted a serious injury on thatportion of its unfortunate members , who at this slack season of the year , are obliged to tramp the country in search of employment . Our intention therefore ig , according to our long established practice , to make a provision for those men on the road ; but not tavinff , at present , any other means of calling the attention ofour ebopmates in the country to this important subject , only through the medium of the Northern Star , which , on all occasions , has been our friend and advocate , when our cause was just , we embrace this opportunity of informing all gectio ' ns of our trade throughout the country * ho may wish to correspond with the City of London , they can do so by address , ing their communications to Mr . Wainner , D . C . Plough , court , Fetter-lane .
TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN AND COUNTY OF LEICESTER . [ From a hand bill forwarded to us by Mr . WinterrJ . we give the following extracts ; we have not room for the whole : —] Gentlemen , on the 28 th of July , I felt it my duty to address the following letter to the "Leicester Journal , " " Payne ' s Advertiser , " and the " Leicestershire Mercury , " to inform the framework knitters , and the public generally , that the manufacturers could afford to pay better wages by Is . 6 d . a dozen , than what they were paying , and that the promised 3 d a dozen were only partially given , and that by some who had reduced their work-people since February last .
Sir , —The frameworkknitters , as a body , have for some time looked forward with anxiety to the Passing of Free Trade measures , as the great panacea of relief , by extendine tteir tradd and augmenting their wages , which ( by the byt ) in some cases have been considerably reduced since February last . It has been said by many of the manufacturers , that if those principles were esta . Wished , they should most assuredly be enabled to advance wages , iiave tbe . y done so generally ? Has one manu * facturer advanced tbe whole of his workpeople 1 One or two , who pay lower wages than others , have , I understand , advanced , or promised to advance , 3 d . per dozen ; but where is the bulk oithe manufacturers ? Cannot they afford to give more , or arethey in danger of foreign Com . petition ? Do they anticipate an invasion of our home trade , by the continental manufacturers 1 If so , where
is the truth of their philosophy I If not . why cannot they afford to advance wages ? It Is a truth that twelvethirteenths of our trade is home trade . " Competition has done no harm , or candoi" says the political economist , when I say again , advance wages . Or , if the manufacturers expect a convulsion , let them inform the public in time . Some say the markets are not sufficiently improved to warrant an advance ; but this tale I have always regarded as a subterfuge , because I have been informed by manufacturers , two years ago , that then , "they could afford to give Is . ed . per dozen more than what they were paying , if other manufacturers would do the same . " Why has it notjbeen done ? Because the general axiom , now is " getting . " Unprincipled
competition , the making of hundreds , the ruin of thousands , rules predominent . The Scotch manufacturer pays more by 2 s . Gd . per dozen , than th manufacturer in this country . How is this to be accounted for ? Echo answers , how ? We have heard much of the Bufferings of the Goatacre peasantry , and recommendations from the manufacturers to Vhe farmers to give up a portion of their profits to raise their condition . The old proverb of " Charity begins at home , " is reversed in this case , 'twere well it were not . The large profits of manufacturers nobody will dispute ; the raising of mansions proves it ; then let them have the good sense and humanity to set the example , by relinquishing a portion of those profits , to enhance the social condition of their poor workpeople .
lam , yours , < fec ., Leicester , July 28 th , 1846 . Thomas Winters . The above letter was inserted in the " Leicester Journal" and "Payne ' s Advertiser , "—while the editor of the "Mercury" excluded it from tbeir columns , yet had the unfairness to insert a leading article against it at great length—but unluckily for the editor , he was not able to confute one sentence , or prove one untruth . Then follows a bill , drawn up foroushtlknow to the contrary , by the same editor , signed by five working men , as a reply , which , like the editor ' s , is no reply at all , as it does not even attempt to deny what I stated . The editor of . the "Times" wrote an article against the stockingers , — the " Mercury" copied it entire , with remarks in its favour , and refused to insert a reply , yet this is " the paper , we ought to look to as the real friend of stockingers . " But , says the " Mercury , "_ Mr .
Winters is a Protectionist—I don't deny it . 1 dm a Protectionist ; so is every working man who joins a union for the protection of wages . The printers , brushmakers , goldbeaters , tin-plateworkers , packers , moulders , stockingers , glovers , tailors , and a host of others are all Protectionists . I belong to an association entitled " The National Association for the Protection of Industry . " But to the point , —I said that they could ahVd to give Is . Cd . a dozen more . Mr . Overton said se , and he was willing , ( if others would ) , to give it . I said reductions had taken placesince February last : —ask C . Billson , N . Corah , J . Underwood , W . Smith , Warburton , Thorpe , Mitchell , and others , whether they have notreduced tbeir hands , some in money , others in extra work , from 3 d . to 6 d . a dozen . - ¦ ¦' . The Manufacturers of Hawick pay forworfc in a 24 guage , which is the medium one , as follows : — Mens ... 28 inches long Clinches-wide ......... 10 s 8 d .
Womens ... 25 5 £ « fid . Youths . 22 ... S is 8 d » Mens .... 27 6 10 s Od . Womens ... 2 +..... oi 8 s sa - Youths 20 * t •••• J 0 d < The Manufacturers of Leicester pay for Meas .., 5 s 3 d . Womens ... is 6 d . Youths .. ; 8 s 9 d . and the same strange difference is found , throughout the whole list ofguages and sorts . I say the working men of Leicestershire are intitled to the-same prices . - lam , Gentlemen , Your bumble Servant Leicester , August 11 , 1846 . THOMAS WINTERS .
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES FOR THE PROTECTION OF INDUSTRY . . The Central Committee met at ! their office , 30 , Hyde-street , Bloomsbury , on Monday , August 10 th , T . S . Duncombe , M . P ., in the chair . After the rending of & voluminous mass of correspondeHce by the secretary , the committee resolved . That as Mr . John Bush , the vice-president is about to proceed to a Conference of Carpenters at Manchester , ke . be hereby authorised to wait on the Trades of Birmingham , Bclper , Cradley , Bordersgreen , Manchester , Lye , Eochdale , Liverpool , ifec ., on behalf of the Association .
A deputation from the Protective Union , of Silk Hatters , waited upon the committee to ask several questions relative to the rules and practices'of the association ; the answers appeared to give the greatest satisfaction . Mr . Wm . Baker , the Secretary of the Paper Makers Union , of England and Wales , attended the office , and paid in £ 59 10 $ ., being the amount ot subscriptions , dec , due from that ' body . After the transaction of business the committee adjourned . The amount of subscriptions for the week exceeded £ 100 .
Westminster.
WESTMINSTER .
Ax Ekpem. Thief.—On Monday, A Smartly Dr...
Ax Ekpem . Thief . —On Monday , a smartly dr essen young female , named Harriet Nash , described upon tv police-sheet , " as a dressmaker from Chatham , " »' : lS charged with the following dexterous robbery . —The prosecutor , Alfred tiarnard , of 35 , Sussex-street , Tottciihaiucourt-road , was walking along Westminster-bridge , about half-past eleven on the previous night , when tlifi prisoner made some inquiry of him , and they walked together in conversation until they arrived atlhePalawyard , when she abruptly left him , he immediately misscii his watch , and as the prisoner had not gone many yard . ' , he puvsuvd and captured her . He then asked her lor m > watch , when she replied , that if he searched his person ih wonld find it . He did so , and to his surprise discovered that it was in his coat pocket , although it had been sua t
but u few mimiti's before in h < s waistcoat , attacked o * German silver guard "' which had been cut in two . J » . -insner to an inouiry from tho magistrate , the prosecutor declared that the robbery had been committed so dexterouslv , that he neither felt her take the watch from his waistcoat-pocket , nor place it iu his coat , wind , latter he supposed she must have done at the tune he captured her . One portion of the guard was still attached to tin- ' watch , the other was round his neck . A pair of verv strong scissors were produced , which wove Ueavd to f « whilst the prosecutor was ho . ding prisoner , and whirl " were found at her feet . They were notched , as tho S " some hard substance had been cut with them , rrisom-r when called upon for her defence said " I never took it . a « of bis waistcoat pocket , nor put it back into Ins coat . .. o was fully eoiumiiteil for trial .
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rcs „ „ street , Upmarket , » " ^ S for tho Pro-° '•? ' " vv % cTs O'COKXOR , ««!¦• » " * Published in-ietor , ^ A « . USUi . ChariCMtlfeet , liVOll \ : , «\ ftrorri h the Parish oi St . Mary , Fa * L irhi ^ S oi Surrey , at . the . Office , So . 16 Great Wi ndniiU-stvcet , Uaymarket , m the City olVC « t \ .. i . « ter t l 0 ( lm
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 15, 1846, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15081846/page/8/
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