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cheers bdim that th existence tre not pu...
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Chsa-illo. of Ireland, has pointed cut t...
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- Imperial Parliament. (Concluded From T...
government comes to parliament and asks fo 7 T _ _T _^ tional powers for the purpose of _coeralng the peonle ? . present bill might have tho effect of arrestU g the cou of the tool _' fih or wicked men who were _excitine th- fellow countrymen in Ireland ; to that extent it mi i ! hush and quiet the present excitement , but the bill- ™ 1 J be but temporary . Discontent would remain as lon _ its cause existed . Ai fast as the government _mijh arrest agitators in one place _p' / _ncrs would arise in an ther . Minister , were about , fer the _second time in on session , to deprive the people of Ireland of some of th privileges of the censtitution . They possessed them solves of power , and were responsible for the exercise nf It . They were in an especial degree answerable for •_ evils of Ireland , because they had not availed _th-m selves of the opportunity they possessed of _fulfillin - " th promises they bad made . ( Hear , hear , ) The _IrlaK people could not forget the declarations repeated ! made by every man now sitting on the Treasure bench , that there could be no peace _ _1-J . _j [? __ | ¦¦ _^ - __ rrj _ _---- _—_¦ (_ WAl _ l __ ni-. f _ At ___ _ ¦ _ __*___ manf _ n _ -i-t _ ~ _*^
_-,, as long as ihe Irish church remained in _existence , ( Loud criCB of 'Hear , hear . ') England -J , obliged to maintain 60 , 000 men in arms l _« Ireland That country _wasgoverned _. _notashewlshedto see it un der the mild and maternal sway of Vletorla , It was held as _ . garrison , and the expense was now visiting the people nf England as a punishment for the course which had been pursued towards that unfortunate country , it was not alone in a pecuniary point of view that Eng land suffered . the risk was incurred of the disorganisation which pre ' vailed in Ireland extending to this country . Our _pai-isw were overrun with paupers , whilst tho profits of trade andthe means of employment were daily decreasing . It was the duty of Ministers to bring forward Immediately measures calculated to concilia ,.- the people of Ireland and Parliament ought to sit from day to day to pass _thc-m ' The noble lord at the head ofthe government used fori merly to regard the extension of the suffrage as one ofthe means of conciliation ; but what was the case now t Ire land had once 2 oO , 0 'JO representatives—( great _laughterl
—he should have said electors ; but he did not believe that the number of electors now amounted to more than 40 , 000 . Was that a state of things thut ought to be continued " when the population reached 8 , . o , ow He _aBked _thenobla lord to consider this subject , as well as the state of the grand jury laws in Ireland , aad the state of its municipal institutions , and he submitted that parliament ought not to separate without an attempt to appl y remedies in each of those particulars . He agreed entirely with his hon . friend ( Mr S . Crawford ) that remedial measures ought to be introduced as speedily as possible , hut he should be sorry to see any division on the motion now before the house , ( Hear , hear . ; Ih hoped that remedial measures for Ireland would bo brought forward to-morrow—( loud laughter)—he meant Monday—though he could not help thinking the better the day the better the deed . He did not know that any man could employ the Sabbath day better than in giving peaee to Ireland —( cheers )—if sitting on a Sunday could be made the means of doiog so . He , therefore , advised his hon . friends near him not to oppose the motion , but to allow the bouse to come to an
unanimous vote upen it , though he was quite ready to support tbe proposition ef his hon . friend when it came before the house in a separate shape . No man , to judge from the Bpoech which he had delivered , was more impressed with the necessity of passing remedial measures for Ireland than the noble lord , and he only regretted that the noble lord had not acted upon his own convictions . Mr Nbwdegate would give his support to this measure as a great mea _ r _ of policy , but he considered the case as strictly exceptional , and he wished to guard him . self against the supposition that he thought such a mea sure ought to be considered as the occasion for any ( treat constitutional changes . He trusted that her Mai . & t _ government would pass this measure without making anv conditions , for past experience ought to tell them that _ . they did so thej would only sow the wind to reaD the ¦ whirlwind . **
Mr a _ 08 Aw , as representative of tbe loyal citf _« ns of Dublin , thanked the government for this bill , which wou'd put an end to that agitation which had reduced so man j of tbe opulent and industrious tradesmen of Dublin to bankruptcy and ruin . He regretted that this measure had not bsen introduced earlier , and hoped that the go . vernment would not show any indecision in carrvine it into effect . Mr Re _ . \ o _ DS differed fofo _ lo from his hon . colleague _. Ha prophesied that this . ill would pass and would be a failure . Still , in expressing that belief , he must declare himself favourable , not to its introduction , bnt to its extinction . He should vote against it in all its stages , and hoped that those stages would be long and tedious . Tha bill would make Repealers , and would extend all the evils wbich it professed to cure .
Mr MrjNTz asked Mr S . Crawford to withdraw his amendment . He lamented over the necessity in which he felt himself placed to give support to her _MajdSty ' _S government , but he felt that under existing circumstanceB he could not help himself . He warned her Majesty ' s government , that if they did not forthwith _redress tho grievances of Ireland he never would support them ln anotker Coercion Bill for that country . Sir H , Babboh added his testimony to the absolute ne . cessity for adopting this measure with unanimity . Ho had that morning _recet- / ed _lettsrs from Ireland ofthe most alarming nature , People of all descriptions were lamenting that the government had not adopted these measure soonor . Some of the leaders of the Intended _reb-Ulon who had some property , were most anxious for the passing ef this bill , and would rejoice when they heard the sound ofthe prison _ oors closing behind them . For they knew that thoy and th _« ir property would be sacrificed in a risinir which must leas to their ruin . No one was more convinced of tbe hopelessness Ol the rebellion than some of the leaders of it , and to his knowledge _80-ne of them had expressed _thetaselves to that effect .
Colonel Donne concurred in the amendment of Mr S . Crawford , but nevertheless declared hie intention of sup . porting the bill . Mr Scull , considered that this bill might be fatal He denied the disaffection and disloyalty wbich had been attributed to Tipperary . If the government did not Intend to introduce remedial measures for Ireland , this bill would never introduce into that country perman . n . peace . The house then divided , when the numbers were—For Mr S . Crawford ' s amendment ,, 8 Againstit 271 Majority against it .. ,. 265 Leave was then Riven to bring in the bill ; and it was _brought in by lord J Russell and read a first time .
Lord J , Rtmsbi ,-. —Sir , as _thebousejias ' _sounequivocally expressed its opinion in favour of thia bill as to leave no doubt that it shall pass , —( cheers . )—I do hope _thattfie house will now agree that , under all the circumstances it would be _better that the bill should be passed immediately , ( Loud cheering . ) I therefore move that this bill be now Tead a second time . ( Renewed cheering ) Mr O'Connor . —I will not take up the time of the house by any further expression of _opinton on my part , seeing that the house has so very _unequirocallydeclared _itselfin favour ofthe bill . Sir L . O'Brkn ( brother to Mr Smith O'Brien } . —Sir , I wish to explain in one word the vote which I have just given , ( Hear , hear . ) lean assure you , when I heard
the announcement of the noble lord yesterday that it wa g his intention to bring in this bill , my first impression was not to vote upon it . It occurred Some that the vote of a Single Individual would be but of small importance - and , considering the possibility of my near relative being one of the first to bo affected b y the measure , the impression oh my mind waa , that it would be more _decorons not to vote . But , considering that if I abstained from voting , my conduct might be mistaken In Ireland- ( hear , hear)—and being strongly Impressed with the necessity of these proceedings being put an end to for the sake ot the poor persons who are sure to be involved in great suffering .: by their continuance , I thought it more becosaing to give a decided vote in favour of tbe measure . ( Cheers ' )
Mr _Hdme— A great p . wer is given by this bill tothe Lord-Lieutenant or the other parties who are to carry on the government oflreland of imprisoning tbe subject , Now , 1 want to know if any record will be kept of the individuals who may be arrested , in order that at the proper time we may be _satisfied _' that the law has nofbeen improperly exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) r should like to know what is the rule in such cases ; and , if there is no such _ . _ , /_ _* _"" _* en * ione < 3 _> I think we ought to take care that the liberty of the subject is not unnecessarily interfered with- ( Hear , hear . ) ' Sir 6 . Gbet . —On former occasions , when a law exactly similar was in force , it was provided that an . warrant for the apprehension of any individual should be lodged with the Clerk of the Peace for the City of Dublin . - *
Mr BBTK 01 . DB .-S 1 r , the sense of thehouse has been so distinctly and decidedly expressed on this subject that I , for one , do not feel I should be justified In calling- for another vote upon it . The bill has now been read a first time , but I ask the government whether it is _Derfectlv fair toward , tae people of Ireland in the _absense ofthe great bulk of their representatives — (• Oh , oh , ' l-to propose to read it a second time to-day ? It appears to _. e > an unusual course to call for thc second readiW 0 f a bill _tw . ™ £ i Pl . l ° f Irel _^ d have received _n ° notice _whatever The bill has not been even placed in the hands of members . All we know about It is that it proposes to suspend the constitution in Ireland , and . _perhans with a
principle so sweeping , it matters little what the details may be . ( Hear , hoar . ) But I ask whether it is respectful to the people of Ireland and tbeir representatives , who are necessarily absent , toproceedin this hurried manaerl lhe second reading may be postponed till Mondav at all events . ( 'No , no . ') I have stated that I do not feel m _ Belf justified in asking for a divi « _Ion again , and it Is net my intention to do so . I feel , indeed , that it would be unpardonable in mo to do so , after so decided an expression of the sense of the house . ( Hear . ) I believe that the majority being so very large and the minority so very email Is entirely to be attributed to the fact that the repreeen . tatives of the people of Ireland have had no voice in the matter . Surely the country is not in such imminent danger as to require all this haste . { ' Divide _, divide . !) _^
Mr _Mons ELL . —I wirf not occupy the attention ofthe house tor more than oue moment . The hou . gentleman who has just sat down haB spoken of the _courseproposod by her Majesty ' s government as _unusuiiljbut I am sure the hon . gentleman will admit tbat thestate oflreland is un usual too . ( Cheers . ) I entroat tbe noble lord at the head ofthe _government , and I entreat this house if thev value _humanlife _, notto delay the passing of this measure ( Cheersj . I only state what is my strong coSfon when I say that on the passin g 0 f this bill , Sndth ™ . ttai 011 it suddenly , depends the salvation of _theUves of multi t _^ ea ofm , __ How . _coujtrsme _^ _classes-fclieersj-and I therefore entreat the hausn to _lut-vpo-. no obstacle to the passing of a _meaEu _£ wh _ i has been too long delayed . ( Cheering ; After some further conversation the bill was read a second ttme . Thehouse then went into committee on the bill _ttamOTKisS . _^ thatthebi " 8 hould _" * °
Mr _Osbobne begged , m accordance with theviows he had already expressed , to observe , that the house ought i _^ i ; _nd _„ te > ¦ _" hrtd P a » ed remedial measures for Ireland . The bill was proposed to remain in force till th * „ nM „ "A . " .- WUat security had the house that they o » __ Uon b _- r i ,, „ m . " . whilothls bill was in b _? i _, f __« o ,. _ ? _" " , _! . hout an > " "medial measures being passed ! He would most stronelv deorecate such a ? hi . ° h _ _& , i V _^ _-. _^ ° _ J 3 . __ . _i . _^ ft , * « l . _ _* ° uI J ? . f ' nH _, ° only tothe 1 st of September , 84 b . ( Oh , oh ! ' ) Heshould do so for this reason , that they bad lamentable experience that the house would not pass other measures absolutel y necessary for the ivoll . be . ng ot Ireland , ne _, therefore , moved thatthe bill be only extence - to the 1 st cf September 1848 . ( Cries of' No , ( _Coiicttttf _ in the First Page . )
Cheers Bdim That Th Existence Tre Not Pu...
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Chsa-Illo. Of Ireland, Has Pointed Cut T...
_Chsa-illo . of Ireland , has pointed cut the _danger cm character of these clubs . We may think it _necessary to introduce a _measure to meet the organisation ot these clubs , bnt _UIb to be remembered tbat tbat o _ a _nisation Is _dir-cted , as Indeed the whole proceedings cf the . people have been , b y men wd- acquainted with lha law , _ A wha , if - & M- ia e . hew l _« P » _ _« d _/**„ " these _ch-bs , would be found as supple in _^ _g *"' 0 ™ to evade the provisions of that law _« _tbzy ' b »™ _* _* - theaadvea to bs In _. _vidiag t _ pro «« ° " . tbe - _«»• ing k . We h _. ve Nad , and I have receive d t 0 . dE y , a of _tetani with
farther opinion of th . Lord C-ane . l _' or _reso = ct to the moce in which the las Has been hitherto _tvaded With _r-ip-ct to tho _clubf , there is no doubt that these clubs are in themselves unlawful . It i * quite evident that clubs for procuring arms and raising resistance against the crows andthe law are utterly il . legal ; bat when the law officers of thB crown came to advise tho J . or- . Itcutenani &» to the measures necessary for putting down thee . Cmts , it was found , that & _1-TtODgh their _feneral object is pet feet ! j- « v _ -knownkaewn ta every meur _ r of this house , nnd known to all who read tbe newspapers of this _kingdom—vet that the
mescs of procar ' ng evidence as to what passes in these clubs , wben they are secret , are not euch as _^ to enable the f ; ov- „ _ aer . t- with any facilh y , to put down these dabs . I eay ' with any facility , ' because , _ifanyiBtas _ . re were adopted , it would soen bo found that by somo fr _. _th evasion nnd undtr soma new form tbo law would be evaded , and that the clubs would be continued in as great force and with as powerful an organisation as bef _. re . I will _s-tate likewise tbe diffionUI-B w . th r _. _^ srd to lhe . n __ h . ngs of tbese olubs . The houso have read » c . _ounta of what has happened at _~' _etirford an' elvcwh _« c in the country , snd they will ? __ giae that tho liw ag-ia _. t _training , whicii is a very _strirg _ t law , would bs _. _pplicshle to thc tr _ inin £ nnd msrehing of thwe club ; to _particular places . But with
respect to _ttes-e cases there is a great difficulty . These dab . avoid giving a military word of command , snd that which is forbidden by the letter of tbe law is evaded in order to obtain the o _' _-ject which th . se conspirator , have in view without placing themselves in thc power of the aw . Bat I think , _afier whst I hsve stated , and after _indie-tlng- that intormsllon which the honse has otherwi _§ e acquired , that there is no donbt ttera is an association ia Ireland which intends to subvert the authority ef tha law and of the Crosn ef this country , and that it means to attain its object by farce of arras . ( Cheers . ) If sach is the case , sir , thea t know no remedy so straightforward , so direct in Us ot je . t , and so la-mediate In its purpose of seizing the _pers _. ns of tho _ - who _arB at the head of this movement , without in any manner
_endangering the p _rsons or putting te _inconvenience the innrcent , as wbat is commonly known by the name of the Suspension efthe Habeas Corpas Act , ( Cheers . ) ¦ Whatever measures we may frame , and whatever measeres msy be neeef sary to meet particular evils in the special shape which they may assume from time to lime , the remedy wbicb , above -11 thing ' , is necessary at th ' _s time Is a bill to enable the Lord-Lieutenant to secHrethe persons of those who are suspected of high treason . ( Cheers , ) I come f _.-rward , theD , to ask this beuBe of parliament to grant to the Executive this power . ( Cheers . ) I ask it now . I feel that I might have been justified in _askltig it at an e _ _.-t _. r period . ( Hatked cheering from the Opposition benches . ) But , sir , in weighing that Question which I have anxiously weighed
_dnrieg months past— ( bear , bear)—it has seemed to me that any extraordinary law to suspend the liberty of a part of the united kiBcdcm _, which should be passed b y only a small majority , and witheat a very general , if Eot an almost anani-nous concurrence of this house , _—pasred amid confiicting debates , when _ - _ _ ¦ doubted its _necessity , sn _> _. _oppaeed its expediency , tbat sach alaw _, reaching Ireland only as the expression of that _majority , and considering tbat in the minority there might be men of uadoubted integrity and love of social order _, but who werenot persuaded that tke necessity for such a measure existed—I ssy that a la * eo passed would in my mind Jose a great part of its _efi-scy , and would not tend , as we wish it ehonld tend , to the complete pacification ef that country . ( H r . ) I have therefore waited uhiU , in my mind , and in the minds cf my _colleagues , the evidence of the necessity of this measure is so clear , so notorious , and so clari-c , that I am _convinced tkat the conviction , tbe
almost universal _sonviction of the two houses of parliament , -fill be that what I ask is absolutely necessary , and whst they will grant , ( Loud cheers . ) But , sir , likewise I wish to Eay , that if It is the conviction of this house _tbat such a measure as I propose should _bepassed _, I trust thst tbe house will lose no time ( cheers ) in arming the Lord -. Untenant of Ireland with ths powers which I bow ask for him , aad which he declares it ie necessary that he should pos _. ess if he Is to possess any means of stopping tbese proceedings . ( Renewed cheers ) — hen I ask this , I a „ that which is not merely in the interest of those who would uphold the constitution and would def nd the Throne and maintain the _integrity of the empere , but I ask it on behalf of those perso _. s who would be sore to be the _ uf _** . rer 8 of an nns-c . e . sfi-1 outbreak in Ireland . ( Cheers . ) I have ao _deabtthat if we have protracted debates en this subject , —the _tceasare passing notwithstanding , as it is sure to
pas ? , —that with the means that the government of an , empire like this have at their disposal we could put sown _tfje Russells had been given to Catholic priests , fee attempts which t-es = wicked men are commencing of h - wa - gure thfJ noble lord wou _j d wkh h _j-^^ _T _!^ m _^ _l _^ _Z'S _^ _rfZ J ** _^' _> _- _™ i _™?** _f _•*« . t "Wj _hasstdofthemeansoflivelihcodofmanyofherMsjests ' s _fcr _^ _e _^^ _depend 6 11 _"' C Here Lord , John Russe 11 sat . -cts ia irelacd . We should pat them down after an j rose from his- seat , lifted up the copy of the oath of outbreak and convulsion , and we _thould not be able to allegiance , _which was on the table _, and pushed it prevent that outbreak from taking place . I say , then , ; across to the hon . member , amidst tremendous that it is for the interest of all that such 3 measuro should eheering from all sides of the house . ] What did be immediately passed . ( Cheers . ) If there are j the noble lord want ? ( Renewed cheers . ) He _pregentlemen , and there may . _maay in this house , who , I sumed th noWe hr _ wisheu to _fa ect his attention
while they tkink that this measure iB Becesiary _, are . yet of opinion that other measures are also necessary , j and that the whole duty of the gorernment has net j been p _. rformcd —( cries of ' Hear , hear , ' from the Liberal i b _ o _ s)—that we har . not in this Be _. sioa _producsd and carried into effect those measures , whatever they maybe , ' which are useful , and as they state necessary , for the ' well-being ofIrel-nd—to § uchhon . members I will put . ' forward only tbis prayer ; An hon . gentleman has given notice of his intention to bring forward fee whole _question of the stita of Ireland _up _. n motiOD . I shall he mo _. tre-dy , tfterthUb . il hat passed this house , to give every facility Ur bringing on such a debate , to mest any w»— -J . —— . „ ,- . 31 _UUUfilUg __ i ¦— . —— _, _—» _. * — — ¦«» - — , - » - _——v .- — _. _— . _^
sach charges as tfee hon . gentleman may have to bring against as , and to submit , if the house should think fit b y its vote to . insure us for the conduc _. we have pursued , \ Bnt I beg this honse and those hon . members wb » are of that opinion to reserve nntil that time the expression of their views —( _hear _. hear)—and not to let a debate which shonld be confined to this one snbj _ctj whether the mea--nre we propose is necessary or no , to extend into various _c __ rs aad opinions , which can-ot but lead to conflicting and protracted _dehates , and thereby to delay that which it is essential shonld be passed et once . Sir , I ask , therefore , thatthe house will permit me to introduce this bill ; and I ask them likewise , that if they do sanction it , they will have that _gaactlon speedily carried iatte _ ct . ( Cheers . ) _ _To man can say what may be the _conssqaeace of the want of these powers for a short time ia Ireland , and I ask those who are of opinion that _thet-. _a _ _ce Bhould _% a pa _. _s . S at _ that th « . _p-wtis are
_nte . S- _ ry not to render themselves responsible for the delay of that which m _ y be the saving of life in Ireland . _Ibeli-Tein my conscieace that this measure is calculated . prevent insurrection , to preserve internal peace , to preserve the unity of iMs empire , and to secure the throne of these realms and the free institutions of this eonntry . If there be other questions , let them be stated at s . __ e future time on some future motion . For my p . rt , I stand here _refponslbla for _proposiBf this measure , responsible fer not proposing it earlier —( hear)—responsible for not delaying it now . ( Cheers . ) I and ray colleagues are responsible . We accept that responsibility , and , however painful to oar feelings , however edi _' . tu the power for which we ask , we have now accepted our responsibility , and I confidently ask this house ti accept theirs—( cheers )—and to be mindful of the blessings they will preserve , and of the risks whieh by any _othereourse they will incur . ( The n . ble lord here concluded his speech ami - loud and prolonged cheerinr . )
Mr _O'CoNTfoft said he could well understand the painful feelings with which the noble lord said he rose to ask for a suspension of the constitution ; but he _theught the noble lord would now feel gratified , as there had been already an almost universal expression of the feeling of the house on behalf of the measure for which he asked . The noble lord told them that he would submit to them three propositions , —first , that there were serious threatenings of danger ; second , that the insurrectionists had means and appliances for an outbreak ; but the third proposition in favour of the measure he had not heard made out .
Lord John _Rcsseix : The remed y was the third . Mr O'Connor ; No the remedy was the first . ( Laughter . ) However , if the noble lord felt it necessary to ask the indulgence of the house in proposing this measure , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought that , considering the excited state of the continent , considering the state of Ireland , and considering the present feeling of the house , he stood in a much more difficult position . He was aware there was a disposition to attach importance to every word that fell from the Prime Minister of England ; but if he was st a loss for an answer to the statements , he would find it in the confession of the noble lord , when he besought the house not to let this measure go to Ireland as carried only after an extensive opposition ; hut the noble lord said , let it go as the will of the
great majority of this house , aad afterwards I v _. tll _*^ -euE 5 remedial measures for Ireland . This was Arrays the course followed b y a Whig government in proposing coercive measures . They always promised to consider remedial measures after their coercive measures were proposed ; but so soon as Ireland was quie ted by coercion , then they said the whole country is tranquil and there is no necessity for remedial measures . However , he ( Mr O'Connor ) _contended that the whole of the noble lord ' s speech was answered by his concluding unequivocal confession of guilt , so _ingenously admitted when he pleaded guilty , not to the possible , but to the well founded charge having neglected all remedial me & _sures for Ire-IaBd _. ( Hear , hear . ) The noble lord had told the fcOUJ * that he may possibly be charged _nitfe _Jjavine
Chsa-Illo. Of Ireland, Has Pointed Cut T...
neg lected those remedial measures , and _^ _^ ____ prepared to admit the truth and _^ , llce o { such an accusation , hut with _cbap _; . _-. _^ g _^^ asked fo _rgiveness _^ - _^ _^^ , thng unequiv- callv proving that the _neRi __ t of those remedial measures was tbe roundatiyn o _' f the noble lord ' s present _applicat' ° 7 _i fot the hbrogration of the Irish constitution ; in fact , art admission that his own neglect was the basis ofthe measure now called for to repress that excitement consequent upon ministerial neglect . ( Cheers . ) And thus it ever was with the Whig government , tbat every measure of coercion could be traced to Whig profligacy , aud that excitement was created for the _^ ' _m-m '¦„
sustainment of Whigs in power . The noble lord commenced his speech by taking a rapid view of the agitation conducted by the late Mr O'Connell , whose plan the noble lord said was not to lead to bloodshed , but to gather up the mind of the country , and then bring it to bear upon the mind of this house . But what was the result of this policy ? Why , soon after the period of passing the Emancipation Act the leaders were rewarded with places and pensions , while the people found that they were deluded and had got nothing . ( Hear . ) No wonder the people were irritated . But the noble lord had
himself to blame for much of the irritation which existed in the minds ofthe people of Ireland . When the Crown and Government Security Bill was brought in he told the noble kid that the effect would be the establishme nt of clubs and of secret societies , for it was impossible to keep down the public mind , particular _^ in these days . There was , however , one point in which he agreed wiih the noble lord , and that w ? . s that in a p hysical revolution the people themselves would be the greatest sufferers . It was only a good social change that would confer social improvement on the people . But he must tell the noble lord that this measure would only hasten a
rupture in Ireland ; for all history showed that it * _aas only in exact proportion to the relaxation of the criminal law that obedience to the law „ s in creased . The noble lord now came down with all the dignity of a Prime Minister , and told the house that this measure would be for the good of the people of Ireland themselves , and even for those who were offering resistance to the law ; but had the noble lord forgot how he taunted the Irish people on occasion of his bringing forward the Alien Act ? Then he told the house with an undignified sneer , ( turning to the backs behind him , ) that the last accounts frora Ireland were ' vapid , stale , flat , and unprofitable / and that there was no treason now
worth reading . The noble lord attempted to govern Ireland by patronage , ard not by social measures . It was to the Irish members , who were cringing to the prime minister and his dependents , and who were proud of an invitation to dine at their tablesit was to them he ascribed the necessity of this measure . He would tell them more , that this measure would fail , ss the others had done . Let them look to America , within fourteen days' sail of Ireland , where all the passions of hatred and revenge against this countrv -were pent up—let them look at France , which was now a republic—let them look to Prussia , which was seeking to be a republic—let them look to Italy , which was throwing off the despotism
of Austria , and then he would ask them whether they could hope to maintain their position of a restrictive monarchy in this country . ( Derisive cheers . ) Or did they suppose that they could rock their cradle in the midst of such a confluence of revolutions and re ' pffblics . ( ' Oh ! oh ! ' ) The noble lord had read extracts from anonymous letters , and from newspapers , with which all were familiar . But hc would tell the noble lord that it was himself who had driven Ireland into rebellion . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had always stood up against bloodshed—he had alwavs warned tbe people that there was no
beuefit to be derived by them from a physical revolution . But the noble lord ought to be the last to repress the fair expression of public opinion . Did he hope to tie up the Irish mind with' red tape , and cram it into one of his government boxes ? Did he suppose that a starving people would pay any attention to his suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act _: The noble lord had taunted the Irish Repealers with having thrown of ? the minor measure of Repeal of the Union , and with looking for a total separation of the two countries . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) had never disguised his sentiments .
battle of Waterloo and the broad lands of He would tell tbe neble lord that if the French instead of the English had gained the battle of Waterloo , and the broad lands of
to the oath of allegiance , but he thought , if the noble lord would examine tbat oath , he would see _ a . he best discharged the obligation of that oath by preserving to her Majesty that portion of her dominions wbich could be preserved without the horrors of a revolution . ( Roars of laughter and derisive cheering . ) Yes , he woald
say—Give me the avowed , the erect , the manly foe , Bold I can meet , perhaps may turn his blow , * * * * * The whole question in Ireland was a question between Catholic and Protestant—and until justice was done between these two creeds—until the state of thing , was removed which made the Protestants the masters , and the Catholics their serfs , there never would be peace in the country . The nob ' e lord had attempted to govern the country by feeding the landlords on patronage as long as he could . When he could feed them no longer he brought in the Encumbered Estates Bill , that they might have the power of selling their own estates . Oh , but , said the noble lord , did not we send eight
' million last year to feed the people ? Yes , they did , j but they did not spend it in reproductive works , and j they only gave it to stop the excitement . ( Derisive cheers . ) He hoped the Irish members would not acquiesce in this measure . For his own part , if it i was in his power , he would obstract it by every I means in his power . He asked the Irish members ! to give up their slavish position of looking for pa-; tronage to the government , to cross to the other \ side of the house , and as the government was determined to coerce their country to give them every opposition in their power . ( No , no . ) If they did not think proper to do that , he regretted that Ireland must suffer ; but it was not in his power to
prevent it . If the Irish members would be as faithful to their country as the Protestants had been to their creed , they would give thie noble lord seme trouble . He had no doubt that the right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth would give this measure his support —( Cheers)—with more courtesy to the noble lord than the noble lord had shown to hira when he opposed the comparatively trifling measure of an Arms Bill . The right hon baronet differed from him in politics , and perhaps the right hon . baronet would take that as a compliment . ( Cheers , and laughter . ) But he would say of the ri g ht hon . baronet , that his firm conviction was , if he had been at the helm of the ship last year and
this , there would have been no need to ask for coercion bills . They said it was dangerous to compliment the right hon baronet ; but he must say that he was the only man to whom the moneyed classes and the people of this country looked as the man that could save the country . As for the noble lord , he seemed to take a Stock Exchange view of the matter . Because the stocks went up one and a half percent , when Mitchel and the others were arrested . He reduced the question to one of the rule of three , and calculated if three felons are worth one and a half per cent ., wbat will one traitor be worth ? ( Laughter . ) He thought the present government party was the smallest section of the house . The Irish members alone , if they were united , would
beat the government ; the Protectionists would beat them , if it were not for the juvenile staff of the right honourable baronet . ( Laughter . ) The noble lord had quoted passages from various newspapers , but why did he not produce the articles from the Chronicle during the Reform and Free Trade agitation . That paper' in shewing tbe people the value of street warfare , republished all the tactics of Col . Mazzaroni , and recommended them to the consideration of the populace , but that was when the Whigs stood in need of violence , and hailed and encouraged the wildest expression of popular frenzy . That paper which , like a true prostitute , had gone from one side of the house to the other . But there never was in
any couatry such a veual and profligate press as in this country . He warned the house not to fetter public opinion , as it was the national safeguard , and would break down every barrier . It was his pride to say , that he had never attended a secret meeting never written a secret letter , never allowed the press to be excluded from meetings , or never conspired against any one in his life . These circumstances ought to entitle him to some claim to speak for his _ejuntrymen . The noble lord had expressed a hope
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that the bill would speedily b- sent to the Uppe r House . The Upper House would , of course , pass the bill in a gallop , and it would not occasion him the least surprise , if it was returned to this house backed with a warrant for the apprehension of O'Brien and Meagher , and an indictment for treason against ther a . Having now adverted to the three propositions of the noble lord , he would conclude by reminding him of the aphorism , that to be forewarned was to be forearmed . ( Hear , hear . ) He had told him of the effect of the Coercion Bill—he had told him the effect of the Crown and Government Bill—and all his predictions had been verified . He ( Mr O'Connor ) understood his countrymen better than the noble lord ; and he now told hira
that the effect of this new Coercion Bill would be to cause an immediate revolution in Ireland . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) Tbe noble lord might rely upon the ability and courage of Lord Clarendon ; but if he had assisted that nobleman in carrying out measures of agricultural improvement , much more would have been done for Ireland . The draining of swamps and the reclamation of waste lands were , however , pursuits of too vulgar a nature for a Whig government , which would rather place its reliance upon _Free-trade negotiations with foreigners for the pros _, perity of the kingdom . ( Hear , hear . ) He told the noble lord not to lay the 'flattering unction to his soul' that the co-operation of the two Houses of Parliament in Bills of coercion for Ireland
could keep a starving people in a state of tranquillity , but that the effect weuld be to plunge the countrv in all the horrors of a civil war . The noble lord has dilated upon the apothegms , and appears to have chronicled the sayings of the late Mr O'Connell , while the mind , which is now to be repressed , is the creation of those very sayings and apothegms ; but the noble lord had omitted to remind the house of Whig apothegms aad Whig sayings , when the Whig party stood in need of violence , sedition , and treason . The noble lord did not revert to the agitation for reform and free trade . He studiously avoided the repetition of the maxims of Reformers and Free Traders , the sentiments and
teachings by which that mind which was now to be repressed was created . ( Hear , hear . ) When the Whigs required popular support they told the people that taxation without representation was tyranny and should be resisted —( hear , hear)—that the people were the only legitimate source of power ; and that labour was the Bource of all wealth . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , was not the realisation of that teaching likely to be contended for by an enthusiastic , a famished , a deceived people ? The Morning Chronicle—the organ oi ' the Free Traders , reminded hon . gentlemen upon the Protection benches , that ladies' heads had been dragged in the gutter aforetime , and that the amusement might be repeated ; and yet , with such
teachings , followed by such treachery and disappointment , the people were to be placed out of the Constitution ! But he would warn the house that loyalty was a _capricious thing . Men were not loyal when they were starved to death ; and much as they boasted of the loyalty of their Church , let them take away the tithes from the bishops to-morrow , and their loyalty would follow it the next day . Let them take the rents from the landlords , and they would become Cbartists to a man . ( ' No , no , ' and laughter . ) They might say ' no ; ' but they were not tried yet . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had critically predicted the effect of Free Trade upon both England and Ireland ; and although Ireland , as an agricultural
country , had the first taste—let not the English landlords deceive themselves with a notion that their day would not yet arrive . ( Hear , hear . ) Their position and their influence , in that house might postpone the malady by the entangled , but deceptive budget ef tbe Chancellor of the Exchequer , the policy of whose government it was to feed class upon elass , giving the politically influential the largest share of the booty . Had any single one of the extensive hopes presented in the celebrated Edinburgh missive of the noble lord been realised ? and where were the prudent and timely concessions so pompously referred to ? They are there , seated upon that bench ( pointing to the Treasury bench ) . That
was the only beneficial change that the noble lord anticipated from Free Trade . ( Cheers . ) And while adverting to the sayings and doings of bis colleagues , he would ask , where was the right hon . baronet the member for Harwich ( Sir J . Hobhouse ) once a revolutionist , but now a constitutionalist ? How easy it would be to rake that Treasury bench , branding each of its occupants with the stamp of sedition , while they are now associated together to abrogate the constitution of Ireland . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had never expressed an opinion out of that house which he would fear to express in that house ; and much as he longed to see the liberty of his country established , be repeated there , what he had stated , over
and over again , elsewhere , that the working classes of no country had ever derived a benefit from a physical revolution , because , with the last shot , some greater tyranny is established , than that which has been destroyed , and the people mad , thoughtless , and enthusiastic , while rejoicing in their triumph , become victims to the ascendant party , ( Hear , hear . ) Yes , he understood that cheer , but what he contended for , was the right of the people to such a social system as would insure a sound political system to protect it , and around which all would equally rally . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought he best fulfilled the obligations of that oath of allegiance , which had been flashed in his
face , by pointing out the means by which the English dominions may be most safely secured to her Majesty _; and he believed in his soul , that those means were by restoring to the Irish people the right of self-government , when both nations would be stronger and more harmonious than they are now . (• Ob , oh , oh ! ' ) Well , they may ? oh , ' but what would be the opinion of that house if they were aware that he ( Mr O'Connor ) entertained those opinions , but shrunk from their avowal ? In conclusion , he would make one more appeal to those
Irish members who sat upon those benches as the flank company of the government—would ask them no longer to be the mere hacks and sycophants of an administration , whose every act tended to the prostration of their country—no longer to consider themselves honoured by the slavish acceptance of invitations to dine with the Prime Minister or his colleagues , but to pass over from that side of the house to the Opposition benches , resolved to abandon patronage for the emancipation of their oppressed country .
Sir E . Peel . —Sir , by one of the compliments paid to me by the hon . gentleman I am gratifie .. I am gratified by bis anticipation tbat I should give to tho measure proposed by the government a decisive and cordial support —( load and continued cheering)—a support not qualified by the reminiscence , ' of past contentions —( cheers ] —a support not qualified by party _roorimiDations . ( Londcheers . ) Sir , I look to the state of Ireland ; I loek to the combination which exists - , I look to th . avowals of the parties who bead that combination—( cheers)—I give them credit for v « . aclty ; aud , giving them credit for veracity , I believe there exists in Ireland at thiB moment a wicked conspiracy to deprive the Queen of her crown and eovernment In that country .
( Loud cheers . ) Suoh being my Impression , trustlug to the avowal of the Confederate * , I take my part with the Crown of tbis united _kingdom against tbe conspirators who are arrayed against it . ( Loud chews . ) Sir , I won't qualify the value of my support by a long speech . I den _' t blame the government even for their delay in Introducing tkts measure . I cannot but fed that governments ought to be very forbearing before they Impose the greatest restrictions the ; can impose oa the constltu . tonal liberties of a large portion of her Mej-sty ' s subjects , I dare say that at an earlier period a case might have been made out _ r plaoiog the liberty of individuals at the discretion of tho Crown ; but I agree with the noble lord that when proposals of thiB nature are
made there ought to be a _stronj decisive impression on the mind of tbis house , ond on the public _3-tnd also tbat there ts no opportunity for further delay—that the necessity has arisen which justifies tbe measure and which wUl ensure for It a general Bupport . ( Loud Oheers . ) Sir . I believe the question at issue in Ireland Is not whether the union shall be repealed . ( Cheers . ) I believe that if ou do nothing you will have during the recess a deeolatloj warfare . ( CaeerB . ) My opinion is that the authority of the Crown will bo ultimately successful , after great devastation of property after great loss of life , after the loss of life by many innocent persons—the loss of life by many who havo joined In rebellion from doubt as to your ultimate intentions —but
this I believe , that if the Crown should fall In _re-estab llshing its authority , yeu _nlll then have substituted for the government under which yon live b y far the m 08 t cruel , debasing , and sanguinary desolation that can prevaU in a civilised country . ( Loud cheers . ) There is no eonoealment of what are to be the _instruments by which this new power is to be established . Have I noe seen a reference made to the value of the crops that are now standing in _Irelaad ? Have I not seen a , disti ict encouragement given to the masses , to tho physical . _treugtb _< f the country to combine with the men
superior in intelligence , not that they may furtivoly undor . tntne the Royal authority , not that they may take moans for ultimately repealing the union , but that they may at one . resort to pillage for the purpose of dividing among _themselves the spoils of their success f ( Loud cheers . * ) Th _ t is th © mode In which the power of these men who are conducting tbis combination ia to ba exerted . 1 won ' t enter into any other questions connected with genera' government , I believe the danger is _Immln' nt ( Cheers . ) I believe thai if there has be _ too much delay , that _^ constitutes a reason for immediate aotioa . ( Cheer . I for one am perfectl y prepared to insist on
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noordin _. jforn . . ( L ' . nd cheers . ) I bdim that th government Is Justified In _aiklng : for thia measure _, believe the measure itself—the power to apprehend 01 _auspicion and keep thc conspirators in confinement , i necessary . The conspiracy lo notaa _agrariaiono ; 1 is n ot a conspiracy of assassins , it ie the conspiracy 0 traitors . That is a case in which I think the apprehen sion of the leaders Is _juj _' . ifi . d . It Is p . _BSlble otho measures m . be necessary . I hope , after the announce ment of the noble lord , there will be no delay on thpart of the government in ashing for those measures ( Cheers . ) If they bo dlreoted against the clubsif they be dlrect _« d against those shooting gall-tie established in tke metropolis of Ireland , witl the heart of the Lord . Lieutenant a . the but . _ _ _* - _«_* - 1 .-. I i _ . _ . _ . __ .
against whioh their shots are to be fired—If this be _s If government require additional powers to maintali the authority of the Crown , I do hope no delay willb interposed In stating what are those additional powers ( Cheers . ) I think It would be uabecoming oa the par of membera of this house to urge oa her Majesty ' s _oalaia ter . additional powers . The responsibility rests _witi tbem , I will not urge on them _meaourea of greater co _orclon than those their own responsibility demands ; bu this I a ay , as nothing but necessity can justify a sue pension of the Habeas Corpus Act , the same necessit makes immedia te action desirable , and I will consent t tho suspension of any forms in order te embody my opi _nions in the shape of an act of _Parllsmont _, With re j pect to the speech of the hon . gentleman ( Mr O'Connor )
I tell him I wiUdofend the monarchy of Eaglan _. against this mock King of _Munster ( _lond cheers andlaughter ) an . against bis own pretensions also In a subordinate degree , ( Loud che * --. ) The King of Mumter J ( Shout ! of laughter , ) This gentleman who says , 'Dont _shoui out for the King of Munster yet ! ' * Not yet ! ' No . 1 for one am cot prepared to exchange the _snild _sapren-acj of Queen Victoria for thie new King of Manster , ( Load cheers ) I did givo credit to the hon , gentleman thai he was ' the bold , the erect , the manly foe , ' during that period of his speech , In whioh drawing a contrast be tween himself and other agitators In Irelaad , he said , ' he for one was the friend of separation . ' Bat the noble lord ( Lord I . Russell ) showed the hon . gentleman an oath by which he had 8 from to bear true allegiance to
her _M _ . sty ; upon which the hon . gentleman said , ' And am I not fulfilling that oath of allegiance when I am trying to Insure for her Majesty the subjection of hei Majesty ' s faithful _subjeotB in Ireland ! ( Hear , hear . ) Why , that is what the late Mr OC . nnell might have said , who was the enemy of separation , and wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown—it might Im * been possible for him to say , ' 1 am for a separate legislature , but for the supremacy ef the Crown in Ireland . ' The position of the hon . gentleman , however , Is different from that occupied by Mr O'Connell , when he asserts his ' boldness' and ' manliness' In declaring for the separation of Ireland from England , If he means bv * separation' that Ireland shall etill remain associated witb England—why waa he soared by that oath t ( Lou _.
_cbeers . ) I thought ' the hon . gentleman ' s declaration In favour of' separation' had been absolute ; but on seeing and being reminded of that oath he said , lam _endeavouring to preserve the Integrity of her M & jeBty ' _s Irish dominions . ' ( Mr O'Connor— ' Her English dominions . ' ) ' Her English dominions ! ' That oath _wastakoa with _, oat that equivocation . ( Loud cheers . ) The allegiance promised was allegiance on the part of Ireland as full ; and completely as on the part of England ( land cheers ); and if the boa . gentleman really took that oath with a secret reservation that he would be a faithful and loyal subject In this part of the United Kingdom , but reserved a perfect latitude of action in Ireland , and a right ts sever the sister country from Her Majesty ' s dominions , —that latitude _of . 6 _ t ___ _ls so large a- would c < r-
talnly convince me that thore is ne value whatever in such a declaration ef allegiance . The hon , gentleman asks whether we tbink It possible to maintain a restricted monarchy after tbe example we have had in what has been occurring in France , in Italy , in Germany , and other European states . Sir , I say not a word with respect to the internal administration of the affairs of other countries . I have dene what I could since the commencement of these disorders humbly te discourage any reflections on what has occurred in Paris or elsewhere ; but when the hon , gentleman holds np the example of wbat bas taken place in other countries as a reason why vre should distrust the advantage of maintaining the monarchy of this eountry , I h _ 6 110 difficulty . I have a right to say that , looking at what has
taken place on the chief arena of revolutionary __ ropetaking France , taking Paris as tha example—looking at Iho gorernment that existed before February , the securities for pnbiic liberty —( hear , bear)—the state of the revenue , the condition ofthe manufacturing classes , the principles that were acted upon with respect ti the reward of labour—looking at what passed In February , looking at what passed in the interval of three or four _moBths—in Jane , when the new government , founded en tho barricades of February , was exposed to the most violent opposition from those whose hopes had beea disappointed—looking to all this , I draw a fitting reflection from it for the guidance of the people of this countryand I say , eo far from what has _pas-ed fn Europe inducing me to distrust the advantage of limited monarchy , or to believe that its foundations are less socurc—to believe
that tbere is less of affectionate devotion towardB tha person of the Sovereign , or less of rational _oonviction In favour of t _*» e advantage of limited monarchy—I look to the experience of the l _. _at six months , and I retain an Increased conviction that the monarchy of this country is secure , and Is endearod by new cons ( derations to the affectionate support and devotion of the peopio of this country . ( Loud and continued cheering . ) Mr B , _Osboene believed that tho object of the men against whom this bill was dlreoted was not repeal , but murder and pillage . It was , therefore , a measure of mercy to look up those men who wished to accomplish such an object , and to deluge Ireland with blood . He
could not , however , veto for the continuance of this bill to the 1 st ef March , 1819 , because be thought that the house ought not to be prorogued , but shoald sit from month to month in deliberation upon the remedial mea . sures necessary for Ireland . He thought that there might be aome modification of the Act of Union ; but still he would not , when tbe house w « s on fire , do anything to Impede the operation of the engines upon It . The state of things In Ireland was most alarming . He had received that _morning information from Ireland that numbers of houses In Tipperary had been stripped of their lead In order to make bullets . Uader suoh' clrcum . tat-oes ha should not oppose the introduction ofthe
Ml ! . Mr Samier thought tbat it was high timo that the movements of the revolutionists should be stopped , and should , therefore , cordially support the bill ofthe neble lord . At the same time , ho told him that the extensive disaffection which exist . in Ireland could not have existed without great _miscondnot on the part of its rulers . Mr S . Ceawfobd found it very difficult to convey to the house any idea how vary paiuful it wan to him to proceed to a division upon the present question . The condition of Ireland was ono of the greatest possible danger , and no one more earnestly desired than he did to uphold , her M _ Je _ s' __ loyal frab .- _. _ts In that part of tho Uaited Kingdom with all the foroo that laiv aid
government could pis' forth for their protection . But _. _loekiag at the measures of the government , he found it impossible to corao to any conclusion favourable to thetr plans . On the contrary , ho believed tbeir whole ad . ministration to be utterly inefficient for any useful purpose , and more especially did he consider that the present measure would be wholly unsuccessful , He wanted to see peace established in Ireland , and ho feared that the proposed bill would bring with it no peace . Ho admitted tbat times arose when the common principles of the constitution mnst be suspended ; but what ho wanted was , that sueh measures of suspension should not go alone—that they should be accom . panted with practical plans __ f social _improvemant . He begged tho house for a moment to consider what were
the causes of the present agitation asd discontent . They evidently were to be found in tbe condition of the people . Was their social state a healthy condition ! Were they not depressed to the lowest point which human beings could reach ? In some parts of the country the population were actually starving . Such was tho state of Ireland at present , and such it had been for a length of time past . And this was going on without any attempt to provide remedial measures , Tho strongest promises ef remedial measures were uniformly made by every Ministry , and as uniformly neglected . They were growing worse and wera a every day . In the year 1800 tbe Habeas Corpus Act had been suspended in Ireland ; it had again been suspended from 1802 till 1805 ; from 1807 till 1610 ; again in 181 . ; and onco
more , from 1822 till 182 i . Tbe Habeas Corpus Act , then , had frequently beon suspended , and they even bad martial law from 1803 tiU 1805 . Arms Acts were freqaently enforced , Bndnow , in 1848 , after forty-seven vears of union , Ireland must be held by the sword , or ry that which few governments liked to propose—good remedial measures . If remedial measures were not adopted , the consequence would be social disorganisation in Ireland , and a resistance directed against property and order , which the _government had net a sufficient body ef troops to put down ; for thero was a great difference between meeting a rabble in a field , and taking that military ocoupation of the whole country which , under the circumstances he alluded to , would become necessary . In 179 S there was a force of
100 ,. 00 men in Ireland ; and , ho would aa . was government prepared to furnish as great a force now t There could bo bo more dangerous policy tban to adopt apparent measures of coercion unless tho government possessed the power of carrying them out . He dreaded the disorganisation of the country , and the resistance to rents and taxes whioh would arise , unless remedial measures were adopted , and which ntt coercive measures could adequately reach . Tho violent opinions beld by individuals in Ireland had b . en referred to ; but why wero such opinions held and expressed % Bacause ( bore ha- been that oppression of the country—that want
of attention to ita interest , and wishes , which Impelled those persons to havo a desire for separation . He wanted to know why th . aot already passed , commonly called the Fel _. ns Act , could not bo sufficient for the purpose end why , It had not beon fully carried eut } The _govtrnmenhad not used the powers within their hands ; and whv iben , should that houso bo called on to pass a new oooroion aot ? He _recolleoted the proceedin . of 1798 when it was alleged nt the time that government hai neglected all pr .. p 2 r precautions with the view of _lottlni . _lalng _. co » e to a crisis . Ho hoped that such was new not tho Cass , though thore might appear somo grounds for the -usploion , when it wm _eeen that tho laws of the
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land already lo existence wtre not put Into execution , He believed that one ofthe most _dangerouo kinds of ooer . clon wa * the arresting of parsons on mere suspicion ; and he recollected the bad e _? . cts of the exercise of such a power In former times . Under theBe circumstances , he felt it to be his indispensable duty not to let tbe house come to a vote on this question without recording his opinion of the Inutility of the _propaBCd measure of _coerolou , aud of the _n _.-essity of fhe house applying Itself to the adoption of remedial measures . He felt himself the more bound to do this becauso he had hitherto been prevented by various circumstances from bringing before the house the whole question of Ireland , aad the remedial measures he weuld recommend . The hon . member con . eluded by moving an amendment to the following effect : — ' That the present distracted state of Ireland arises from _misgorarnment and from the want of remedial measures , without which no coercive measure could restore either order or content to the country , ' 1 J _ l 1— _ . !_ . _nfla o . a _ . _ __ t _ _ iif _ n _?__ Ava _ . _ . __
Mr F- . _OAH seconded the amendment , and contended that Lord John Russell had net made out any oase even upon his own showing , for the suspension of the _Habe-s Co _ hs Aot . The evils of _Ireland were of h social character and required a social remedy . You could not long preserve that _country to the em . plre either by a system of packed juries or by your milltory force , Mr DHR-. EU declared his intention 0 / giving the mec sure of government his unvarying and unequivocal support . If he could bring himself to think that this pending insurrection arose from tho social aad political grievances of Ireland , and that this bill wonld be an obstacle to the remedy of those grievances , he should be inclined to view it with distrust . Its character was flagrant ; it was avowedly an invasion ef the constitution . The
only excuse for it was its necessity , and its necessity had been proved by the _clroumstancen to which Lord J . _Itueaell had alluded in bis speech . His lordship had not come down to the house witb a green bag fall of anonymous communications , but had only referred to circumstances with which all were familiar , as a justifi cation of the measure which he recommended . He considered this pending insurrection to be neither an agrarian nor religious _movement . It did not _arUe from any perverted sentiment ef nationality , fer it was nothing more nor less th » _a a Jacobin movement . Now , looking , as he did , npon Jacobinism as a system of unmitigated fraud and violence , we must encounter its violence with greater force , and must meet with courage that audacity , wbich bad bsen encouraged by events whicb had notoconrred in England , nor as yet in Ireland . He protested against the attempt to mix np thc social and
political grievances of Ireland with the question then before the house . He also protested agaiast Its going forth to Europe that this was a question between tbe English government and the _Irista people . The majority of that people were not traitor * . He oould not believe that the Roman Catholio priesthood would look with favour on a Jacobin movement , nor would he believe , though tome of tbe peasantry might have been deceived by the delusions of bad men , that the great body of them in the south of Ireland were heart and soul in this menacing movement . It was the movement of a party stimulated by foreign events and encouraged bj foreign success . He had no doubt that their plots would meet with dincomfitare ; but he wished that that discomfiture might not be accomplished at the _eameexpeass of life and treasure an > * good feeling at which it had been accomplished on former _ocoasions , and for that reason he supported thiB bill .
Mr Calla-BaN opposed the measure , which , he believed , was founded on the misrepresentations of tbe press , and wonld not have the effect anticipated . Sir D . _Noeiets supported the measure , and called on the government to seize the leaders of the conspiracy at once , and thus Bave his poor wretched conntrymen , who were misled by them , from the misery which wonld otherwise fall on them . Mr Dbumhow- ' observed , tbat tbe general policy of the government with regard to Ireland wag not tho queBtion then nnder the consideration of the honse _. Whenever that question was properly raised , he would he ready to enter at length into It . The point for them then to consider was a particular reme _ for a particular state of affairs . He agreed with Mr Disraeli as to the origin of the present movement in Ireland , and would
cordially support the government in any measures whieh It might deem necessary to meet the case . The hon . member proceeded to make an attack npon Mr O'Connor and this journal : —The hon . member for Nottingham has _spoken of a profligate press having done much to Influence the _pstblio mind Improperly . It is aot for me to stand np la _W-hal- of the press , » or indeed , do I think tbat it has need of any defender in this house ; bat I Bhould like to know what meaning the hon . member for Nottingham attaches to the word ' profligate' in this Instance . ( Hear , hear . ) I suppose he means to de-BCi-b _. a person who , in his connexion with the press , does some unworthy act for the sake of his _private advantage or gratification . Now , I should like to kaow whether tbere Is a person connected with any paper in the kingdom but one , who will _publiih a long column of
blasphemous books and recommend them to all his readers . ( Load _erlss of _« Hear . ' ) I will not pollute my lips nor disgust the ears of the honourable members by reading the titles of these works ; but I wish to know whether the paper wbich acts in the manner I bave described Is the ' profligate press' referred to by the honourable member for _Nottingham ? ( Cheers . ) I give the honourable member for Nottingham the choice of two alternatives—either he believes in aod approves of the doctrines of the books _advertised ; or . knowing and believing them to be immoral , irreligious , and blasphemous works , he publishes their titles for the sake of the money he gets for so doing . ( Hear , hear . ) I charge the hon . _mem . er for Nottingham with having , moro perhaps than any one , tended to foment Jacobinical feelings . When I spoke on a former oocaslon of tbe doctrine
promulgated by M . _Proudbon , toute propriete est un vol I was ignorant that the same doctrine had been broached by the hon . member for Nottingham in his newspaper . Here it is — ' The land is yours , and one day or other you'll have your share of It ; and the sooner you arrive at a knowledge of its value , the sooner will you be prepared to assert the great principle , that tbe land Is tbe people ' s inheritance , and that kings , princes , peers , nobles , priests , and commoners , who have stolen it from them , hold It npon the title of popular ignoranoe rather than upon any right human or divine . The natural right is yours—the human usurpation is theirs . ' ( Loudorieeof ' --- & - _ But that is mil all—tha Uon . member for Nottingham Ib not merely discontented with the tenure of property , he declares that the whole state
of society must be subverted . ( Hear , hear . ) This , then , Ib not , as tbe noble lord ha . argued , a question as to tha separation of Ireland—it is not a mere question of repeat ; it is a question affecting the foundation of society itself . But the hon member for Nottingham hall speak for himself : — ' We frankly avow that we have no respect for society as at present constituted . Civilisation means _ill-rtqultedl labour , starvation , gaols , bastilles far the masses . To the millions civilisation U a huge He , an organised hypocrisy . Perish such civilisation ! ' ( Loud cries of ' Hear . ' ) _AmoBgst the things which have maddened the too excitable people of Ireland , we may enumerate tbat curse an unruly tongue' which ' settetb . on fire the coarse of nature , and is set on fire of hell . ' ( Cheer .. )
Mr _Homb : I beg to protest against the abominable doctrines which the hon . member for Surrey has quoted on the subject of property , and to expreB . my abberrence of the man or the paper which oould pander to the passions of any portion of the people bj _promulgating Buch doctrines . ( Cheers . ) I hope that there are tew papers which would act sueh apart , and I do net hesitate to do * _signate as ' profligate' any party who wonld endanger the peace of soeiety by holding out to the ignorant expectations which he must know can never be realised . ( Cheers . ) The man who t . kes that course Is dangerous to society—he is dishonest and _ought to be shunned , ( Loud oheers . ) In my opinion there is nothing more pregnant with danger at the present time than the per . nlclous principles relative to property whioh have been widely disseminated in a neighbouring country , aad which some Individuals have for years back fostered In this . ( Hear . ) To Interfere with the labour of others and to attempt to establish community of property , Is a direct violation of the fundamental laws of
society . It appears to me tbat the remarks of the honourable member for Surrey would have been more applicable to Communis n and Jacobinism . Great evil has resulted in France from the promul gation of the doctrines of Communism .. I hope that no individual will rise in this house and support such doctrines . ( Hear , hear . ) It would be dangerous to do so at any time , but it is doubly dangerous at a period of distress , when the pasBions of the poorer classes can be easUy worked upon by men who promise what they knew can never be car . ried into execution . ( Cheers . ) The hon . member then proceeded to observe , that the part which he had always taken with respect to the affairs of Ireland caused him to tako a deep interest in the conditiou of that unfortu . natc country ; no man not connected with Ireland had brought the evilB which afflicted that country more
frequently unde r the notice of the house than he had done ; no person could be more impressed with the necessity of removing those evils by wise and honest legislation ; but perceiving the danger ivhich now menacea Ireland he was constrained to vote for a measure -vrliich _woulij invest the government with power to suppress any attempt to _praise civil war . