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TO THE CHARTISTS.
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Dundee, "Wednesday. llr dear Friends, ) ...
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FREE TRADE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. TO THE ...
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valuable and best character to promote t...
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AND NATIONAL TELES' JOURNAL. ' ^ / - *Y~...
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[ VOL- XI. No 575- LONDON SATURDAY. OCTO...
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TO THE QUEEN OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Lett...
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valuable and best character to promote t...
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THE LAND AND ITS CAPABILITIES. TO THB ED...
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RESTRICTION OF LABOUR. TO THE PRINTERS O...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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To The Chartists.
TO THE CHARTISTS .
Dundee, "Wednesday. Llr Dear Friends, ) ...
Dundee , "Wednesday . llr dear Friends , ) Tbu will not expect a long letter from me \ M s week—next week you shall have a fall ' re port of my tour . I arrived at Montrose on i Saturday , and had to look out for seme ofthe i q \_ Guards . I fished out a veteran , Mr Bate , . _^_ soon had a good staff . They wonld have a I meeting * and called upon the _Frovost to allow
i the drummer and bellman to go round and f announce it ; but the old woman—AN OLD ( CLOTHES man—told them tbat the _HABEAS CORPUS ACT was suspended , and I _^ at no meeting conld he held , and that he i jjad received positive orders from the Lord i Advocate of Scotland , to PREVENT ALL I CHARTIST MEETINGS—and that , if the . _mee ting was held , he would SEND THE POi _TjICE . I sent my compliments to know if the
0 ABEAS DRUMMUS and HABEAS _JJELLTJS Act was suspended ? — that I ffeuW hold the meeting—and if he sent the police , I would instantly have them taken into custody as disturbers of the public peaceand at six o ' clock the OLD GUARDS went a bcut with their CLAPPERS , and at eight we had a Hall full © f as good men as ever lived . A half-mad man , of the name of Monro , a friend
of the Provost , got up to defend him , and was laughed at . A good Chartist—a Mr Robert .. Peters—was in the chair , and , after a long lecture , a vote of thanks and confidence was pr oposed , when Mr Monro proposed , as an amendment , " That they had no confidence in we . " After ten minutes" delay , he got a seconder , and , when put , two hands—those of ¦ the proposer and seconder—only were held up a ? ain » t the vote . I then spent till past t welve in conversation with a number of the
OLD GUARDS . O n Sunday I went to Aberdeen , and there -we had a bumper . Old veteran ArcW M'Donald was in the chair . I made -proclamation for the delegates to the National Assembly , who had abused me in my absence , to come forth and charge me with any crime committed by me during the awful time , or the whole of my life . When I had spoken for nearly two hours , Mr Shirron , delegate , came _forward , and you shall have an account of the drubbing I gave
him next week . A very complimentary address was then presented from the members of the Land ; Company , and another from the Chartists . A . vote of confidence was proposed . Mr Shirron moved no amendment , but , _belon-jing to the Upper House , he PROTESTED , and I insisted upon the protest being put , when about a dozen middle class hands were held np . We then had three rousing cheers for the Charter , and at a quarter to twelve a number of the good and true sat down to supper . There I remained till two , delighted .
On Tuesday I started for Dundee , and the mail being full , I was obliged to go outside for forty miles , pelting rain the whole way . At Dundee we had a splendid meeting ; I gave them nearly two hours , when Mr Graham , Delegate to the Convention , made his appearance , hut after a very excited tirade , 1 answered every one of his charges—oneafter the other—amid cheers ; and when a vote of thanks was proposed , not one single hand was held up _against it . I
spent till past one with the OLD GUARDS hom all parts—some from forty miles ; and , as 1 always told you that there was luck in _leisure , and pleasure in waiting for it , next week 1 will give you a narrative of the conspiracy got up against me and the cause , and the mode ofMrShirron ' s election , and the character of 3 Ir Henry , and others of my revilers ; and I will give you good and unequivocal authority for all , and you will say that Powell and Davis were angels to some . When you read , you will sar that I have a charmed life . I have had an
