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•TO THE MEMBERS OF THE C HARTIST CO-^te^E LAM ASSOCIATION.
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•nrfpfitan' bondsmen, know ye not; ^r on...
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AND NATIONAL . TllMiDTJENALv : .
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X S N the __ _ - . ^ . _ _—_— I. * . . ....
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THE CHARTIST ESTATE. TO THE EDITOH OF TH...
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TO BOSTflOON, OF SHEFFIELD. Mr Dear Bosi...
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Liverpool, May 25th, 184G. Sear Sir,—I b...
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imperial parliament.
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HOUSE OF LORDS, Fhidat, Mat22'. The Marq...
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V
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
•To The Members Of The C Hartist Co-^Te^E Lam Association.
• TO THE MEMBERS OF THE C HARTIST CO- ^ te ^ E LAM ASSOCIATION .
•Nrfpfitan' Bondsmen, Know Ye Not; ^R On...
• nrfpfitan' bondsmen , know ye not ; ^ r oniabefree . FORSEtPMUST TILL THE LAND . Jlf TEST DeaE FrIEKM , jt wraH be impoaaHe , utterly impossible for me tj fin e ! words to express the sensations of pleasure I f » l not at the prospect , bat at the certainty , of suc-L / tliat must attend our national project . Any ?^ that visited your estate at the time that I
^ addressed yon , and who saw it now , would be pore than astonished at the change . A person flB i «? astomed to an agricultural life would have / eli jome awe at tie undertaking , not only in conse-• iience oftheheavy amount of work that'was to be jce ? , but perhaps more from the opposition which he jbuU naturally iexpeet to receive from all classes in $ B neighbourhood . X however , was not frightened jt the work , while I am bound to expre ss my thanks ^ gratitude : fi ^ he willing co-operation that lhave rtteiveu iu
uu : ^ puii In the ontswaiiitrong prejudice -was manifested gainst the project , but a little friendly communieajii-ite ^* ot onl y secured the co-operation of the fcjm . and some of the gentlemen , but has actually jgp irechthe labouring classes with so much admirafijnfpr ihe plan as to induce them to ask permission jo open a district in the neighbourhood . The farm - ; £ sd been long mismanaged by a feeble old gentleman , jud had remained from time immemorial within the suae inclosures . Some of the fences were seven jads wide , full of bushes and old roots of trees . Ont jf this heretofore useless land , I have made over six acres of the best ground on the estate , and , what will
p lease you most is , that I expect a profit upon reclaiming it—that is , I expect more for the roots and fcggots than the labour cost . There were old buildings upon the premises for which we did not pay , they went in with the purchase . I refused £ 130 for them ; Monday and Tuesday we demolished them to tfce ground ** if bj magic , and from , them I expect to jeafee about £ 160 . A draw-well ia being sunk to serve one portion of the occupants with water , another will be sunk in another part of the estate , and in another partis a cerer-failing spring . In another portion there is a pond of soft water that I am told is never dry . The men are now engaged in making a road tight through fte centre of the estate . There is a highway on one
side , and there will be access from each cottage to ( hose roads . By the time I write next I shall be able to tell you that the building of the cottages eoes on apace . The mortar is made , and the carpenters are at work . On Friday the foundations viil be prepared , and the allotments laid out . We hare g iven orders for ten boat loads of the best stable dang , at sixty tons to the boat load , and that amount nil l « drawn in fair proportions to the several allotseats . Now that's the value of co-operation . No cae , two , or three occupants could possibly purchase the dang for more than doable " the price . We shall zst sell all the roots , bat intend supplying each stcupant with a good pile ot the very best of firing , which he may cut np and use at his leisure .
Xonr cottages , notwithstanding the Tarings of the anti-labour llw % Dispatch , will be such as proud men may live in , and indeed one of the reasons why & e Directors preferred building them all themselves ras , ihat they might be responsible for the work and for every bit of timber that went into them . We flmsnlted , and feared that we should be liable to disputes , to bad materials or bad work , if we performed It by contract , and , therefore , ' never shrinking from say responsibility , we resolved upon doing the work ourselves . Your houses will be roofed with the best Enslish oak , your sitting-rooms and bed-rooms will
be floored with the best deals , and in short the work shall be done so as to give satisfaction to the most sceptical . On Monday I had a long day of it , in company with our foreman and manager , Mr . Cullicsham , a staunch Chartist builder . We walked 3 T ? r every field of an Estate of 300 acres , and got wet up to the knees . We then went to TJxbridge , and purchased all the Timber of thebestdescription , at the most respectable house . We also purchased a qsaatity of Ironmongery and other things , and I save orders for Agricultural Tools for yon , made of the verv best materials , at the wholesale price .
On my way I saw a Cow that had just calved , a black cow without horns , and I bought her . SHE GIVES 23 QUARTS A DAT !!! What say you to that ? That cow , when the men hate done with the milk , for which they pay twopence a quart , we shall sell , and if there is a profit it shall go to the credit of the occupants , if there ' s a loss I'll bear it Ejself . Twenty-eight quarts a day at twopence a qnart is 4 s . Sd ., or £ 1 12 s . Sd . a week , so that such a cow would pay the rent of a two acre farm in four weeks . Not , mind , that I wish to lead you astray by apposing that every cow -would be as good , or that a ]; could get sale for so much milk , but I do Say that
to man need keep a worse cow . When the agricultural labourers hear the price to be paid for the Several allotments they exclaim , "Why I pay more for a poor cottage , without a bit of land . " The fame of oar project has gone so far that a highly respectable Clergyman , whose church is within about three Biles of the estate , selected it for his Discourse on Sunday last . He said , "What is there that can possibly so much inter est a working man as the p « session of a House and a bit of Land of his own .
It is the one thing to which all the labouring class should look ! " Now , my dear friends , observe well * h at I am going to say to yon . The man who would fay to discourage the working classes from reaping £ e entire fruits of their own labour must be a bad man but , what is more important , observe , tfctt CO man , no matter what his calling may be , employs labour with any other intention than that of making profit—in plain short terms , that every man who lives idly , lives upon a profit out of other men ' s labonr .
Sow , - what I seek , Is aot only io give every man the whole and undiminished value of his own labour , but to render individual labour still more valuable by cooperation . Now , let me explain this to you from a circumstance that has occurred on the farm . The labourers are many of them working in gangs of six , at work at which one , or even two , could not earn a shilling a day , while by co-operation they can earn & . 6 d . a day . Last week I had some men at job work , and some at day ' s work . Twelvemen at day ' s work earned £ 6 0 s . 0 d „ and seven men at job work earned £ 5 12 s . Gd . ; each worked five days . I never had to go near the men working at task , while I had to stick close to those working day ' s work . The men working task worked from five in the morning till seven in the evening , and the difference between
their two cases is just what 1 have shewn yon many a time , makes the difference between a man having a lease and no lease : between a man working for Mmself and working for another ; when he works for himself his labour is all his own , he works cheerfully , and as BO one vrill deny that labour is the source of all wealth , by making every man his own master , we would more than double the wealth of the country . But then the hitch is that the profit would go into a DIFFERENT CHANNEL . Besides this , the emp loyer is a great gainer by job work , for I am sure that those seven men would not by day ' s work have performed the same amount in a fortnight , while they would have cost you £ S 8 s ., instead of £ 512 a . Gd ., and they would not have been half so well satisfied .
In order to carry out the principle of Co-operation io the most valuable extent , it is oar intention to manufacture upon the spot such articles of furniture as are indispensable , for instance , good solid kitchen tables , bedsteads , dressers and chairs , for which we have an abundance of the best cherry-tree ; of course , those who wish to bring their own may please themselves . If my health is of any value to the working class community , I wish they could see my pale face turned intoagoodsound , sunJiurnt , ruddycomplexion . When I left London I could scarcely , hobble , now I
can jump overtne gates without opening them . 1 am up every morning at 6 o ' clock , and when I kok out at ' my window at the prospect , and think of the number my labours will make happy , I feel myself a giant . Everj minute of every day is devoted to the undertaking , and the more the rascally alarmists seek to intimidate you , the more I am determined to astonish you . We shall be in a much better situation with our next estate , ior you know " experience makes men wise , " although , as yet , we have not lost a fraction . And although you were told that there
•Nrfpfitan' Bondsmen, Know Ye Not; ^R On...
was a difficulty about mortgaging , we have been offered money at four per cent , upon the estate . By next week , when the cottages begin to peep above the ground it is my intention to have an artist down to furnish a faithful engraving of the estate , and , when complete , to give it you in the Northern Star . I think that I have broken down all the prejudice which the occupants were likely to find upon their arrival . I have pledged myself that the neighbour hood will find them the most moral , the most industrious , the most comfortable , and the very best ________ ' ¦ ¦ --..
neighbours . While I pledge myself to the occupants that so far NOW from receiving any opposition , they willmeetwitheveryenrouragement . The agricultural labourers have been kept at such a distance by all other classes , thattheman andhis wife who have lived care-takers of the house f or seven years , expressed thegreatestastonishmentatmysittinginthechimney corner with them , from 8 till 10 o ' clock at night , telling them stories that make them laugh , and explaining the land plan to them . They were really astonished at TflE FREEDOM THE GENTLEMAN MADE WITH THEM ^ -THAT HE HAD NO
MORE PRIDE THAN ONE OF THEMSELVES . In this they are mistaken , however , as my great pride consists in instructing them and their class , while I would be very sorry to devote so much of my time to the amusement of their oppressors . The farmers here are in regular fits at thenotion of the Corn Laws being repealed ; one very extensive farmer observing , — " ! AM DASHED ; SIR , IF ONCE THEY ARE REPEALED , IF WE
DON'T ALL TURN CHARTISTS . HOW THE DEVIL CAN WE PAT RENTS , AND THOSE PARSONS , AND TAXES , AND ALL THE REST OF IT , THEN ? " I don't recollect any more to say at the present moment , further than that I am glad to find the 2 nd section going on so well—indeed there is not the slightest reason why it should not keep pace with the 1 st section , especially as its members will have all the advantage of our ex .
perience , and all the inducement that a certainty of success must holdout . I cannot , too often remind yon of the fact , that not a shilling has been spent in advertising our association ; that not a fraction has been improperly abstracted from the funds ; that of our numerous officers not one has been defaulter to the amount of a penny ; and that there has not been a single complaint ; that failure is impossible , because there will be no fraud ; that success is inevitable , because we have resolved that it SHALL
SUCCEED ! The season invites—the prospect invites ; and when I look out of my little window in the old house and see the sun shining in the morning ; and when I hear the birds singing their merry notes in thankfulness , my heart sickens to think of the numbers of human beings that are doomed by a vicious system to pine during the hot summer weather in sweatinf rooms , stinking rattle-boxes , loathsome cellars , and grinding poor-houses . It is enough to make one fret to read of the fever in Ashton-under-Lyne , when he reflects that it is a CLASS LEGISLATION FEVER . There is no fever at Herringsgate ; I wish the | piners could see the straight frames , the brawny arms , the bright eyes , and cheerful countenances of
the OPPRESSED AGRICULTURAL SLAVES who earn only twelve shillings a week , and a pound at hay-time and harvest , and a pound and more at task work and alless unhealthy labour , than the rattle box slave is doomed to . I do hope and trust , that thousands will pay up in time for the next ballot ; and , as there seems to be a disposition for five rooms and four acres , that all who can afford it , beg it , or borrow it , will entitle themselves to ballot on the first Monday in July ; and I also trust that the Directors will be shortly in a situation to make the first purchase for No . 2 .
I may just mention that some builders attempted to frighten us with the difficulty of getting sand and other materials , while we , without much labour and a little perseverance , have discovered as much sand as would build a town , in , the very centre o £ the estate . I remain , my Friends , Tour very faithful friend and bailiff , Feargus O'Coxxon .
And National . Tllmidtjenalv : .
AND NATIONAL . TllMiDTJENALv : .
X S N The __ _ - . ^ . _ _—_— I. * . . ....
X S N __ _ - . . —— VOL . . NO . 446- - LONDON , , SATURDAY Wm ^^ t ^^ - - :-: ™^^™^ ^ ww ^ u # ^ ' - '' ' ^ ' < » y ; - / - - .. .. ¦ LX - * - » v ^^^ jj ^ a ^^ fe ^^^ tea-i *^ . ; - ¦ - ; - ¦ - > ,: -- - -, r ¦ ... Five Shilling * and . Sixpence perQwartcr . : . yf . ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ' ¦¦ - ¦» —
The Chartist Estate. To The Editoh Of Th...
THE CHARTIST ESTATE . TO THE EDITOH OF THE XOKTUEBX STAB . Sin , —As placing the cultivator- of the soil in a position to eat the fruits of his industry , gathered from his own inheritance , will form a new era in the social economy of the inhabitants of " These wealthy Islands , " a more graphical account ( than has yet appeared ) of Herringsgate Farm , the primary Cuartis : estate , will not , 1 trust , prove unacceptable to your readers . Herringsgate Farm is situate upon an acclivity gradually sloping to the river Come , which not only enriches the meadows through which it flows , but also by revolving numerous mills placed at short distances gives employment to a considerable number of the industrious members of the bodv
politic . Within a-circle of two miles there are seven paper mills , a silk mill of considerable extent , and a copper mill giving employment to very many hands . The most direct road , from London to Herringsgate , is through Harrow and Pinner , the pedestrian will save two miles of ground if , when he arrives at Batchworth-heath , about three miles from Pinner , he turns to the left and keeps the highway towards f j arefie ' . d until he reaches a road leading to Hill—( Yulgo Hell , ) and , at the foot of which , by asking the way to Long-lane , he will be directed to a bridge that crosses the Canal , and on to a foot-road that leads toMr . Sibley ' s Farm , a half mile from Herrings gate . The estate being nearly equi-distant from the
West Di-ayton Station , on the Great Western Railroad , and the Watford Station on the London and Birmingham , these lines offer cheap and speedy means of conveyance to different metropolitan localities . By the former route the traveller must proceed to Uxbridse , from thence to flerefield , when he will inquire the way to the copper mills , he must there cross the canal and proceed to West-hyde , and Maplecross , which is within a mile of Herringsgate , and as a foot-road cuts off a considerable angle the traveller had better ask his way at the sign of the , Cross . The road via Watford lays direct through ltickroansworth to the village of Mill End , at the
foot of which village a foot-road leads to Herringsgate that cuts off the angle . I shall conclude with recommending a route that will delight the most fastidious traveller in search of the picturesque . On quitting the Watford Station , the pedestrian will keep the road till he arrives at Caskiobury Parklodge , the seat of the Earl of Essex , he will pass through the lodge gates and keep the foot-read through the Park ihat leads to Croxley-oreen , from Croxley-green he will proceed to Loudwater , and crossing a stile continue along the foet-road to Chorleywood , from thence to Herringsgate . Chorlcy wood , Mav 20 , 1816 . B .
The Chartist Estate. To The Editoh Of Th...
it makes no difference whatever to thesolfcrety or the shareholders whether land is purchased at £ 14 or £ 80 an acre . Nor you didn ' t understand * that setting the land down at £ 19 15 s . was a ' mere standard of regulation . I will tell yon how we arrived at the £ 18 15 s . We estimated fair fanning land at 15 a . an acre , which , at twenty-five years' purr chaae , is £ 18 15 s ., but it does not signify a turnip . .- .-cv-v ^ ., . ¦ ..,...
whether we gave that sura or any other sum fo ^ the land . Now for enrolment , BostjjjpSB ? The society could not be enrolled under the ' old law , it can be enrolled , and WILL BE ENROLLED , under the new law ; but , Bosthoon . the thing ; that appears to puzde you is , that the occupants " must pay-rent to SOME ONE . Now , like a good fellow , if nature did intend you to wear long ears , ' don't add to their length yourself , for that ' s the way you have always been LABOURING UNPROFITABLE . Thanks
to your balderdash , look to the announcement of amount received this week from Sheffield as the answer to your BRAT . ^ : 4 Tour best friend and one who always 7 " f labours profitably for others , 1 *\ ,.. _> :, Fsarous O'Connor . ' Bailiff to the Chariist Co-operative ; i « t Land Association . ' ¦ : ••" " !'
To Bostfloon, Of Sheffield. Mr Dear Bosi...
TO BOSTflOON , OF SHEFFIELD . Mr Dear Bosinoox , —So you have discovered two mares ' nests , the one , that land cannot be purchased for £ 18 los . anacre , and the other , that the Society is not enrolled . Now , just open your eyes and see , open your ears and hear . On Friday last , at the Auction Mart , London , I saw 432 acres of excellent land , under-drained , within three miles of Higham Ferrers , within seven miles of Wellingborough and eleven of Bedford , sold by Hoggart and . Norton , for £ 14 . 9 s . and a fraction per acre . Youshall have a sum of it . The whole fetched £ 9 , 600 , which
would be £ 22 4 s . and a fraction per acre . It was tithe free , the redemption of which was worth £ 2400 , there is £ 300 worth of timber , and old materials worth £ -500 for building , all of which was included in the purchase , and I believe the land tax is rc « deemed , as the . Auctioneer stated so . Now , put £ 2 , 400 , £ 500 , and £ 300 together , and vou will find that it makes £ 3 / 200 . Take £ 3 , 200 from £ 9 , 600 and you will have £ 6 , 400 , then divide 433 , the number of acres , into £ 6 , 400 , the purchase money , and you will find the result to be £ 14 . 9 s . per acre . Now , two acres of that land and a cottage , the society could let for about £ 410 s . per annum , besides giving £ 15 capital ; for you don't seem to understand that
Liverpool, May 25th, 184g. Sear Sir,—I B...
Liverpool , May 25 th , 184 G . Sear Sir , —I beg to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 22 nd inst ., containiag a Post-office order for the sum of £ 3 9 s . Gd ., received by you from the Masons of Duurobin Castle , in aid of the operative builders of Liverpool and Birkenhead . The operative classes aro much indebted to you for your able advocacy of their cause , for many years past , and allow me , in behalf of the body I here represent , to thank you kindly for the many favours we have received . The working classes generally , are beginning to see how much they are concerned in the doings at Westminster as well as at home , and the day , I trust , is not very far
distant when the sons of labour will enjoy those rights that have been too long withheld , in addition to those uhich the master builders we ( in vain 1 hope ) endeavouring to wrench from them , for if they succeed in the building trade , all others will follow their example , and the whole working community will bs reduced to the very brink of slavery . Shall this ever come to pass , I ask ? Let every working man answer emphatically—it shall not , and each give bis mite of support and victory h certain . In conclusion , allow me to thank the masons of Duurobin for their favour , and believe me to remain Yours , in the cause of freedom , Thomas Cabteb . To Feargus O'Connor , Esq .
V . S . —All subscriptions for the Operative Builders of Liverpool and Birkenhead , to be made payable to me , and addressed , George Forth , Hood-street , Liverpool , and an account of sums so remitted to be inserted in the Northern Star .
Imperial Parliament.
imperial parliament .
House Of Lords, Fhidat, Mat22'. The Marq...
HOUSE OF LORDS , Fhidat , Mat 22 ' . The Marquis of Normanby moved for certain returns relative to the number o f murders committed , or attempted to be committed , in Ireland since January last . The noble marquis took occasion to denounce the Irish Coercion Bdl as altogether uncalled for . The noble marquis expressed a hope that if the government did not intend to proceed with the Coercion Bill , they would give it up at
once . The Earl of St . Gebmans said it was the intention of the Government to proceed with the Bill , if public business would allow them to do so . Z After a few words from the Marquis of Clanricarde , the Duke of FEiuserofland the Marquis of Nobsl & sbt , the motion was agreed to . The house then adjourned till Monday . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Fbiday , May 22 .
MR . SMITH O'BRIEN . Mr . Smith O'Brien ' s letter to the Speaker baring been takeu into consideration , Mr . O'ConxkUj moved that the order of the house , desiring Mr . O'Brien to attend on the railway committee for which he was selected , should be discharged . The honourable and learned member said that , should that motion be agreed to , he should then move that Mr . O'Brien be immediately released . Mr . O'Connell argued that the Committee of Selection not having been elected according to the standing orders , it had no authority to command
Mr . O'Brien to attend the railway committee , and that , therefore , the order of the hoase , which assumed that the order of the Committee of Selection was regular , was unfounded . Mr . Estcouut , the chairman of the Committee of Selection contended that the standing order was the law of the house until repealed , and that there was no necessity for re-electing the Committee of Selection at the beginning of every session , After some remarks from Mr . Warbukton , Sir G . Grey , Mr . Stuart , Mr . Wakkby , Sir R . Pbbi , , Mr . J . O'Conxell , and the Atioisxby-Genebal , the house divided .
For the motion 36 Againstit .... 180 Majority against the motion .. Hi FACTORIES BILL . Mr . Waklet . presented a petition from Nottingham in favour of the Bill . The adjourned debate was then resumed by Mr . G . Baxkes , who ably supported the second reading of the Bill . He maintained that it would confer great benefit on the operative classes , without producing any counterbalancing effect , and could not occasion any injury to the employers . Mr . Ward opposed the Bill , He said he spoke on tJds occasion as the representative of the ivorking
interests of the people of Sheffield , though he did not profess to represent their opiniom , as he was by no means a convert to the doctrine set forth in the preamble of the Bill . He had listened to the speech of the lion . Member for , Bridport , and he ceuld not but confess himself at a loss to understand the real grounds on which he recommended the Bill to Parliament . For his own part , he entertained the greatest respect for the opinions and sentiments of the working classes , and he was free to allow that he learned more from them than he had from the discussions in that House . But now they were asked to cut off the channels ol employment , which , to say nothing of the prejudical effect it would have , was an act which they had no power to perform . If this were done , young women ,
widows , and helpless females in general , would be abandoned to what he might term the " commonsewcr" of fenuMe employment in needlework . He was sorry to find that the present system of labour in this county could not be made more agreeable to the working classes , and he would heartily concur in passing any measure likely to have that effect . His argument was , that you could not give up one sixth of the productive power , and yet retain employment at home . All the manufacturers asked was that , like the farmers , they might make such terms with their labourers as seemed to both parties most conducive to their mutual interests . ( Hear . ) Entertaining the feelings he did , he looked at the Bill as a backward step , a step in the wronr direction ,
and he should give las most cordial opposition to the second reading of the measure . He charged the Protection members with joining in a party move t . ) thwart the government , and branded all who approved of it as cheap humanity mongers . Lord G . Bentikck gave his cordial support to the second reading . In 1844 nearly all the members of the Protection party voted in favour of Lord Ashley ' s measure , and , therefore , they could not with consistency refuse their assent to the present Bill . The hon . gentleman ( Mr . WardJ said that it is easy to purchase a cheap popularity by joining in this humanity cry ; I think we might retort the charge of raising the cry of cheap bread against those who support the repeal of the Com Law . But on this question , at all events , we are not upon a humanity cry , risking nil the interests of the country into one graat experiment . If there is any question on which caution has been observed , it is this : two years ago we reduced
the hours of labour ; we have now had the experience of these two years , and have we destroyed the cotton trade ? Have we reduced the wages of labour ? No such thing . On the contrary , both the export and the home trade have greatly increased , and so have the wages of the operatives . Where then is the danger and risk of this further extension ? We are not trcadisg on untried ground ; we reduced the . hours of labour two years ago ; and we now ask you to reduce it further by five hours a week " . It had been said by the hon . member for Sheffield that no such regulations as tho ten-hour system had been made with regard to the agricultural labourer . Of course it had not , for the best of all reasons , that no such regulation was required . During the summer months the agricultural labourers were nominally engaged twelve hours , an hour being allowed for dinner and half an hour for breakfast ; but during'tke winter season ten hours was the entire time the agricultural labourers were
House Of Lords, Fhidat, Mat22'. The Marq...
