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TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTIST.S
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The friends we've tried are(by our side,...
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL.
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VOL. X . NO. 45L LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY ...
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TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATI...
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rO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATI...
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Bmpmal prlfammt
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HOUSE OF LORDS, Mondat, June 20
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4 s I I 1
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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To The Imperial Chartist.S
TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTIST . S
The Friends We've Tried Are(By Our Side,...
The friends we ' ve tried are by our side , The foe we hate ' s before us . _jfy beloved Friends , —Never in the _v-hole couree c fmy life did I so truly feel the importance and resrtfmsibllityof my position as at the present time _, _t _^ _gne people foolishly imagined that the Land toy _w onld divert me from all _tbsught bi politics , but , if jjl think with me , I feel convinced that the Land plan , so fer from damping the Chartist spirit , will add new and increased vigour to the cause . I feel , if possible , more a Chartist than ever ; and if we may judge of the sack from the sample , I most presume the same of all disciples of the principles . A new era , although partially anticipated , may nevertheless be said to have burst npon us . Henceforth ¦ we most STAND ALONE .
All signs of the times give ample proof that the _bcw Ministers intend-governing England through ihe medium of Irish patronage , and English "middle-class influence . The centre ef society has severed itself from the two ends . The "body lias cast off the head and tail , and hopes to live independent of both . The Whigs , . " as I have often explained to you , relied solely upon O'ConnelFs support during their last lingering life ; and
CConneH _' s last letter to " my dear Ray , " gives evident proof that Repeal and progression are both to lie sacrificed to that description of Irish justice , which will confer patronage upon him , his relatives , and the most noisy of hia party . REPEAL IS ABANDONED ; that is , as far as _O'Connellis concerned ; and in order to justify his course , he makes the simple demand of equality , for the Irish peopleihat Is , ihat tbey shall be pnt upon an equality , socially and morally , with the English people .
"Never was there a more dangerous , or a more cnn-* oing policy . I will tell yon why . Firstly . — -Because it , as far as it can , affirms that ihe social and political state ofthe English people is perfection . He says , that such a bid as will place the Irish npon as equality with yon , will take the people ont of his hands . This , then , is an admission that we should not strengthen by our silence . Steondig . _—Itjgives , fas far as his _assertioncan give , 3 guarantee that yon onght io be satisfied ; and Thirdly . —It justifies Irish opposition to any _strogglefyon may make for moreCextensive rights than the Irish would be satisfied with .
I never _ha-re argued your condition comparatively , Mr 7 O'Connell does so as regards Irish grievances . I argue yonr grievances positively , and while he gives elaborate instances of Irish injustice as compared with your position , I will now describe the positive grievances you have to complain of . firstly . —A meagre and Tery limited _| f xanchise . Secondly . —The _. burdensof an overgrown church establishment for the support of the church of a very small minority , for the nation has grown almost wholly out of State Church prejudices . Thirdly . —A very imperfect and unsatisfactory municipal franchise , which enables yon to return an odd member io be laughed at by the two factions , and to be used by one of them . * Tourthlv . —A Tery inferior scheme of education .
liftklv . —A very defective , partial , and unjust jury law , whereby those with votes only can try those who are struggling to achieve the same privilege . Sixthly . —Above all people you have to complain of oppressive , expensive , vindictive , and whimsical laws , and their most unequal and unjust administra tion . Seventhly . —Tou have to complain ofthe inferiority oi your magistrates , and of the partial manner in which they are appointed , always preferred for hos-_ tility to yonr class , and always taken from the op pressors' ranks . Eighthly . —Tliat "whereasacompletelynewpower of production has been called into existence , there is not a angle lav to regulate its use .
Ninthly . —There aro powera f ossessed by those who own the new p & wer of production unknown in any Other country , or to any other people in the world . Tcnihlg . —We are told that in the midst of miracu lously increasing national prosperity that there are POUR MILLIONS of paupers always out of employment ; and always constituting a _coropetitiye reserve for the owners of the new producing power to fall back upon as the means of reducing wages . Eleuenthhs . Even in Ireland there is not so great a disparity " between employers and the employed as t here is ia England . _Tivelfttdy . —A frightful system of absenteeism , by which millions annually are drained from the countrv , and in return for which you receive nothing .
Thirteentidy . — An organised system of spyism , justified by the government , which can only be carried on in Ireland through the police . Fourteenihly . —A damnable system of Poor Laws . Fificenikh f . —A heartbreaking system of regulating factory labour by the necessities or cupidity of capitalists . _Sixteenfhlg . — "Monopoly of the land by the privileged class , who are prevented from distributing it , or bringing it into the retail market , by the laws of _primogeniture , of settlement , and entail . _Sa-enteentMy . —The different manner in which po . _litical offenders are treated in England , and EVEN IX IRELAND , oris any part of the habitable or known world .
Eighteenthly . —The total absence of all care abont tiie education , training , or protection of young children . Sineteenthl y . —The admitted fact by an Honourable and Reverend Royal Chaplain , that within the very precincts of the Court , there are perpetually existing 500 , 000 persons _ivithout Ged and without hope . ( See Baptist Noel's pamphlet . ) Ticentiethiy . —That a class who cannot support their otrn children are compelled to support foreign and domestic pauper-Kings , Queens , and their children ; royal bastards and menials , court sycophants , prostitutes , and idlers of all sorts .
_Twaity firstly . —That the English people are , for the most part , governed by an Irish faction , no matter -who is Minister . If a Tory , by an Irish Tory faction : if a Whig , by an Irish patronage faction . Now , my friends , such are a portion of your grievances ; snch is your condition , and such is tbe state to which Mr . O'Connell wonld elevate the Irish people . Have I exaggerated a single grievance ? or have I stated one quarter of those local and class ones of which yon have to complain ? May I not ask , then , what the English people have to expect
irom an alliance of Whigs aud Irish patronage hunters ? Indeed , may I not go further , and ask ¦ what , beyond a large amount of government and parliamentary blarney , the Irish people have to expect from this repeated attempt to govern the country by a combination of Whig treachery and Irish patronage—a combination of English middle . ' classes and Irish place-hunters . Now , what I complain of , is , that in Mr . _O'Connell ' s long catalogue of Irish grievances , the condition of the labourer is merely men - tioned to excite disgust , while not a single preposition is offered calculated to insure his CERTAINTY
of improvement . True , we arc left to infer—and we are ready to admit the fact—that some crumbs will come to his table from the rich man ' s board ; but , then , he is left wholly and irrevocably dependent upon the bounty of those through whose bettered condition alone lie is to hope for Improvement . j _Nutllinj ! , however , is suggested for improving the condition of tbe labouring classes ; they are alway 5 allowed to live in hope of the justice of the privileged and favoured . Where he is silent , he leads to suspicion ; where be hints , he is ambiguous ; and where he speaks out , he is behind—immeasurably _bshind , in the present race of mind .
The real grievance of Ireland , is the real grievance of _England , aud vice versa—it is this—that the lab urcrs _. _jthe slave class , those wbo work for others , are never considered by government , they are merely used as a means of fighting faction ' s battles ; and all the _iinpioTeiasnt thatis even promised to thera , is the chance that they have from thc improvement ofthe condition of those above thera . Those above th"m whether Irish farmers or En-lidi capitalists , are _rel presented , aad therefore thc distinct grievances affecting those _several classes , become matter for _government correction ; but the labourers are never _dutineUy legislated fcr , unless it h to plunder them , starve them , or coerce _tiicoi . Nine , my friends , I am about to renew my solemn league and covenant with you . A great and grievous
The Friends We've Tried Are(By Our Side,...
calamity has overtaken the nation . A government bas assumed office , which hopes to rule the country upon the principles of FREE TRADE and JUSTICE to IRELAND . This I anticipated , long before it w as expected that the Corn Laws would be repealed . I told you a thousand _itimes , that I did not so much dread the principles of free trade , as I did dread the assumption of power by the parties who had carried the measure . Free trade in the abstract , was said to mean HIGH WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND
PLENTY TO DO ; free trade in practice , means the subjugation of labour to the caprice of capita ) , the labourer COERCED by the _ORDINARY LAW to starve or make a stipulated amount of profit for his master . And yet I rejoice that the measure has passed , because you required the free trade whip , thc free trade goad , the free trade spur , and the free trade lash , to keep you up to the trace , by which alone you could hope to extricate yourself from class legislation .
I also rejoice ia the coalition between the English free-trade government and the Irish place-hunters , because it will compel the crest-fallen , humbled , aristocracy of England to seek co-operation with their national allies , to overthrow this unnatural coalition . The ends of the trodden worm must now meet , and the aristocracy must never again hope to fight its own battles upon mere lip-worship oflabour . It has failed to represent labour , and labour must henceforth be allowed to represent _itsalf . I heed not promises . I have no hope in tbeifuture when I look to the black past , rand , therefore , at once , and without hesitation , I DRAW TOE SWORD against the principle by which the country is to be governed . I wage war against the coalition of English capital and Irish patronage . I am younger than I was ,
because I am stronger than I was , when I bearded the unsightly monster before , and when , with your assistance , and with the press ofthe country against us , we hurled the Whigs from power and the placehunters from patronage . They cannot , THEY MUST NOT , THEY SHALL NOT govern the country without us . They have abandoned coercion , but they rely upon straining the ordinary law for the preservation of their ascendancy . We have no votes , but we have power ; you have but one representative in the House of Commons , but you have millions outside , and you have one who , if he stood alone , would put the unrepresented millions into such exalted and rapid motion as would make the coalition tremble . I have vowed eternal hostility against Whig place-hnnting government ; THEY PUT
YOU AND ME IN FELONS' DUNGEONS , and shall we not take vengeance ? Yes , ray brother Chartists , I invoke you by the wrongs you have suffered and still endure , by the free blood that runs in your veins , by the hope you have in your strength , by the reliance you repoae in your leaders , by the love you bear your kind , by the allegiance you owe to your country , by the ties that bind you to your families , by the duty that yon owe to your God , by all , by one and all , I call upon you to arouse and meet the monster upon the threshold .
We have braved the ordinary law and kept within it , and they were obliged to strain it against us beyond the letter , while they gave the Irish place hunters the benefit of its mild spirit . We have now all the elements of a great party . We have justice and the millions upon our side . We have now a prize worth contending for—THE LAND ! THE LAND !! THE LAND !!! Who would net bear the utmost tenuity of the
Ordinary Law , to work for Ms own self npon his own land , with no earthly master but just law . This is the prize tbat is placed at the end of the Chartist course , this is what our next struggle will be for . I have bnilt houses for some , I will build houses for many more , but I wish to see all able to build houses for themselves without delay . When the harvest is over , and when the agricultural labourer becomes a discarded pauper , then my present position will enable me to lead that disinherited race as a section of
the movement party . When the winter comes , if justice is not done , if you are not admitted to a fair participation in the representation of tbe country , and the enjoyment of your own produce , I will LIGHT THE TORCH ONCE MORE . If I have been still while Peel was in power it is because you were contented with your comparative ' iniprovcmeni , and because I was too prudent to make an exhibition of our party ' s weakness . I was aware , as I proclaimed in thc outset , that Peel would inflict blows upon the aristocracy , whicb a Chartist government in its infancy would feel a delicacy in aiming . For five years Peel has led aa
incipient Chartist movement , and Russell , with his Irish Janissaries , will find it no easy task to put finality into practical operation . We mnstrevive our association once more . We must be prepared for a representation ofthe national mind , when tbe new principle of Whiggery is developed , and , as I anticipate the scourge , I proclaim war to the knife against the murderers of Holberry , Duffy , Clayton and Shell . I vow eternal vengeance against those who roused the nation to madness , and then persecuted the ignorant , the heedless , the thoughtless , and the injured , the naked , the starving , and tke oppressed , f _# r what they chose to term sedition , riot , conspiracy and tumult .
My friends , I have now got far enough with our cottages at Paradise to enable me to entrust tbe prosecution ofthe work to other hands , and when the coalition summons me once more into the field of action , when the treasonable Wh ? gs , ' backed by the traitor place hunters , shall develope their policy , we will develope our strength . We have nothing to expect but everything to fear from _' a government which the Peel section of tbe _House _' protect from spite , and the Irish section for the sale of their country . Since the passing * of the Reform Bill the Whigs have been onr natural enemies ; tbey were strong and we overthrew them ; they have revived , and we will overthrow them again .
TO TOUR TENTS O CHARTISTS , Ever your faithful friend and follower , _FEARGQS O'CONNOB
Ar00112
And National Trades' Journal.
AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL .
Vol. X . No. 45l London, Saturday, July ...
VOL . X . NO . 45 L LONDON , SATURDAY , JULY 4 , 1846 . _.. „ _m" _^^™* _, „ 7 — . _. ' V « v _» _ShiH-ngn ami Sixpence pcr Ounrtcr
To The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATIVE LAND SOCIETY . ONE OF MY LIABILITIES . ONE THOUSAND THREE" HUNDRED AND FIFTY POUNDS REALISED FOR THE SOCIETY . My Friends — It was not my int ention to have written this week upon the subject of the Land , but a circumstance has occurred , of which I cm so proud , that I cannot possibly keep it bottled for a whole week . I _inf ' trined yoa that I had purchased Carpender ' s farm for £ 3 , 1100 , and 1 now beg to inform you that I have sold it for £ 3 , 250 ; thus realizing one
thousand three hundred and 11 % pounds for the first forty-three lucky occupants who shall draw prizes in the n' _-xt ballut . 1 must explain the manner in which the directors , who participate fuily in this bargain , have decided upon appropriating thc profit . Tlw Secretary informs us that the number of four acre shareholders has become so large , that he estimates iht avcragc holdings for the future , at about 3 acres to each occupant ; at that rate the 1-30 !> eres bought and sold , would have located 43 members , averaging two , three , and four acres .
_"Muw _. w _. iea thc ballot was aur . ounce « J , tliat cropertv became justly and equitably the _m-opci-ty " of those forty-three who wonld have drawn prizes , and , lucre fore , although the increased value was ideal rather
To The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
than intrinsic , yet it becomes the property of the sucessful candidates . The following then is the arrangement that the directors propose , namely : — That the thirteen hundred and fifty pounds profit shall be equitably divided amongst the number of shareholders that the next 130 acres will locate , in the following manner : —The society , according to a scale laid down for the price of land and cost of building a house , charges £ b a-year for two acres and a cottage , £ 110 s . for three acres and a cottage , and £ 10 for four acres and a cottage , giving £ 15 capital to the two acre occupant , £ 22 10 s . to the three acre occupant , and £ 30 to the four acre
occupant , instead of which , preserving the same seale , the forty-three occupants selected at the next ballot will pay £ 319 s . for a house and two acres , £ 5 19 s . for a house and three acres ; and £ 7 19 s . for a house and four acres , or , if it appears more judicious to the directors and satisfactory to the society , they will receive the £ 1 , 350 as follows : —Instead of £ 15 capital the two acre occupant will receive £ 36 , the three acre occupant £ 53 10 s .. and the four acre occupant will receive £ 71 , a very pretty sum to go to work - and thus , my friends , in spite of all my own liabilities , I have made comfortable fortunes for forty-three working men by my wits .
Such is the arrangement that the directors suggest—hut , as our society will , I trust , he ever governed upon the principle of Universal Suffrage , we have decided that each locality shall transmit the opinion of the psid-up members at the time of closing payments for the next ballot ; stating whether the arrangement set forth above shall hold good , or whether the £ 1350 shall go , as stated , to the fortythree first-elected occupants . I , from motives of
pride , prudence , and justice , incline to distribute the money amongst the forty-three next chosen occupants . It is not the only sHm that I hope to make for the soeiety and the members must _understand that the ballot will take place as originally announced ; and moreover , that before the day of ballot we hope to be in possession of a larger amount of Land . Whether or no , there is no difficulty in getting Land . I undertake to provide the Land of the best quality , as fast , and perhaps faster , than you can provide the
means . We are now in treaty for an estate of three hundred and sixty-one acres , and nearly three fourths of the purchase money will be allowed to remain on mortgage . Perhaps it would have been more " prudent to have reserved the cheering announcement until the eve of the ballot , as I fear that many poor fellows from the inducement held out of getting their share of £ 1350 for nothing , will
inconvenience themselves to pay up their shares . However , the directors felt that they had no right to withhold the intelligence for a" single week . I always told you that I had a fortune in my noddle , if I would condescend to make money for myself . Now no man can misunderstanl the way in which I have put the arrangement—it is that the number of occupants that it would require to occupy the next one hundred and thirty acres purchased will have £ 1350 for nothing , either in land or capital .
Everything is going on at Herringsgate as cheer _, ingly and prosperously asp ? _ssible ; and had itnot been that a great portion of this day , Thursday , was occupied in making money for you , I should have presented you with my balance sheet , showing all the money _, received by me , to be placed to the treasurer ' s account in the bank , or expended in building . This I must now defer till next week , when the £ 1 , 350 will give an important appearance to our list . I cannot , however , forbear mentioning to you some facts tbat have just been communicated to me by a Mr . Garrard , of Norfolk . About two years ago , forty speculating industrious individuals , who had read my work upon " Small Farms" carefully , were induced to try an experiment upon their own account . They purchased
28 acres of ground , for which they gave £ 950 . This amount of land formerly gave work to one man ;—they employ from 14 to 16 upon it , and the average wages is _fourteen shillings a-week . In the first year against all the disadvantages of a commencement , they realised £ 85 over and above all expenditure , making no calculation of about £ 55 worth of improvement whicli goes on [ for other years , ani which would have made the year ' s profit £ 140 . The forty souls are wedded to this spot , although it is little more than half an acre each , and it fully employs fourteen labourers . A man of the name of Sillett gave £ 180 for two acres of bad land in the neighbourhood . He was a lineudraper , and works bis two acres with some assistance from two
children . His family consists of a wife and two children . Upon the two acres he keeps two cows and two pigs , and sells a quantity of vegetables and other stuff , besides living without expending a fraction beyond what the farm returns . I will give the dialogue between Garrard and me in the presence of Mr . Clark , who brought him to my house . """§ 0 * 0 . —WeU and what sort of condition are hig cows in ? G . —Why the farmers come to look at them over the hedge , they are like bulls , they are so round . 0 'C . —Is he comfortable and well dressed ?
G . —He goes to church every Sunday like a gentleman , and says that nothing would ever induce him to go behind a counter again O'C—Is he healthy ? G . —Aye , that he is , and happy . Uc told me also that a man of the name of Clark , a carpenter , rents two acres of ground , that he bas built himself a house , that he has a sow who returned 351 . within the year , and his description of Clark ' s independence was , that he does ' nt look for a master now , and he doesn't mind affronting a parson . I asked him whether the land was better or worse than wlien they bought it . He said they refused 3007 . profit for it .
Now , my friends , that ' s what my work on Small Farms has done . 2 S acres of land employing one man , I dare say at bad wages , now employs lrom 14 to 10 at good wages ? that ' s my plan of increasing production and equitable distribution . Thc painting , plastering , cupboard making , and all other works are _goin- * on charmingly at Herringsgate , and all who come to see it are more than delighted with their performance . I remain , your faithful friend and Bailiff , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .
Ro The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
rO THE MEMBERS OF THE CHARTIST COOPERATIVE LAND SOCIETY , Friends , —From an announcement in another part uf the Star , jou will learn tiiat our Sub-Treasurer Mr . O'Connor , with our entire approval and consent , lias sold our second purchase- _Calender ' s Farm , and has thereby realized for the Societv the handsome sumol £ 1 , 350 !! Now , as we wish to act with the most perfect fairness towards all parties concerned , and in order to avoid all cause of complaint we request that the opinion of the members be taken upon the following questions . First . — ' Shall the sum of £ 1 , 350 whieh has been realized by thesale of _Calender ' s Farm , revert to the _GeneralI fund of tlie Society to aid in locating the whole of the members ?" Second— "Shall the above sum be divided , and given to the first forty-three successful members who may draw the lowest number at thc ensuig
bul-Third— If the money is to be divided , shall it lie trtven in the way of reduced rental or in cash ? " The Sub-Secretaries arc required to convene meetin"s li - the lueinbeis Of Ihuir various localities , and forward io ouroihec the decision of ihe members on thc forcgoiii ! . ' questions on the 20 th of the present _nionfh . The ballot will take place in accordance with the previwus announcement , at Manchester - , or . Moudav July 27 m , and all members who wish to be in the ballot , must pay up all demands , both Local and General , on or before Monday , July 20 th . On behalf ol" the _lli rectors , Tnwus _Mauiix _Wiit-ELuu , Sccrctarv . .
Ro The Members Of The Chartist Cooperati...
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE CHARTISTS . OF ' THE UNITED KINGDOM . Fellow > j | p , untiynien f —The " Corn and Customs ' Bill" is _nto'the law of ; the land , and its authors have paidttjbe penalty of their hardihood by expulsion from « ffice at theyvery moment when , by the triumph _^ _pfttheir measure , they had laid prostrate at their feet -the "Proud Aristocracy" of England . The fallpf , the Ministry has been more immediately occasioned by a combination of two opposing factions , neither _ofiwhieh have thc least sympathy for . the people . They were defeated on the second . reading ot the Irish Coercion Bill" by , a majority , ot seventy-three , and thus , by one blow , both parent and offspring have been annihilated . ,
The measures of the late cabinet , in our opinion , have nothing intrinsically valuable in themselves , to recommend . them to the people—they have . not a tendency tofreelabour from the merciless grasp of capital , nor in the slightest degree meliorate the condition ofthe operative and labouring classes , but , nevertheless ; there wasa boldness in their conception _and ' an earnestness in their , _execution that challenge bur [ admiration and bid ; _us _^ libpe for the time _whenejqiial energy and talent ' willbe employed within theiVralls of _ravliamentforithe-advaneement of those great principles which' alone can ensure the liberty and _happinessof the people . The government has nowdevolved uponLord J . Russelland theold whig party , who are not likely to be more favourable to the enfranchisement of , the working classes than their
_predecess-pr _^ we cannot , therefore , hold out any hope from _tharfhar ter . —What- the precise nature ofthe movements of the new Ministry may be we can do no more than surmise , ' but ' it appears to us from the position of parties in the House of Commons , that thoy will not attempt a trial of strength during the present session , but that they will reserve the measures likely to create a division until the ensuing year , when a general election will be inevitable . Our course is clear and simple . We arc for the Charter , whole and entire , and our business will be to prepare to take our stand upon the hustings , when the proper time shall have arrived . The mask must be torn from the face of Whiggery . The old juggle must not again be practised ! The canting sentimentality of "liberalism" must not bo allowed to poison the
national mind as it has done on former occasions ' . Labour ' s _son 3 must buckle on their armour and fight their own battle—others will not do it for them . Let therefore every one of the places named in a former address , send up their subscriptions at once , and , in all probability , we shall be able to announce in the next Star the time and . place where the Convention will be held . It is important that this should be attended to , as we are desirous ol having as large an attendance of delegates as possible , as we hope that from their labours may result a movement worthy of our glorious cause . Secretaries of localities where delegates have already been elected , are requested to forward a notice of thc same witliout delay , to our office , 83 , Dean-street , Soho , London . Thomas Martin Wheeler , Secretary .
Bmpmal Prlfammt
_Bmpmal prlfammt
House Of Lords, Mondat, June 20
HOUSE OF LORDS , Mondat , June 20
THE OREGON TERRITORY . In answer to a question put by Lord Brougham , The Earl of Aueudeen said . —My lords , I have been occasionally questioned by noble lords on tho other side ot the house , and especially by a noble friend , a noble Earl whom I do not now see in his place ( the Earl of Clarendon ) , as to the progress of our negoeiations with the United States . These inquiries , I always felt , were directed to me in the most friendly and conciliatory manner ; ( Hear , hear . ) So far from feeling any embarrassment or impediment from them in thc way of the negoeiations , I always felt that my noble friend waa desirous to assist in promoting an adjustment . Perhaps on this occasion I might have ventured , without the pressure of any direct
appellation _, to enter into a few details as to that gratifying result , ( loud cheers" )—the substance of which only is as yet known . "When I had last occasion to reply to my noble friend , the state of the negoeiations was this : —the President had sent his message to the Senate with a direct refusal of our repeated proposals to submit the whole question to arbitration ; That heing the case , my lords , I felt that nothing could be done at tbat moment till the Senate and the House of Representatives should have taken some steps iu consequence of that message . I waited , therefore , the result of that communication so made by the President . When I saw that the Senate and Ilouse of
Representatives had adopted resolutions in such a conciliatory and friendly disposition , I did not delay for a moment putting aside all ideas of diplomatic etiquette , which might have led me to expect that some steps would be takeu on the other side , but , without waiting a moment , I prepared thc draught of a convention , "which was sent by the packet of the 18 th of May to Mr . Packenham , to be proposed lor acceptance of the United States Government . I have brought with me a letter from Mr . Packenham , which I received this morning , and from which I shall read an extract . The letter is dated the 13 th of June ; and Mr . Packenham says , —
In conformity with what I had the honour to state in my despatch No . 68 , ofthe 7 tli inst ., the President sent a message on Wednesday last to the Senate , submitting for the opinion of that body the draught of a convention for the settlement of the _Oregon question , whicli I was instructed by your Lordship ' s despatch No . 19 , of the 18 tli of May , to propose for the acceptance of the United States . After a few hours' deliberation on each of the three days , Wednesday , Thursday , and Friday , the Senate , by a majority of 38 votes to 12 , adopted yesterday evening a resolution advising the President to accept the terms _proposed by Her . Majesty ' s Government . The President did not hesitate to act on this advice , and Mr . Buchanan accordingly sent for me tin ' s morning , and informed me that the conditions offered by Her Majesty ' s Government were
accepted by the Government of the United States , without ihe addition or alteration of a single word . ( Loud cheers . ) Gratifying as this intelligence is , I feel it is but an act of duty and justice , as well as a pleasure , that I should bear the tribute of my testimony to the most friendly and concilatovy course which has been adopted by the United States Minister in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) That gentleman I have long known , and long had reason to esteem in official interc ourse 15 or 16 years ago , and I am perfectly certain that , by every means in his power , he has contributed to this result . 1 am well assured that there is no person in this house , or in thc country , who more cordially participates in tlie feeling of satisfaction which it is fitted to prodooa than Mr . M'Lane .
MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS . The Duke ot _Wklunoiou . —My lords , I have to announce to your lordships that Her Mnjesty's servants have tendered to Her Majesty their resignation ofthe oilices which they held in her Majesty ' s service ; in consequence of which Her Majesty has sent for a noblc lord with a view to form another Administration , for the purpose of conducting the affairs ofthe government ot * this country . My lords , this information will probably induce your lordships to think it would be desirable to suspend the discussion of measures which might become matters of controversy in this house , until those who are to have the honour of being Her Majesty ' s servants in public office should have an nnuortunity of forming their arrangements , ami
should be able to come down to this house and transact the public business . __ My lords , there is one question fixed for consideration in this house on Thursday next . I see a noble friend near me ( thc Earl of Powis ) , who has given notice of his intention to move the second reading ot" the Bangor and St . Asaph ' s Bill on Thursday next . 1 would submit to him tho expediency of postponing his motion for thesccond reading of that bill till Her Majesty's servants should he in the house to attend to the discussion whicli may be expected to take place upon it , as Her Majesty has au interest in that measure . My lords , there aro some measures which require your lordships' immediate attention , and one of which , in all probability ,
will be on the table of the house this day—1 mean a short sugar hill , continuing the duties on sugar fur one month , from the oth of July next , which it is desirable should pass this house without delay , _whucvi-r mav be Her Majesty ' s servants . Under those c ' iciuiistanccsl rather advise that your lordships should not adjourn , but continue sitting from day to day , with thc view of passing that _mcns-nire ; but that tinconsideration of measures whicli may become matter of controversy should be postponed till Her Majesty ' s servants shall be in your lordship " - ' hoiisfi to attend Lu Her Majesty ' s service audio the transaction _ofpub" _!' _- affairs . Their Lordships shortly aft ; _.-rwai"la adjourned .
HOUSE OF COMMONS , Monday . _Ji-. vu 20 . The . house met at 4 o ' clock . [ _IJcfiire the private business had been _dispiir- _'i-d of , tho house aud the side _galh-nes were _h'ih'i ! with members ; the Speaker ' s and _sti-at _^ _t-i- * ' _raiiri-ir' - were completely thronged ; even tlio " retreat" allotted to tlie Jadies must also have been occupied to _ovcriloiviiifr , for several fair politicians had wiin _thidiway ( an unprecedented circumstance ) to the sides ol the * Speaker ' s gallery , where they were _accommo-
House Of Lords, Mondat, June 20
dated with seats . The benches below the bar had not a vacant space , a large number of peers and members of the corps , diplomatique being present Amongst them were the Earl of St . Germans , Lord Grosvenor , and Lord Dalhousie , One general feeling ot interest in the Ministerial announcement seemed to pervade the numerous assembly , which at halfpast five o ' clock presented a very exciting appearance . SUGAR DUTIES . The _Ciianckllor of thc Exchequer said it might be for the convenience of the house it he moved tne third reading of tho Sugar Duties Biil , in order that it might be immediately sent up to tho House of Peers . The bill was then read a third time and passed .
MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS . Sir R . _Pebiat half-past 5 o ' clock entered the house amid profound silence and took his seat . In a few moments he rose and spoke as follows : — Mr . Speaker , —Sir , —I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notifying to this house that , in consequence of the position of Her Majesty ' s Government , and especially in consequence of that vote to which the house came on the night oi Thursday last , by which they refused to give to Her Mnjesty ' s Government those powers which they deemed necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland , Her Majesty's servants have felt it their duty to tender their resignation to a gracious Sovereign . The resolution to tender that resignation was tlie unanimous resolution of ilcr
Majesty s servants , adopted without hesitation . Sir , if I had any complaint to prefer with respect to the course pursued by the house , this is not the occasion on which I should venture to prefer it . It is impossible not to feol that that occasion by which a great change takes place in the councils ofa great empire , affecting , for weal or for wo , the welfare of many millions of the Queen ' s subjects , in almost all parts of the habitable globe—it is impossible not to feel that it is an . important , I might almost say a solemn , occasion , and it is not on such an occasion that one word ought to be said by a Minister , acting in homage to constitutional principles , which can by possibility revive controversies of an acrimonious character . Sir , Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to accept that tender of resignation , and Her _MaiestT ' s servants
now only hold their _oifices until their successors shall have been appointed . Sir , I said that , if I had complaints to prefer , this would not be the occasion on which I should prefer them ; but I must also say , that I did not propose those measures connected with our commercial policy at the commencement of this session without foreseeing that , whether these measures succeeded or failed , they must cause the dissolution of the Government wliich proposed them _; and therefore , Sir , I rather rejoice that Her Majesty's Government have been relieved from any doubt by an early decision of this house , as to the course it would be their duty to pursue ; for I do not hesitate to say that , even it * that vote had been in our favour , I would not have consented to hold office by sufferance or by the evasion of any principle . ( Great _cheeriner . )
I believe that it is not for tlie public interest that a Government should remain in power unable to give practical effect to the measures they consider necessary Sor the public welfare ; and in the position in which Her Majesty ' s Government was placed , by the withdrawal , perhaps the natural withdrawal , of the confidence of many of those who had heretofore given them their support , I do not think it probable that even if the vote to whieh I refer had been in our favour , Her Majesty's Government would have been enabled , with eredit to themselves and with advantage to the interests of the country , to continue in the administration of public affairs . ( Great cheering . ) Sir , we have advised Her Majesty to accept our resignations without adopting that alternative which we might have adopted , viz ., recommending to the
Crown the exorcise ot its prerogative , and ta dissolve tlie present Parliament . We have preferred the immediate tender of resignation to the adoption of that alternative . Sir , Idonothesitate to say , speaking with a frankness which I trust will offend noons , that if Her Majesty's Government had failed in carrying _, in all their integrity , those measures of commercial policy which it was my duty to recommend , I don't hesitate to say that there is no exertion I would not have made ( cheers ) in order , if not to insure their ultimate success , at least to give the country an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion on the subject . ( Loud cheers . ) In that case I should have felt myself justified in advising a dissolution , because I think that the continuance of doubt on such a subject would have been a greater evil than resorting to a
constitutional expression of opinion by thc people of this country . ( Cheers . ) But there-is no necessity for a dissolution on this ground : —Those who dissented from those measures have withdrawn their opposition , and I am bound to say it was not a factious or unseemly opposition to them ; simply protesting against them , they have given finally their consent to those measures , and those measures having passed into law , I do not feel that I should have been justified , for auy subordinate consideration , for the interest of the Government merely , in advising the exercise ofthe prerogative to which 1 refer , and dissolving the Parliament . ( Uear . ) Because I feci strongly this , —that no Administration is justified ; 'in advising the exercise of that prerogative , unless there ba a fair , reasonable presumption , even a strong
moral conviction , that alter a dissolution they will be enabled to administer the affairs of this country through the support ofa party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures . ( Oheers . ) I do not think a dissolution justifiable for strengthening * a party . 1 think the power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of the Crown , and that there is a tendency to blunt that instrument if resorted to without necessity . Though for the purpose of enabling thc couutry to decide whether we were justified in proposing those measures of commercial policy which we did propose at the commencement of this session , I do not think that would have been sufficient ground for a . dissolution . The only grouud for a dissolution would have been a strong presumption that after a dissolution we should have had a party powerful
enough in this house to enable us to give eftect practically to the measurcs ' which we might propose . Now , I don't mean support founded on mere temporary sympathy with our position on the part of those who , otherwise , are opposed to us * , I do not mean a support founded on a concurrence on one great question of domestic policy , however important that may be ; I think we ought not to dissolve without having a full assurance that we should have the support , not of those who differ from us on-aimostall questions of public policy , agreeing with ub in one , but that we should have the support of a powcifid party united to us by a general concurrrence of political opinion . ( Cheers . ) And I am bound to say , that in thc general division of parties , and after all that has occurred , I did not entertain a confident hope that a
dissolution f P _« -Ji _•»»•» ' _**¦ _—ivl / ' have given ns that support . ( Hear , hear . ) I must also say , after all the excitement wliich has taken place , and after the stagnation of trade consequent upon pur protracted discussions , it did appear to us that this was a period when it would not be judicious to take such a s ep . ( Cheers . ) Upon theso •• rounds , we preferred instant resignation to the alternative of a dissolu tion . We were left in a minority on a question connected with Ireland . ( Hear . ) Now Ishould lament , not merely because it is an Irish question , but Ishoulil most deeply lament if it could be thought that tlio measure which we proposed for thc repression of outrage in Ireland was au indication that her _Majesty ' s servants held any different opinion with regard to the policy to be pursued in Ireland from that wliich I
declared towards the close of tlie last session of Parliament , ( Hear , hear . ) To the opinions which I then avowed—to these ' opinions which had a practical effect given to them by thc Charitable Bequests Act , and by the additional vote for the _endowment of iVIaynooth—to those opinions I , now about to relinquish power , entirely subscribe . ( Great cheering . ) We brought forward that measure , believing _thiiy resistance to the contagion of cvinie and the vigorous repression by law of tlie ommcos whieh disgrace some parts of Ireland , wero not measures calculated premancntly to improve the social condition of that mmntry ; but we thought thoy wore measures which _nould be taken in conjunction with othera necessary for the purpose of giving effect to legislation upon that subject . ( Hoar , bear . ) The house has , _however , decided , and I am not about to impeach tlieir decision . 1 only deprecate any inference , which would he unjustifiable , that , because we proposed
those measures , whieh some called measures of * coercion , which wc call measures for the protection of Me , therefore our views with regard to the policy to be _I'Ui-siicd towards Ireland have uudercone any change . Speaking for myself , 1 do nut hesitate now io say that , in mj opinion , there ought to be _cstablifhed between England and Ireland a complete equality—( great cheering )—in all civil , municipal . Iml political rights . ( Renewed cheers . ) When 1 -: i \ - complete equality , 1 don ' t mean , because it is i in possible , to nave a literal equality iu every pariii _.-iilar . 11 ore , as in matters of more sacred import , it may be Unit " the letter _killcth , but the spirit _"ivethiifu ; " 1 speak of the spirit , and nut ol" the _k-t ' ior , hi winch our legislation with regard to the franchise and other privileges _sh- _'iild be conducted . ( Hear , Uear . ) 1 mean , there should be n real , substantial equality , iu political and civil rights—( cheers )—so that no person , ' viewing Ireland with
House Of Lords, Mondat, June 20
perfectly disinterested eyes , and comparing its _fraa _cnisewitn the franchise either of England or Scotland , should be enabled to say , "A different law ¦ s enacted for Ireland , and on account of some Si . _7- ° i " P ici 01 ) " Ireland" has curtailed and muhatedrights . " That is what I mean by equality " Political franchise . Does any gentleman think I am making a reserve ? ( Cheers , Ind cries of " No , ZJ _^ r . ea _?? . fthe . _« P tti * ' _« which we should legis-X-- ' - - ™ F _"ougi'tto be impossible to say that more is a different rule , substantially , with reenrd
u or municipal in Ireland from that which prevails in England . ( Cheers , ) Now _. _' _sir _, with regard to our executive administration in Ireland , I think the favour ofthe crown oueht to be bestowed in that country , and the confidence of the Crown , without reference to religious distinctions . ( Loud cheers . ) It has not been from entertaining a different opinion that there may be , in our oase , the appearance of partiality . Where we havo taken the opportunity or manifesting confidence in some Roman Catholics . I cannot say that justice waa always done to our motives , nor has the position of the individual in accepting favour from us been altogether such as to create an anxiety for the repetition of similar favours , ( dear , hear . ) Those who succeed us may have different means of carrying that principle into execution ; but if they do act that nrincinleand bestow the favour and tue lavour \
upon . conupon mat principle , and bestow anu confidence ofthe CroVn without reference to religious differences of opinion , they shall hear no complaint from me on that ground . ( Loud cheers . ) Then , sir , with respect to the spirit in which our legislation should bo conducted ; adhering to all the opinions which I have expressed on the greater and more important points of Irish policy , yet I must say ' I , lor one , am prepared to co-operate with those who ( eel the present social condition of the people in respect to the tenure of land , and the relation between landlord and tenant , to be one that _dessrves our immediate and most cautious consideration . ( Cheers . ) I think it may be impossible , by legislation , to apply any immediate remedy to the * state of
tilings whicn unlortunately prevails in that country ; but , even if the benefit is remote , if it is of a permanent character , so far from being deterred from measures calculated to afford a remedy , the distant period at which the benefit may be derived ought . to operate as no discouragement to apply our minds most sedulously and impartially to the consideration ofthe subject . ( Loud cheers . )* Again , with respect to the legislation on all those matters connected with the tenure of land and the relation of . landlord ; and tenants — while upholding the rights' of property , which I believe you will find no advantage in violating , yet , on the whole , I think tlte course we have taken during this session of extreme pressure of public business is a sufficient Drool ' that there
has been no _difinelination en our part to consider that subject . ( Hear , hear . ) Neither will there be any disinclination to co-operate with those to whom the practical administration of affairs may be committed . ( Cheers . ) Sir , 1 have reason to believe that thc noble lord the member for the city of London has been commanded by Her Majesty to repair to her for the purpose of rendering his assistance in the 1 ' erniiiiion of a Government , Sir , I presume the general principle upon which the Government formed by the noble lord will act , so far as commercial policy is _couceniccl , will be the continued application of those principles which tend to give a free commercial intercourse with other countries . ( Loud cheers . ) If that be the policy
which will be pursued , as I confidently expect it will be , I shall feel it to be my duty to give to that Government , in pursuance and execution of that policy , my cordial support . ( Immense cheering . ) I presume , therefore , that Her Majesty ' s Government will adopt that policy—and that , if other countries choose to buy in the dearest market , it will be no discouragement to them to permit us to buy in the cheapest . ( Cheers . ) I trust that they will not resume the policy which tliey and we have felt most inconvenient , namely , haggling with foreign countries , instead oi taking that independent course whicli we believe to be conducive to our own interests ( cheers ) , trusting to the influence of public opinion in other countries , that our example , with the
practical _lor-npfif . n « 'Wive lrom it . will at tin r _»> nnto period insure the adoption of the same course , rather than hoping to obtain commercial privileges as an equivalent for the reduction of particular duties . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , when I say I presume that these general principles will influence their commercial ? olicy , I do not of course mean to say that the adopion of these principles is at once to overrule every moral consideration , and at once to subject every part of the inhabitants of this empire to unequal competition with other nations , t speak generally as to the tendency of our commercial policy , and I trust that every step that is taken will be towards the relaxation of restriction upon trade . I , for one , shall not urge upon them a hasty and precipitate
adoption of principles sound in themselves , if they are likely to incur the risk of a great derangement of the great social system . I shall bear in mind , that great experiments have been recently made under the present administration ; that the surplus amount of revenue is smaller than I could wish it to be , consistently with the permanent interests of the country , and while I offer a cordial support in enforcing the general principles of commercial policy which have received the sanction of Parliament in the present session , I shall not urge them to any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them as would incur the risk of deranging the finances of the country . Speaking thus , I am bound to say that I am rather indicating my own intentions and the
course I shall pursue , than that I have hurl the opportunity of conferring with others and speaking their sentiments . I cannot doubt , however , that those who gave their cordial concurrence to the measures wliich I proposed will be ready to give their general acquiescence and support to measures of a similar character to be proposed . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , 1 do not know that it is necessary that I should make any other declaration than those I have made . I wish to draw no invidious contrast ; I wish to make nn unseemly allusions ; but I cannot surrender power without making at least this observation , — that I do hope , during the five years for which power has been c & mmilted to our hands , neither the interests nor the honour of this country _h-ive been
compromised . ( Cheers . ) I think I may « ay with truth that , during that period , tlie burden ot taxation has been equalized , and the pressure which was unjust and severe has been removed from many classes of Her Majesty ' s subjects . ( Cheers . ) I think I may say with truth , that many restrictions upon commerce injuriously affecting the trade of this country bave been removed . ( Cheers . ) I think I may say . that , without at all interfering with legitimate speculation ,- without at all _paralysing or deranging the credit of the country , stability has been given to the monetary system of this country ( cheers ) , through the cordial support which again ( without reference to party distinctions ) the measures I proposed with regard to the Bank of
England , the joint stock banks , and the private banks of this country , received in the year 1843 . ( Cheers . ) Sir , I trust also that the stability of our Indian empire has not been weakened by tlie policy we have pursued ( cheers ); and that tlie glory and honour of the British arms both by sea _.-nid land in every part of the world have been maintained , not through our exertions , but through the devoted gallantry of the soldiers and sailors of this country . ( Cheers . ) Sir , although there have been considerable reductions , great reductions made in the pnblic burthens , yet I have the satisfaction of stating to the house , that the national defences of this country have been improved both by sea and land , and that the army and navy arc in * a most efficient state . I trust
that I may also congratulate the house , that notwithstanding thc great reductions in thc fiscal burdens of the country , our finances are in a prosperous and buoyant state ; and that , on the Sth of July next , the return which will be made to this house will he , that _notwithstanding the reduction of taxation , tlie increased consumption of articles of Customs and Excise aud the general prosperity of the people have supplied the void which might otherwise have taken place . ( Cheers . ) Sir , lastly , I think I may say , " that without any harsh enforcement of the law . without any curtailment cither of the liberty of tlio subject or thc liberty of the press , speaking ot Great Britain , there has been as much obedience and submission to the law as there ever was at any period of
our history . ( Cheers . ) Nay , I will say more : in consequence of the greater command of the necessaries and minor luxuries of life , in consequence , too , of confidence in the administration ofthe law , ihere has been more of contentment , less of seditious crimes , less necessity for the exercise of power for the repression of political outrage , than there ever was at any antecedent period in this country . ( Cheers . ) I said , lastly , —but I have reserved one topic , on which I also think 1 may , without any unseemly boast m invidious contrast , say a few words . I think 1 may take credit to Her Majesty ' s Government , at least'to that distinguished member of it , le . * s
prominent , perhaps , in debate , than others , but as deserving of public honor anil public credit for thc exertions which he lists made in the maintenance of peace ( loud cheers )—! mean my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ( loud cheers)—ho has dared to avow that he thinks in a Christian country there is a moral obligation upon a Christian Minister to exhaust every effort before incurring tilt ? risk of war . ( Loud _clu-cw . ) But while he has not shrunk from the avowal of that opinion , I will in justice to him say this—it is perfectly consistent with that opinion , as to the moral obligation of _m-iint-iiuing peace while peace can lie maintained with honour , that there never was a Minister less inclined to
sacrifice any essential interest , or to abate anything from the dignify and honour nf this pnuntry , _ibiythc purpose of securing even that inestimable blessing . ( Cheers . ) Sir , 1 do hope that wo leave ths foreign relations of this CiMintry in a satisfactory . s ' _- _'ic ( _"'"d _cheers)—rhat _. speaking not only ' of France . but spca . _ciuK of the oilicrareat _' iiott'evs of Europe , there is confidence in the intentions of ( his country , inni a veal liesiroon the part of the Governments of otner powers to co-operate with us in the ruiinten . ince oi peace . ( Cheers . ) Sir , itis that mutual ennhdenco in tne ( Continuedto the Eighth rage . )
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 4, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_04071846/page/1/
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