hour to spare in Dundee , which I devoted to a visit to John M'Crae ' s school , an account of which I will give you next week , and my _* i sit to which pleased me beyond expression . It is a new and fascinating mode of education , but I will give you a full account . As far as I have gone , I am bound to _ssr that tbe old ship is about to float once more , and the crew are determined to have the OLD PILOT at the helm , and the Old Pilot is determined to hold it . Next week I shall be in the Conference all day , but shall devote my nights to
my Sco : ch narrative . All is not yet over , ss Mr Shirron told me , vindictively , that I was to be met in Edinburgh . Well , he it so . And now , Chartists of England , you will wonder why I made Scotland the first battle field , sad I will tell you . From tbe Scotch Delegates of lberdeen , Dundee , Edinburgh , and Glasgow , I received the most abuse ; and 3-011 will tear in mind , that I have appointed the whole people as a tribunal to try me ; and I have come to the places where I was most vilified , and have carried the war into the enemy ' s camp ,
never having written one word , or attempted to make any party , or to create any feeling in my favour ; but if I cannot stand the treason of professing Chartists , as well as the treason of powerful Governments , then I am of no use to you . For some years I have not had such labour , and for years I have not felt so hearty , so well , and so confident . I have rallied Chartism OVER THE BORDERS , as I promised to do ; and I have driven THE VERMIN from the ranks . Tbis is my twenty-sixth year of _agitation , and I conclude it as I commenced : —
" Come ens . come al ! , thia rock shall fly Prom its firm hase as soon as I . " The establishment of a NEW NEWSPAPER was at the bottom of tbe Scotch conspiracy , just as of old j but the RED CAT , which will commence its twelfth year on the llth of next rronth , has broken all their CROCKERY WARE , and still lives . I am off to Edinburgh , to meet the foe . Your faithful Friend and Representative , Feargus O'Conkob . Edinburgh , Thursday . Mr Friends ,
I had one of the most glorious meetings here tat ni ght ever held in Edinburgh—a bumper . _1 never witnessed suchenthusiasm , or had such 2 reception , in the most excited times ; and when a vote of thanks was proposed , the _meeting demanded that CONFIDENCE should be added , which the proposer truly declared he W embodied in his resolution , and which was carried , not amid cheers , but amid rejoicings
that I bave seldom seen equalled . And although Mr Shirron , of Aberdeen , threatened _newith REAL OPPOSITION _^ Edinburgh , I _"iade proclamation for my accusers , but not 0 n e appeared . I spoke for upwards of two hours and a half in all , and then sat down at _My hotel with thirty three 01 the Old Guards _t _' ome came thirty-two miles , ) till past Me , but no SEDITION .
I have now to tell you that five Chartists are to be tried here in a fortnight under _the new Act , and that Powell-like , one of Sir George Grey s FRIENDS , —a Mr JOHN l _* l , -SSELL ( isnot that an ominous name ?) and one of the LONDON POLICE , is the priccip-jl evidence against them . Now mark ! * hU VILLAIN came and joined all the clubs ; _^ 'resented himself as a railway contractor , _^ d that he had 500 navvies , all ready to come _* t _, and abused them all as cowards for not having arms . Now ask yourselves at whose _ttpense this villain TRAVELLED , and at ""hose instance he left his DUTY IN I _^ _-XDON ?
- - » s I predicted , I am now congratulated , even Y my greatest revilers , for having kept the * - _*¦ _'• *¦ afloat , and the crew together , daring the st rru ; and as I lose ( not gain ) by Chartism , 1 j ed not create false hope , but I assure you that _*** ir confidence in me was never so great , and 1 _^ ure you that it is not misplaced , as my _» otto is
"OHWABDAKD WE COXQUEB , BACKWARD AND WE FALL , THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER , AND NO SUR BENDER . "
Dundee, "Wednesday. Llr Dear Friends, ) ...
But when you hear all the treason , you will wonder how I have escaped the deep-laid villainy of professing friends . Ever your faithful Friend , Feabgus O'Connor
Free Trade And Its Consequences. To The ...
FREE TRADE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES . TO THE WORKING CLASSES . M _* _£ FltlENDS , Editors , tract-writers , authors , statesmen , and politicians , invariably call attention to predictions wbich they never made , and would establish their title to knowledge upon those predictions . Hence , we find that every foreign corres pondent of every newspaper in the kingdom , reminds his readers that he foretold such and such events—the fact being that those correspondents had predicted , not the events that
did occur , but the events best suited to the papers for which they wrote . Hence we find , that , during the Quixotic war of Charles Albert , the correspondent of the " Times , " who appeared to be camp-follower to the Sardinian manarch _, eulogised every 6 tep taken by the Sardinian King— -represented him as a Roman hero , and his arrangements as masterly and complete ; but when the tables were turned , the same correspondent depicts his former royal hero , as an imbecile , an idiot , and a Quixote .
With these numerous instances of editorial latitude _before you , yon must naturally be sceptical as to any reference made by a public man to his past predictions and anticipations ; and yet I am bold enough , and confident enough , to invite your attention to every ' one of my prophecies concerning FREE TRADE . In 1834 , when Mr O'Connell all but dared the Irish Liberal members to oppose tbe measure tben brought forward , I did ,
nevertheless , oppose it , and thirty-seven Liberal Irish members were compelled to vote with me ; and from that period to the present moment , I have never relaxed my opposition to tbis greatest breach of _national faith . I represented it as the keystone of tbe social arch , which , if once struck without securely propping the centre , must result in the ruin of the whole social fabric . I showed you plainly that the National Debt and national confidence were based
upon Protection . I showed you that the poor rates were based upon Protection—tbat rents were measured by the standard of Protection —that wages were regulated by Protectionthat mortgages , incumbrances , marriage settlements , personal liabilities , house rent , and taxes of every description , were regulated by Protection—and I showed you that the Labourer would be the first to suffer from the shaking of the foundation of this social fabric . I showed you that three years , at least , of casualty , uncertainty , and despair , must take place , and that those who had capital to live upon during this period of fluctuation , and who made the laws , would be able to dictate their own terms to those who live from hand to
mouth , and had no share in the representation ofthe country ; and I predicted—Firstly , —The disappointment . Secondly , —The distress and suffering and Thirdly , —The impossibility of averting a revolution , unless the change was accompanied , not by the unexplained " timely and prudent concessions" so mysteriously hinted at in the celebrated Russell Edinburgh missive —but such timely and prudent concessions as would preserve the social distinction of classes according to the new standard of policy—that
is , that presuming 15 , 0007 . a year to represent l the head class , and 30 L a year to represent the last class ; thatthe first-classman ' s property reduced to 10 , 000 / . a year , and the last-class man ' s property to 20 / , a year , should be made as available to the wants and requirements of each under the new system , as the former amounts were under the old system . And this , I showed you , could be only accomplished hy a complete revision , not only of our system of taxation and expenditure , but of our Labour system ; and this done , I proved to you , that all classes would still maintain their relative
position in society . However , the Free Trade question was made a political "CRY , " and , as I predicted , its most injurious result has been the election of several of its advocates to represent the system in Parliament ; and every one of whom live , thrive , and prosper , not upon legitimate profits made by trade , but upon their ability to cow Labour , to crush Labour , and reduce the wages of the Labourer . It is very true that all my writings and my speeches have been confined to one organ , and read only by one class ; but tben I wish the friends of the system to understand , that what
has created revolution in every country , has been either the misrepresentation or the nonrepresentation of the wants and will of the industrious classes ; and , cHrious to say , the farmers of England look upon me as a violent Free Trader , though I have always opposed the measure , while the Press and the middle classes of England have represented me as a destructive physical-force monster , although I have invariably denounced the system , aud have shown to you most unequivocally how every physical revolution has ended ia a middle class ascendancy , and Labour ' s prostration .
Let me now recall to your recollection the effect of the first Free Trade measure—namel y , Sir Robert Peel ' s Cattle Tariff . When that measure was being debated in the _Houst of Common ? , before the Easter recess in 1842 , and when a little breathing time was demanded to take the opinion of the country during the recess , Mr Wakley read a letter of mine from the "Northern Star , '' predicting what the effect of the measure wonld be , and honourable members responded by a laugb . I predicted that
the effect would be a glut of meat through panic—that the farmers , apprehensive of the arrival of foreign stock that did not exist , woald overstock the meat market and that I was right , was at once established by tbe fact of meat almost instantaneously falling to little more than one-half of its previous price , and much that would notkeep beingthrown into the Thames . Now that was panic . There was no surplus of cattle in England , but the farmers feared there would be , and they all rushed to market ..
Well , while the measure was under discussion , all the London journals sent their Commissioners abroad to take stock of Continental countries that could trade with England in that commodity , and one and all assured us that the fears of the English farmer were ridiculous and foolish . Firstly . Because there was no surplus of live stock in any of those countries ; and , Secondly . Because the expense of transit would swamp the speculator . I answered those two absurd propositions by reminding you—
-Firstly . That a surplus of cattle did not exist in any _country , beeause cattle , like wheat , couid not be stored , and that the feeding of a surplus stock entailed expense . Secondly . That althou gh an Act of Parlia ment might establish a tariff , it could not compel foreign cows " to go to bull / ' and that , consequently it would require full five years before the effect of the measure could be felt in England ; and , Thirdly . I explained upon the Free Trade
Free Trade And Its Consequences. To The ...
principles— " Where there ' s a demand there ' s a supply " - —that the shipping interest would very speedily furnish a competitive cheap transit for an increasing trade . I use these arguments for tbe purpose of apprizing you of the effect of the system of complete Free Trade , which it is said comes into operation in February next ; while I contend , and uoon the same basis , that it is at this moment in full operation . Nay , more , that from the present time till February the price of wheat will not be measured b / any possible Free Trade standard , but by English panic . Corn is a
thing which can be brought cheaply from other countries ; and all other countries—and especially America and Canada—have been preparing for the advent of Free Trade . And the farmers of England , with a perfect knowledge of the large supplies abroad , will dread the competition from tbis anticipated glut , and will consequently overstock the market from this period to the dreaded time . But there is another and perhaps a more cogent reason for presuming such a result—it is said that the harvest of this year was gathered in such a damp state as will not allow of its being long kept on hand .
I think I hear the Free Trader exclaim , " Why this is the very result that we anticipated from the measure , THIS IS CHEAP BREAD . " True , but it is only one of the trinity , for what becomes of "hi » h wages , " and " plenty to do r" And how often bave I told you , that cheap and dear bread are relative terms , and that the man without a penny to buy tbe cheap loaf , is in a worse condition than the man who can pay a shilling for the dear loaf .
Let me now come to the question of RECIPROCITY—the basis , the only basis , upon which "timely and prudent concessions " could be established . We . hear much about England ' s glory , and her national faith , but let me now show you that her National Debt , her taxes , and her rents , and every engagement that I have before mentioned , is based upon what is called Protection , and , therefore , I call it the keystone of the arch . The rents of this country are mortgaged to the fundholder , the tithes are estimated by Protection , and the taxes are measured by the same standard ; and as the rents ofthe empire amount to more than the national expenditure I will deal with that item first .
Rents are measured according to the price of wheat , presumed to be insured by a tax upon foreign corn , and the rate by which rent is established we will call 60 s . a quarter , or 7 s . 6 d . a bushel—that is , that it would not pay the foreigner to grow it , pay tbe duty , risk freight and insurance , at a less amount . If we then average the yield of England lowly at twenty-four bushels , or three quarters to tbe acre , and if the competition of foreign corn reduces English produce to 5 s . 6 d . per bushel , and it will reduce it much below that mark ,
this will he the result—every English farmer will lose 2 s . per bushel upon the produce of his land , or 4 Ss . upon each acre . If , then , we estimate English rents at 17 . per acre , we find that this loss increases the rent to 3 / . 8 s . per acre , or more than trebles it . But , says the Economist , " wheat is not the only thing produced in England . " True , but the price of wheat establishes the standard value of gold , and of everything else ; and the rent of grass land , upon which a Wade of wheat may never be grown , is regulated by the presumed price of wheat .
This you may say is the landlord ' s view of the question , ultimately . Not so , however , it is firstly the labourer ' s view , because the farmer will not employ him ; itis secondly the farmer ' s view , who will become very fractious and disloyal , before he allows his all to go ; and it will , thirdly , become the landlord ' s view , when he is called upon to pay tithes , taxes , poor rates , mortgages , provisions for younger children , personal and judgment debts , out of unoccupied land . Well , but again , the Free Trade manufacturer exclaims , " What ' s that
to us , they are the very class whose rights and privileges we sought to destroy . " Perhaps so ; but what becomes of their trade when the staple trade of the country , employing more hands than all others put together , is paralysed and in a state of perfect stagnation ? Will the landlord employ as many servants : Will he be as good a customer to the several trading classes ? Will he be as good a mark to the creditor , whether national or personal ? Will the farmer be as good a customer , or will the pauper in the workhouse be as good a customer to those several traders ?
That is only one view of theLandlord , Tenant , and Labour side of the question . And next comes the most gloomy . It is this : —So far from these reduced rents and reduced prices ending with the injury they inflict upon the landlord and the tenant the poor rates will increase in tbe exact ratio in which the landlords' and tenants' poverty increases ; and according to their inability to spend in the manufacturing market , will the profits of that class be measured ; and according to the ability of all , will the national exchequer be measured ; and according to its stability , will be measured the loyalty of bishop , parson , soldier , sailor , landlord , tenant , manufacturer , operative , labourer , banker , merchant , shopkeeper , and policeman .
Now , depend upon it that it must , and will come to tbis ; because ascendancy , equality , comfort , and contentment , and not preference for any system , constitute the bonds of allegiance , and the ties of affection . But I shall proceed to show you the foll y of placing any reliance upon the meaning attached to the words of a man looking for office . When Lord John Russell wrote his letter from Edinburgh , he knew no more about the question of Free Trade than he does now . You have been governed by an entangled system of policy , which bas been tortured into intricate political phraseology ; a minister is not expected to talk sense ; he submits a riddle to the country , and asks the country to solve it ; but will he solve this riddle ? If the national
faith was pledged to the fund-lord upon the understanding that protection for domestic produce should be the basis of that faith , can tbat faith be kept if the basis is taken away ? in other words , does any man in his senses , or does any man , except an official receiving his quarterly salary for juggling , believe that a pound can be paid out of ten shillings ? And , if he does not believe tbat , or if the conjurors cannot accomplish that , must it not be plain to every man with , a grain of common sense in bis head , that the fund-lord must go witbout his dividend—that the mortgagee must go without his interest—the parson without bis tithes—or the landlord must go without his dinner ?
Now , observe that the landlord is still the man possessing political power ; and rest assured that a few rebellious landlords , surrounded bv the sturdy yeomanry of England , would become a much more dangerous army than the whole corps of shivering Free Traders . The landlords had no concert , —the landlords could only act together in tne House of Commons ; but the bluster , the noise , and the promises ofthe Free Traders , had its effect out of the House of Commons , and in the House of Commons as well . Many landlords went with Sir Robert Peel , never understanding the con sequences that would result from Free Trade ; others were chicken-hearted , and dreaded the threatened revolution in case of resistance :
Free Trade And Its Consequences. To The ...
while those whose estates were mortgaged , or whose properties were small , measured their allegiance to the Free Trade minister by the _politicaVrather than the agricultural , _Jstanddard . One said , "I have not £ 4 , 000 a year , nor ± 400 a year , if my debts were paid , therefore I will sacrifice tbe scanty agricultural revenue to the political salary received on quarter day ; besides , I have poor relations for whom I may secure bishoprics , livings , commissions , places of some kind , or pensions . " Others have said , "My father lives , and is healthy ; I have been brought up in expensive habits ; my politics differ from his , but they are the only bait for the Downing-street trap , so here goes ! ' '
You will understand , then , that Free Trade was carried by a Ministerial juggle , by delusive promises and bluster , and by timidity ; the Leaguers promised and blustered ; tbe land _, lords got frightened , and surrendered , But you have not seen the veritable commencement of Free Trade yet , It . was made a political question , as all questions are—and fellows who had jfjmped from their clogs into . Spanish leatherj _^ ts-r-frora dung catts into carriages —and Horn "tha _* 6 anded floor to the Turkey carpet—had the insolence to designate every man as a Tory wbo opposed tbeir Free Trade
_agitation-The question of Cotton , from its importation to its exportation , is perfectly understood by all financiers . We have tables without number , showing us profit and loss—what can be safely given for the raw material—what can be paid for labour to manufacture it , expense of machinery , fire , oil , candles , casualties , and all the rest of it ; but we have no table submitted to us of the farmer ' s liabilities—in a great measure depending upon natural causes , over wbich he has no control . Let me give you one . Suppose we take _M'Culloch _' s estimate of land under cultivation at twelve million
acres ; in that case , what I contend is tbis : tbat the difference to the farmers between a fine weather harvest , and such as we have just had , amounts to over six millions of moneythat is , if a farmer has a hundred acres of grain—the difference between saving that grain in fine weather and catching weather , will be over 10 s . per acre . I estimate it very lowly , as you would find if you understood the expense of bad harvest weather to the farmer . I make no estimate for several items , but I merely take the difference of saving , leaving the difference of price , consequent upon damage , wholly out ofthe question , and those six millions confer no benefit upon any one .
A Lincolnshire farmer , a Norfolk farmer , or a Suffolk farmer , or , indeed , any farmer , has a quantity of corn ready for cutting—he knows that there will be a scramble for men ; he sends his bailiff on Sunday to employ the required number , whose wages are measured by the requirements of the farmers . Those men are employed by the week ; they set to work on Monday morning , at nine o clock ; it begins to rain ; they are obliged to be set at some fiddling work for the remainder of tbe day , or , perhaps , for tbe week—and thus the farmers , in the aggregate , lose six millions ,
while the labourers are onl y benefitted by receiving their wages for being idle , or uselessly employed , instead of working . No doubt the Economists will tell us that this is all right , as the six millions circulate more extensively , and are merely taken out of the pockets of the farmers ; but that is the very question I am on , because I am showing the effect that Free Trade is likely to have upon that important body , and , through them , upon every other class of society . I am showing that it is easy to measure national faith by Protection , but hard to uphold it when that Protection is taken
away . And I am also calling your attention to what I have told you a thousand times ¦ that Free Trade once established , and then an abundant harvest in those countries that supply us with food , and a good season in those countries for gathering the harvest , and a deficient harvest in England , got up in bad condition , and expensive in consequence of catching weather , and the English farmer is a bankrupt ; and when the English farmer is a bankrupt , I should be glad to know what will become of the English labourer ,. the British manufacturer , British faith , and the British Constitution ?
I tell you now , that Free Trade is all moonshine . I tell you that Free Trade should have been the end , and " . timely and prudent concessions'' should have been the means of makin « it harmless . Not such paltry concessions as altering the mode of collecting a few local rates , and reducing tbe price of a few articles of luxury and necessaries of life . As long as you pay interest upon seven hundred millions of debt , and as long as you pay twenty-four or twenty-five millions for Governmental expenses , and as long as you pay fixed salaries to officials , the farmer must get 20 s . for his pound ' s worth of wheat , fixed at that price by Protection ; and if be only gets ten shillings , instead of the pound , he cannot possibly meet his national faith engagements .
M y friends , this Is " no political question . The Reform Bill was no political question—it was a party question ; Free Trade is a class question—and yet those spouting beggars who spoke about" High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty to do , " and were so loud in their protestations of philanthropy , called themselves Liberals—and now that the thing has wholly and entirely failed , they invite those who were to have " High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty to do , " to become emigrants , and leave their native land . Why , we were to want population to keep pace with tbe briskness created by Free Trade . The emigrants that were banished by idleness , were all to return . So what has become of the benefits of this
measure , and where is the working man in England who can say he has been bettered by it ? I foretold the condition to which it would reduce tlie Irish people , and my prediction has been too faithfully verified , I foretold its effect upon the English people while they were most enthusiastic in antici pation . I foretold tbat you would have crowded workhouses , crowded prisons , sedition , and revolution . I did not wait for those occurrences to guess at the
result , as other writers do , nor could it be considered a prediction , as it was tbe natural consequence of the measure . And now I predict , that before twelve months from this day vou will have a national bankruptcy . - -that " the landlords , as I told them in the House ol Commons , will all have become Chartists—thatthey will bave begun to see the expense of a State Church-the burden of feeding unwilling idlers , and the folly of feeding idle , pamperej , bloated , useless officials .
Working men , Free Trade was a " CRY " —its motto was "HIGH WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . " Reform was a «• CRY "—its motto was , " PEACE , _RETRENCHMENT ami REFORM . " You have seen how the national faith has been kept . The French Republic was a " CRY "—its motto was , « LIBERTY , EQUALITY ,. FRATERNITY , " scaled with the "KISS OF LIFE , " and you have seen how that bas ended . Prussia . had its "CRY , "butit was such a long lamentation and hullagone that I cannot recapitulate its motto . Vienna has now had its revolution , and the enthusiasm of fools , who believe that with the last shot popular triumph is proclaimed , are
Free Trade And Its Consequences. To The ...
loud in their expression of hope . But I tell you that that also will end in moonshine or , what is worse , in the establishment of the reign of capital ; and yet Free Trade will go farther to disturb and destroy all the rules and order of British Society and of the Constitution _itself than the great Continental war which ended with the Battle of Waterloo . Free Trade was Labour ' s ruin . It was intended to constitute tbe political power ofthe master class—it will end in their annihilation .
And then the value of the Land at home and the value of Protection for native industry will be discovered . When the jugglers have tried all otber means to preserve national faith , but more especially to preserve their own ascendancy , they will be obliged to fall back upon the Cottage , the Labour Field , and tbe Charter to defend them , and then , like Quintus _Cincinnatus , I will cheerfully return to my plough . Your faithful friend and representative , Feargus O'Connor .
Valuable And Best Character To Promote T...
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AND NATIONAL _TELES' JOURNAL . '
[ Vol- Xi. No 575- London Saturday. Octo...
[ VOL- XI . No 575- _LONDON SATURDAY . OCTOBER 28 , 1848 . _^ _- * _SffJ 7 _SSS _^« ,
To The Queen Of The British Empire. Lett...
TO THE QUEEN OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE . Letter III . Respected Sovereign , Europe is in a state of high irrationality , and in many places so excited as to be bordering upon insanity and madness . The contests in which some of them are engaged , and which threaten to extend to others , are far worse than useless . They inflame the passions , and destroy life and property for no rational object ; on the contrary , they make matters much worse , and , if allowed to proceed , will yet more involve and confuse all parties , and render a speedy adjustment of their differences impracticable . Where there is power , the times and
circumstances require strong and prompt measures of coercive , friendly interference — and Great Britain , Russia and France , as their interests are deeply involved with those of all other countries , should say to the contending parties , ' We must have _' peace established throughout Europe , in order to calm the minds of _all / and prepare them for a common-sense adjustment of the aristocratic and democratic opposing feelings "—feelings which blindly and most unwisely exist between parties not now knowing what they are contending for . There is but one real interest throughout Europe ; in fact , throughout the world . That interest has now to be adjusted , rationally , for the benefit of all people .
The three days' revolution of February , in Paris , has rendered it necessary that real liberty , equality , and fraternity should become a universal fact ; for it cannot be a fact in France without becoming a fact throughout the world , and the sooner this change shall be effected the better it . will be for all in every country . The only question now deserving the consideration of rational beings is—by what means , and in what manner , can this most desirable change from falsehood to truth , from evil to good , be effected with tke least injury and most benefit to all parties ?
Existing contending interests , which have arisen from the injurious , artificial , or false state of society , as it has been formed throughout all nations , will answer this question , each according to the confined locality of ideas prevalent within the narrow circle of class , sect , and party , in whatever division of Europe their characters have been misformed . Having been early in life permitted to overcome and see beyond these artificial and deranging local influeuces , and having no private
interests opposed to the general interests of all humanity , it appears to me , under these circumstances , to be true wisdom to terminate the disorders of Europe , by a congress , to be held in some place near its centre , or in London , as it would be there better protected in its deliberations than in most other places . This Congress to be composed of Delegates from every Power in Europe—two from the large powers , and one from each of the other independent States .
These Delegates to be elected in each State by Universal Suffrage ; their business should be to form a general Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe . It is presumed that these Delegates would be the most practical men for the business to be transacted in this Congress , that the different countries possessed , although probably many mistakes would be made , to remedy which evil , the Congress should have the power to elect , by a majority of votes , twenty'five of the most experienced men in Europe , according to the best knowledge they could acquire of each person ' s qualifications .
These twenty-five to form a Council of investigation and revision of the acts of Congress , and no Constitution or Code of Laws to be adopted , except sanctioned and agreed to by a majority of the Congress and of the Council , The questions first submitted to the Congress for decision should be the following : •—1 st . —Whether the Constitution and Laws for the government of the population of Europe be based on the fact that the character of each individual is formed for him ; or on the old belief , that each one forms Ms own character .
2 nd , —Whether the responsibility of forming the character of each should be on society ; or on tbe individual . 3 rd . —Whether there should be one Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe ; or more than one—and , if the latter , how many . 4 th . —Whether there should be one or more languages in Europe—and , if only one , how that one should be decided upon . 5 th . —Whether Europe , in future , shall be composed of separate independent scientific societies , federatively united under one government , with one interest ; or kept divided .
as at present , by different languages , and opposing governments and interests . 6 th . —Whether the present contending classification of the three divisions of society into upper , middle , and lower , shall be maintained ; or a new classification adopted , in which the most useful and best qualities of each of these divisions shall be combined in the character of every individual , so as to form a real and superior equality among the entire population of Europe , and , ultimately , of the world . 7 th . —Whether the population shall be divided in interest , every man for himself and
each opposed to all ; or whether individualism shall be superseded by au unity of interests in which all shall be instructed and provided for in the best manner that existing means and knowledge will admit . _# 8 th . —Whether the present most inferior and dishonest mode of producimr and distributiwr wealth shall be maintained by the authorities of Europe ; or whether the superior and scientific mode of producing the best qualities of wealth in superfluity , and of distributing it justly and beneficially , shall be adopted .
9 th . —Whether the people shall be left to have their characters formed from birth by accident and under such vicious and inferior circumstances as to render , in after life , falsehood and deception unavoidable ; or whether each one shall lie well cared for by the State and scientifically trained within good circumstances from birth , so as to insure the most
Valuable And Best Character To Promote T...
valuable and best character to promote tho prosperity and happiness o f society tbat the natural organisation of each will admit . 10 th . —Whether the people of Europe shall be governed as heretofore , inthe most ignorant manner by the few , for the unnatural and injurious supposed advantages of . those few , keeping the mass in slavery and starvation ; or whether they shall be trained to govern themselves like rational and intelligent _beingsj beneficially for themselves and their posterity , including also the few who have hitherto governed Europe on the fundamental principle of falsehood and deception , requiring for its support a continued increase of force and fraud . valuable and best character to promote the
llth . —Whether the people of Europe _shal live in large towns and cities filled with al manner of vicious , injurious , and inferior circumstances , and in isolated situations , with few social advantages ; or whether they shall be now placed within superior circumstances , scientifically arranged to secure to all the rea advantages of cities and isolated _residencea , without the vicious , injurious , or inferior circumstances now common to both .
12 th . —Whether theGovernment or Governments of Europe shall continue to employ the , wealth produced by the present over strained working of the industrious classes , to create tbe most vicious , injurious , and inferior circumstances ; to _waste- _% the human faculties , physical and mental : '; ' misapply capital * . produce vice , crime , ignorance , gross oppression , and universal misery ; or whether it shall be applied to create good
and superior circumstances everywhere , to the exclusion of the vicious , injurious and inferior and thus ensure goodness , knowledge , and happiness to all , without evil to any . And , lastly , whether the change from falsehood to truth , from all that is evil to all that is good , shall he commenced throughout Europe immediately ; or tbat the change shall be indefinitely postponed .
These being the questions of the deepest and most permanent interest to the human race , will naturally occupy the first attention of Congress , as the foundation on which to construct a rational Constitution and Code o £ Laws for Europe-These subjects now opened to your Majesty are new to the higher classes of society , and , with few exceptions , will at first alarm many ; it has now , however , become most necessary for tbeir safety that all should full y understand them .
In two memorials presented from me , by tha late Lord Castlereagh , to the Congress of Sovereigns held in _Aix-la-Chapelle , in 1818 , the circumstances which , if allowed to continue , must of necessity lead to the present disorganised state of society over Europe , were distinctly stated , and the remedy , or mode of prevention pointed out . The advice then given was disregarded , and the natural consequences have followed . It is not too late for the . Aristocracy of Europe , if its order possess mind and decision equal to the crisis which has arisen , yet to save itself and the people from great suffering and destruction of life and property .
Believe me , it is practicable by open and straightforward measures for your Majesty ' s Government to stay this volcano of revolutions over Europe , establish peace , and secure permanent progressive prosperity for all parties ; —truth , honesty , and decision are alone wanting . It is indeed grievous to see such enormous means to produce permanent universal prosperity and happiness so misapplied , as te inflict misery—more or less—upon all , and to throw the civilised world into complete confusion and disorder .
If the British Government does not interfere between ' the contending and opposing principles of individual and united interests , or in other words , between Aristocracy andproperly understood—Democracy , one or other of the parties must be destroyed , and that party in the nature of progress will be the Aristocracy .
It is my duty to state these matters plainly to your Majesty , that , if possible now , at the eleventh hour , a right direction may be given to the enormous powers of society for the permanent good of all . Most respectfully , Your Majesty ' s faithful Subject , Robert Owex . London , 24 th October , 1848 .
The Land And Its Capabilities. To Thb Ed...
THE LAND AND ITS CAPABILITIES . TO THB EDITOR OF THE HORTHBBN STAR . Dear Sir . —I _shail take it a 3 a _favaur if jou can find roam for the fallowing _testimony of v _^ y practica experience , as I _consider it the duly of every man t ) give his information upon a subject of such im . porlanco aB the capability of the sail ; and as the cultivation of wheat _ahou'd be one of ihe first ceEBidera * tions of my brother allottees , we should take the best mode of producing that useful plant . I have tried tha experiment of producing ? wheat id six different forms in one field . One plot was gown in the common wa * —tbe next nn the top and ploughed in—tho next drilled with the Norfolk drillanother _waa dme with the pressor—¦ one wa 3 drilled
with the plough drill . The last was dibbled in rowa seven inches apart , and six in the row ; and from four to six grainB in each hole , or about two bushel per acre . The drill and the _prescnr sowed a' out fiv stroke . " , and the other sowed one load per acre ; ba the dibbling far exceeded any of theai ; and I fee convinced that if the dibbling is properly managed there is no other mode that will produce as much . But I advtBe all who dibble wheat on dry land to have the rows about seven inches apart from each other , and the holes five inches fro . 2 e * oh other in th-3 rows , dropping about fjcr corns into eacb hole ; by allowing seven inches , between the rowa , it not only gives the plaa ! s more air , but i a ! _s > gives an opportunity of hoe ' ng between tha rows , and clearing a _* ay the weeds , which ough
never to he allowed to grow to the injure of the plant ? . Further , I advise my breiher allotteeg never to sow bad seed , for I never saw a farmer who sowed bsd feed that was a good manager But it is no use my saying much upon that subjeot as they will have Mr 0 Connor ' s very valuable work on Small _Faims , which I hope rr . y brother allottees will pay strict atteution to . Now , as there are soma who think that four acres of land will not grow sufficient to support a family of five persons , I will only say io those persons , go into any well-managed _garden aud measure the ground so managed , and value the crop , and " you will be _astenished at your
ignorance But some will say that a field cannot ba wade to grow bo much aB . a garden . Wha * _canba _produced frora ore acre can ba produced from four , if the same meana are used . Now last year , 83 well as th s year was not a good _eess'U for _cardeninsr , and I sold iff _oropg at the market price , whioh produced me 3 _^ d . per ¦ quare yatd , and this year they will make 3 < _t . per yvrd ; and at 3 _f . per yard it _amousts to £ 60 IOj . O . _' . _' per acre , and tl e crop waa only sown in March , and aold off in the fi . _' _st week of November ; so it will be seen that tbe ground haa only been occupied seven months out of the twelve , _Ynurs truly , Jso . Bentlet . Ckiekenley , near _Dewsbury , Oct . 24 .
Restriction Of Labour. To The Printers O...
RESTRICTION OF LABOUR . TO THE PRINTERS OF CALICOES AND DELAINES IN SCOTLAND . Fellow _Woi-kmbn , —As the Labour question is attracting general attention , I offer these few remarks far the benefit of the trade I belong to , while it U applicable to ail kinds of labour . It is a well known faot . that it is tno surplus hands which re _^ u . late the price of labour , and is is the _all-engrsssing - _question with the tmjhy < d how thoy are to _protect tbeir wages . Tbo cmplojed printers have _bsen veiy lukewarm tow-arc ' s the unemployed , although thero aro men i < 3 ) _o who would spurn the idea ot * a reduction , _al-. hough they _fcaYe bern rut i _, f woik fcr a
_twelvemonth . But what is to be done ? The idle men have n « t got one shilling ner month for tho last year . They do not want charity ; th _? y wants fair sharoof the wotk that U _j ; oir > g on _y _^ t _^ _wTin _^ _JniCB of tho printers working ten _hourtfper day " whe & _JIbsyi have work , and sometimes twelve h _^ _tir _? , - when t _5 _*** B , a < _-e plenty of bands doing _nothing ; : if tbe elmpl _£ ved wou'd adopt an eight bours bil , « his . would ' _. akethej surplus hands out of Ihe labou _^ ' JdaVket , " _** d _jS 'by , far the best mode of protecting ; wages . It ' _nj a _^ b / i said that this ia _impracticable , tu _* . h : 3 quite _. _prjie ' ti _* cable if isen would b 9 honest , aad it _would'tjea _. _be _* nefit both to the _emnloyer and ta ~ e employed / ' \ . _> •** . ; _^ Iwn » iai ' _- _'" _-i ,. - ' . ' ¦ ' > - 'v _) One of the Unemployed Caliqo Pjrinterfj _,- } . .- ' _Norton , Octi 23 rd . _Wiuf a _& _Qtmaet .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 28, 1848, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_28101848/page/1/
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