rlpfjpi ^^ the alterasfrapSthe hours of labouk'existed . 'for they * . were JjJrfidy limited . Had they not legislated for the negroes in the West Indies—( Hear , hear )—and did they not limit the period of their labour to nine hours a day ? How much better was the climate of the West Indies than the heated and polluted atmosphere of those factories in which children laboured ? Were they to say , that the . children and young people of England were to labour wore hours than the negroes of the West Indies ? Lord MoRPBin made an eily . Whig speech ; pre-\& , AMiJ ^ S ^{ Uim ^^^^^ .. ,, vtt-i ,. . v .. - "
tending great sympath y with the working c asses , : opposing the second reading . ¦* He was favourableto a reduction . to eleven hours , but was indisposed to take any step in the matter until the fate of the Corn Bill was ascertained . Mr . Macavuy considered the principle of interference ; where the morals and the health of the community were at stake , to be indisputable . Parliament had already asserted that principle , and he thought it could be carried yet further without danger , and with great advantage to the working class , lie hoped the education o £ . that class would be attended . toj and that the people , who gave a character to the country , would not be suffered to sink in the depths of ignorance and imbecility . ' He would ask what made Scotland , but Scotchmen ? What made Holland , but Dutchmen ? What made the United States ?—hot the clime or soil , but the men bfThelahd . who spurned such laws as he now desired
to alter , and exiled themselves to make a country for themselves . The wealth and strength of every nation depends on the people of the nation ; and , were they to allow an immense population to sink in sorrowful imbecility ! He hoped not ; He was desirous to deal the doses of benefit cautiously ; bat he hoped benefit would be given them by their protectors . The competition of foreign countries is most to be apprehended when the energy of the people is overpowered by labour . We have done what we ought not , and we have not done what we ought . We have considered for the bread of the operative without considering for the means of the necessaries of his health . ( Hear . ) , Sir John Hakjibb , fn consideration of the state of public business and the actual position of other measures , believed he would be best discharging his duty by postponing the question . He could not , therefore , vote , as heretofore , tor the bill .
Mr . Wakley said , the business of that house was to protect the poor man—to defend the weak from the oppressions of the strong—and , if they abandoned their duty in that respect , they would abdicate one of their mos t important functions . ( Cheers . ) The manufactures of England had prospered to an enormous extent under a system of protection —( great cheering from the Protectionists)—and he heard with the deepest and most sincere regret , a statement made on a previous occasion by a right hon . gentleman , that the British labourer was about to enter the arena of industry without any armour or protection whatever ( Cheers . ) lie had been told that with a free trade no protection could be held out to the labouring classes of this
country . It that principle should be acted upon , then he had done a fearful wrong to the working classes in ever advocating Free Trade for a moment ; and it would bato him a painful feeling to the last moment of his life , i he hon . member for Sheffield made an address . to the house , or rather delivered a lecture , which was the greatest piece of rigmarole he had ever heard . —( A laugh . ) The hon . gentleman said , that because a portion of the working classes of Finsbuiy , the borough which he ( Mr . Wakley ) vepreaented , were for the present bill , that therefore he should give it his support . Now , he should beg leave to tell the hon . member that his constituents left him entirely to himself , which lie believed was not the ease with the hon . member . The hon . member said , that
he derived his information chiefly from the working classes : he said that he had read a pamphlet written by an hon . friend behind him , and could not understand it , but all he ( Mr . Wakley ) could say was , that was not his hon . friend's fault . —A laugh . ) Then he said again , that he could not see any meaning in what fell from the Hon . Member for Weymouth , although he admitted he heard him with great pleasure but he ( Mr . Wakley ) was at a loss to know how a man could hear with pleasure what lie did not understand . —( A laugh . ) Had thelabouring classes sufficient protection now ? Heshouldsay not . Those of Yorkshire and other places had prayed for it , and for his own part he had heard , he was obliged to confess , the speech of the Noble Lord the
Member for Yorkshire , that evening , with great regret ; he believed it would be read elsewhere with equal regret ; and it certainly , in bis mind , differed trom that delivered at the last election for Yorkshire . There was no doubt whatever but the manufacturing classesrequired protection , and Hon . Gentlemen who referred to the returns of mortality niay . at once see and convince themselves that the average age to which the people arrived in manufacturing towns was 17 , while in Rutlandshire , an agricultural county , it was 38 . —( Cheers ) But that BUI above all struck at the root of the great domestic evil which at present existed ; for , he contended ^ that if a mother of a f amily was obliged to work—if she were obliged to leave her house and children to others , in order to work herself at these manufactories—what must become other home and of these children ? That was a monstrous and crying evil , which demanded an instant remedv . What was the greatest misfortune
that could befall a family ?—the loss of a mother . ( Hear , hear . ) Where did economy , and happiness , and virtue exist , "but where the good mother was to be found ? ( Cheers . ) She could not go abroad like the man to amuse herself ; the usages of society forbade it ; her home was her temple—it was the theatre of ail her duties ; and their business should be to keep it that home , for their protection and his coin fort , instead of sending her out to a factory to work iikeaman . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Buiani denied that the mortality was greater in Manchester than in Liverpool , and contended that it was essential to the argument of the hon . member for Finsbury to show that the mortality in Manchester was greater than in some town of coual population ; but in which no manufacturiag industry was carried on . The hon . member for Oldham seemed to say that the Bill would cause no diminution ot wages , no diminution of production .
Mr . Fiblden—The same amount of production may be had with additienal machinery . ( Hear . ) Mr . BmoHT—But that involved an increased expenditure . ( Loud cries of " Hear , hear , " from the Protectionist benches . ) After combating the stater ments of Mr . JFielden at some length , the hon . membersaid there were thousands of men and women employed in Lancashire who were earning higher wages than they ever had , whilst the masters were working the mills at a loss . ( Cries of "Oh , oh , " from Col Sibthorp . ) Did the hon . and gallant member for Lincoln deny the fact . ( Hear , hear . ) Ant ! what did the hon . member know of the working of a cotton mill ? Colonel Sibthorp . — - Not much , thank God . ( Laughter . )
Mr . Bbiomt . —The hon . member had a right to be thankful . As regarded the agitation out of doors he must be supposed to know something of the feelings of the working classes , as he ( Mr . Bright ) employed 800 of them . He was willing to admit that the operatives preferred abridged hours of toil , but in no one case were they willing to accept ol ten houi'i wages for ten hours work . If tho measure passed it would produce the most fatal disappointment in the minds of the working classes , for they believed their wages would , at least , remain the same . But there was an offer of a compromise , the hon . member for
Ashton-under-Lyne was a man made for a compromise — ( laughter ) — but this compromise for eleven hours was a mere delusion ; the advocates of the bill would not be satisfied until they brought the hours of labour down to eight , or perhaps , even to six hours . ( Hear , hear . ) The less that house interfered with the labour of the operatives , it would be so much the better for them . Mr . B . Dbmson , in supporting the measure , stated that the question had been too much argued as if it was intended to reduce the hours of labour to ten hours , whereas there was no intention of goinp farther than eleven at present , and that he considered tho best course to pursue .
Sir R . Peel argued that the result of the Bill would be io act as an income tax of fifteen per cent , on labour . Legislative interference on this subject had been already carried far enough ; but at all events at this time , after having sanctioned the exportation of machinery , and after having conceded to ! the working people the privilege of . obtaining food at the lowest possible price , it would be impolitic to proceed further . Much as he was . disinclined to interfere on this subject , he was particularly so at the present moment . The result too of . their interference would be , that other classes wou jd demand t © be placed on tho same footing as the workers in factories , and no doubt many of them could make as good a ease for the interference of tho House . Amicable arrangements between masters and men would be more advantageous to all parties than compulsory enactments of any kind .
Lord John Russell said ho was sorry to intrude upon the House at so late an hour of the night , but he could not avoid taking notice of the argument of his Right Eon . Friend who had urged the popular argument in support of the measure . He had already shown that there were reasons why » u interference
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^ _ __ I . * . . . should take place , and it was urged since that the course he was pursuing would limit the labour and employment of the adult . How that appeared , he confessed , he did not understand . It was- now a question whether they should sanction an interference . They would do so , he apprehended , if they wereeonvinoed of the truth of two propositions ; first , whether the health , morals , and comfort of the working classes would be promoted by this Bill ; and , aeeond , whether they had the reason to believe that they could do so without mischievously aBectingthelsbour of those who were engaged in factories ; but on the first question it was unnecessary tor him to address ¦¦ .- - : , . . . ; - . -. .
-r-the House , and to the second , he believed , it woold appear that the risk was not as it was apprehended by the opposcrs of the Bill , or otherwise , it would be a melancholy fact for Parliament to consider . But he took a more cheerful view of the matter . ( Cheers . ) He thought that they might interferehe would not say without the chance of risk , but certainly without the probable occurrence of many of the dangers that had been alluded to . They had been told that other countries work for seventy , or even as much as ninety hours a week . Well ; ' then , he would put the argument thus : —For twenty years we have been contending with these foreigners , vye only working 09 hours a week—we . had , besides , a
tax on the raw materia ] of cotton—ana we had , besides , a law to prevent the people from commanding food as cheap as in other countries . And yet it has been proved to demonstration , that with alUthese disadvantages , the result has been that in 1824 we exported 33 , 000 , 0001 b . of cotton yarn ; in 1833 , we exported 70 , 000 . 0001 b . ; and in 18 i 3 , we exported 135 , 000 , 0001 b . Such being the case . he could not doubt that this country has been influenced by circumstances , by which it has been aided in carrying on its manufactures . The noble lord concluded by stating that , as he believed , the shortrsystem would tend to the social improvement of the people of this country , he intended recording bis vote in favour of the Bill .
Mr . Cobdkh did not wish that the members of the house should be under any apprehension as to the vote he had made up his mind to give . They might suppose , if they pleased , that they had placed , him in a difficulty , because he should vote against the bill . ( Hear , hear . ) He should chiefly regard it , not in the manner stated , because he had never known a greater delusion practised on the working classes than the fallacies to which they had been subjected with reference to short hours . ( Hear , hear . ) These persons held the strange and false notion that the house had in its power the means to maintain prices , and in all their applications they had proceeded on that assumption . ¦ He wished gentlemen opposite would not consider the question merely by reference to their hearts , but that they would employ tho head a
little , and infuse reason with feeling . Sir Robert Peel had quoted communications , and so would he . He held a petition , for instance , in hia hand , from « place called Kidington , ia Somersetshire , asking the house to raise the wages of the petitioners by law . Here the absurdity of the proposed measure was shown . The house might with equal effeet attempt to raise the wages of the labourers in Dorsetshire to 12 s . a week . The noble lord had positively fixed the rate of wages that would follow . This could not be done . No legislation could affect the rate paid to labour . And for that reason , with others which he had stated — regretting , at the same time , that Statesmen on both sides had not thought proper to think for themselves , but to take the opinions of men out of the house - * he would oppose the
measure . Mr . Muktz rose amidst loud cries of "Divide . " He observed that many fallacies had been expressed by members on both sides of the house , and some , though admitting that the wages of tho operatives would be lessened by the bill , and perhaps distress ensue , would yet agree to a mutual arrangement to produce the same effect as intended by the measure . , ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He quite agreed with the theory and practice of that opinion , for he never attempted to make his men do extra work that he had not been a loser by it . When the hon . member for Sheffield spoke o f the kmenkbleatate of Sheffield , of which he knew quite as much as the lion , member —( laughter )—he begged to remind him that that state of things had been produced by arrangements between the parties —( Hear , hear)—and that
it was not bo bad as it had been before , but mere were some curious circumstances about this questi on . Tho gentleman manufacturers and the workmen did not seem to understand one another ; for the latter said that they had joined in the cry for the repeal ol the Corn Laws , and had been asked to do so because if they did ( the gentlemen manufacturers ) would then help them in endeavouring to obtain this bill . ( Loud cheers . ) Therefore , feeling as he did an interest in all the industrial classes , he was not satisfied that the statements of the gentleman manufacturers in that bouse were correct . ( Hear , hear . ) They ( her Majesty ' s Government ) now went the whole hog with the Free Traders .. ( Great cheering and laughter . ) He was far from finding fault with them for doing as they pleased , because he would do as he pleased . ( Laughter . ) Upon these grounds for . tho sake both of masters and men , he should cordially support the
measure . Mr . Fieldsn replied , but in so low a tone of voice that his observations were inaudible in the gallery . The house then divided , and the numbers were—For the second reading 193 Againstit 203 Majority — 10 The announcement of this " measuring cait majority " in favour of the Ministers was received with derisive cheering . The House adjourned at twentv minutes to Three .
HOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , May 25 . This being the day appointed for the second reading of the Corn Importation Bill in the House of Lord * - , tho passages leading to the gallery were thronged with those who had peers' orders for admission some time before the doors were opened ; the seats set apart for strangers were far too few to accommodate the applicants , and many lingered lor a long time about the door , hoping that some persons who had been ad . mitted would quit their places . The body of the house was filled very early ; shortly after 5 o ' clock there were nearly 200 peers present / Lord Stanley did not come in until about 20 minutes past 5 . The Duko of Richmond and tome other peers , immediately went up to him and shook hands .
BIRTH OF A PRINCESS . The Duke of Wellington : I have to announce to your Lordships that her Majesty was safely delivered of a Princess this day , at three o ' clock in the afternoon . I beg , therefore , according to the usual practice to move , that an humble address be presented to her Majesty on the birth of another Princess , and to assure her Majesty that every addition to her Majesty ' s domestic happiness affords the highest satisfaction to the House of Lords . ( Hear , hear . ) Lord Melbourne : My ' Lords , I know that it is unnecessary accarding to the forms of the house that any motion should be seconded , and 1 know that it would be superfluous if I said one single word on this subject . ( Hear , hear . ) A great number of petitions in favour of , and against the Corn Bill , were presented by various It * CSI * j 3 CORN IMPORTATION BILL .
The Earl of Itirox moved tho second reading of tho Bill . The noble Earl entered into an elaborate vindication of his conduct upon the question of the Corn Laws . When he introduced the Corn Bill in 1815 , he did it , he said with great reluctansei and then told Lord Liverpool that he had the greatest objection to the principle of any Corn Law whatever . He had never voted for a Corn Law on account of any question of rent , or because of any charges on the owners of land , or on the ground of its being part of a system of national industry ; he had voted for it solely on account of the peculiar circumstances of the period . Lord Ripon proceeded to review the changes which had been made in the Corn Law from 1191 to 1842 , to show that it had never been regarded as a permanent system , and that protection was the least stable of principles . As it did not bear with it the character of permanency , it was completely a question of time , and therefore the question of principle was
gone . The noble Earl alluded to the state of Ire . land for the purpose of admitting that lw did not la } much stress upon the deficiency of food there as an argument for the passing of this measure . The most specious plea that had been urged against the Bill was that of its throwing the land out of cultivation . But in the prices obtained for farms since the introduction of tins measure he eould see no indication of alarm amongst the purchasers of land . Tho noble Earl having expressed his opinion that the Corn Law might safely terminate at once instead of at the end of three years , he concluded by declaring that he could not take any shame to himself for having undertaken to propose th « Bill ( though ho knew that he was open to the chai-ge of inconsistency , and of having unnecessaril y abandoned principles which he had formenly supported ) because tho reasons upon which he had heretofore voted for a Corn Law do not now exist ,
ihe Duke of Richmono moved as an amendment that the Bil ' . be read a second time that day six months . A measure so likely to inflict a deadly blow upon Bri ' tish agriculture , and , therelore , on our natioiiaj greatness , never before was proposed by any
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minister . TheirtordshnVs hM | JuBfc > causedf ;^ om « ^ plaints against the ^ goveirnment for not hiving - fairly ' ¦ ' stated . w hafrthe'ate ^^^^ this Bill . If they haascorisidei ^ ii ^ peeti-Jt .: waa ^ unpardonable in thei ^ foIwiihIwi < L" | b ^^ . ^^^ . ^ amiii ^^ m im ^ fia ^ u ^ l ^ i nun }? t ^ whohad dated toJpwp ^^ . ^ eafc u whmh it would have . boe hha ^ . aM ^ hi ^ fi ^ cfe ^ iZS , ^ P ?^^^ pahdegiitilaAeivi £ i ImffWfT ^^ i ^ he ^ te » ti 6 n ., ^ a : t : ; J & Tiwi a ^ W ^ ifMw » ofihi *] VthVAcfii ,, ;! ; ™ rl ^^^ ut ^ d jnoti 8 aid ?»^ rora ^ agaimUhe Aetof I 8 i 2 ; yet ^ iwa ^^ Mly ffbicr ^ their ; Lordskma were . caJled = npj i ^ Tep ^ U Tfi ^ - ""! Duke of Richmond ; cqntras % thei : apeech % fthe ; Mr . : Robinson and the : Lpr < f ' Eigba of the opposition benches in 1841 , with the Lord Ripon of the present day , and proved out of the mouth of the now President of the Board that land would be thrown out of
cultivation—that England would be completely at the mercy of foreign nations—that the most disas- .,: trous consequences would result if ever protection should be reduced to an 8 s , fixed duty—and that if \ the Bill of 1842 was not proposed as a final measure , the . men who proposed it were guilty of tho basest political offence , and of the most egregious folly .. The Noble Duke having shown the amount of capital employed in the cultivation of the land , and the in * . ; proveme'hts that had been undertaken on the faith of the law of 1842 , asked , would their Lordships sanction a retrospective measure for the confiscation ot ail this capital , tp please a section of Manchester men , who wanted to work the land on political economical principles , having first cleared the land of the labourers that we attached to it by birth and hmg-cemehted associations . . He knew that if t .. eir
Lordships' votes were taken by ballot there would not be frund ten balls in favour of the bill ; and those who had a feeling of objection to ; desert the Government should remember that it was the . government who had deserted them , and that Sir R . Peel had no more chance of gaining the confidence of the people ' than he had of sitting on the throne . They should remember , too , that this Bill was only accepted as an instalment , and that future changes , which would shake the . foundation of the Throne , which ' - . would cripple the Church , and uproot the great institutions - - ; ot the country , entailing endless confusion and anarchy would inevitably follow . Eabl Fitzwiixiam , although he disliked the Bill exceedingly , should vote for it , lest it should be lost .
He wished it had been an immediate repeal , and thought it neither right or decent of the Government to bring it before their Lordships in a shape
that admitted of neither alteration or amendment . He also considered tho Minister should have accompanied his Bill with a statement of the calculations he had formed of the probable price of corn under its operation . The Duke of Cleveland opposed the second reading . He had voted in the majority of one which overthrew the Whig Government on the' 8 a . ' fixed duty ; and having , therefore , the right to assume that his vote turned the scale , he felt bound now to declare that had he supposed the present Ministerswould have abandoned the cause' of Protection as they had , he would have cut off his hand rather than have helped them into office in 1841 .
Ihe Marquis of Losdosderuy supported the Bill . A farmer in the north of England liad exnre & sed himself satisfied with the Ministerial inensurV' because he should be obliged to grow two blades of grass where he now only grows one . As to the charge of inconsistency—there wjis not more than six of "' their Lordships who ever before voted for a total repeal of the Corn Laws , and considering that a majority were now prepared to vote in favour of the repeal , he thought tkoy . wa »* . intliable to any accusation of change of opiniwn . Lord Stanley began by expressing great , distrust
in his own powers , but he felt strong in a conviction of the truth of the cause he supported , when entering upon the defence of a system of Jaw which had been designated by Earl Fitzwilliam an absurd system , and which Had been vigorously assailed by those who had hitherto ably and strenuously defended it , and to whom it owed its very existence . Upon the question of-authority , he appealed from the authority of the living to that of the dead ; from statesmen of the present day to Lord Chatham , Mr . Pitt , and Mr . Huskisson ; ' to Lord Liverpool , Mr . Canning , and Lord Grey . The-Earl , of'Ripon had denied that the Legislature had recognized the principle of protecting native industry as a reason for regulating the importation i . f corn , whereas such a principle had been adopted so early as the reign of Edwaul IV .. and it had been continued to be t ; e rule ot cur legislation up to ihe present time , that it was expedient to secure the independence of this country upon f oreign nations for corn , and to give encouragement imd protection to the cultivation of its
own soil . This had not only been our own policy , but at the moment when we were venturing uptji tliO bold experiment of leaving ihe supply of this nai ion ' s f ood to chance , every other country in the world of any eminence maintained a protection to its agriculture . Ha did jnotiou to -tUu inotiT < . o ol' 111020 Wlio Uafl brought forward this measure , and Sir Robert Peel in particular could not fail to have foreseen' the dis- ' location and disruption of ties , the shock to public confidence , und the distrust which it would occasion on the pa ; t of constituencies in " public ' nien and iu Parliament . 13 uttu 6 right hon . baronet had mistaken the emergency and the position in which he was placed : he had confound ' , d the brawling torrent of agitation with the deep , ' still current of public opinion . Ministers had been asked in another place what they
expected would bo tho result of this measure , and they frankly said they did not know . -This m < asure , therefore , \ vas - introduced without a knowledge of what its effects would be . The grounds assigned for die measure were the famine in Ireland and the success of the tariff ; but these reasons were mutually at variance . If this bill relieved the famine in Ireland , it could only be b y bringing down the price of corn to the means of the starving population of Ireland . Their Lordships must distinguish betweeu famine and great local scarcity . He spoke of famine in Inland as a vision , a baseless vision ; he spoke iu diffoient terms of tho amount of tlotitution and distress through the partial failure of the potatoc crop . When the subject came before the Cabinet of which he was a member ,
he yielded his own opinion and consented to a suspension , and a suspension only , of the Corn Law ; a total abolition he considered unjustifiable iu itself ; but he was left alone . The noble lord then entered into details respecting the course he had taken in tln . se transactions , and then into statistical details appliiable to the policy and clfccts of the existing Corn Law , and particularly to the operation of the sliding scale in checking the tendency of a rise in the price of corn , and in preventing tho fluctuation of prices . This was a complete answer to tho .-e who said that fluctuation of prices was tiio peculiar vice of the sliding scale ; whereas never had prices so fluctuated as during the free trade in corn , when we were most dependent on a foreign supply . In ' he prices of articles not subject to any
sliuingseale , in which there was a free trade—potatoes and cotton , for example—the lluutoatious were enormous ? . The present Corn Law had kept us independent ct foreign nations , lowered , and maintained a steadiness in prices ; and would any man contend that these advantages had been purchased by a sacrifice ofaay interest ? So far from it , our exports had increased , our shipping had increased , the value of land had augmented ; . why , then , was this hazardous txnerimeitt to be made ? The system of manufacturing prosperity was not without its dangei ;; it should not be checked ; but- ic ought to be carefully watched ; the power of production was always , over * taking that of absorption , and if manufactures were pampered to . an unwholesome increase , whan the bubble burst the ruin would be extensive . But it
was not clear that the repeal of the Corn l ^ aw would increase manufactures , if an argument was diawn from the effects of the tanlf upon other articles , the price of corn would rise with the repeal of the duty , for that of wool had risen . He , hirWver , contended that the price of corn would fall gwatly ; that we should have an inundation of foreign : com ' at 40 s . a quarter ) making that about the price ol' corn in the British market . The hrgc profits ot the fcieigti corn-grower on the importation of the anieie into England would furnish iihn with capita ! , which lie would apply to the raising of more corn . A ad Low were the manufacturers to be benuuDtcd by this measure ? Only by the reduction of \ va & es . " The price of labour must fall with the price of earn . If the labourers' wages were to be reduced , they ought
to have the balance of advantages fairly put beiu ' re them . The noble Lord then s > ho « etl -tise . fallacy ol ! the notion that Russia , Prussia , and the llnlttd ; States would not take our manufactures becauif we ! did not take their corn , and that our exports to ' these ; countries would increase after the bill passx-d , 1 !;;& admitting that there would be a great increase ia the exports of our manufactures , difficulties " nviiiV arise and war intervene ; and when forei gn miwkete were closed against us , and we had dtsSvoyj-il our home markets , then would be tho m ^ d of bitter suffering to all , and especially U . i , . v Artisans * lho noble Lord tlvan . 'proccGdud to duseribo V . k anticipations of the results of the measure on tUs ' liorco market , and the condition of the gicat l . ulk of the community . He said tho coutempiat «* {{ reduction
will be equivalent to a reduction of 40-i in -vcre on the whole land of the country , and wh . gn vou atcompany that reduction with a correspuidiii " ' reduction on other articles , you will find that it wiifeat up tho whole ot the rental of the landed 1 jrcprietora . ( Hear , hear . ) But that loss will ultimately fall not mainly on the landlords , but it will ah- fall on the tenantiptersand the agricultural l abourers ; for the first step which : those u > nant-ia ' , 5 Vll . wiU be obliged to take , will be to relieve tlu- > . selves from all extra outlay . 1 hey must suspend 5 , 11 intended improvement * , they must discharge'I ' joir" labourers , they must reduce the rate of was ? JSj aml IU 0 lvsuit will bo to pour : those uiildiiipY lii ' jpurovs into the uiiuiuutvttuii * « is ; tr . uts , Uum .. id hr-pekvs co ' mpetiti'tn , endeavouring | tu . proi-uvi ; ihr , lowest sprcits of employment—cavryj ir . g their , vnetehalii ^ s along with thim , to i > iue J Cmtinuedjo ihti & ght f « g ? . \
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 30, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_30051846/page/1/
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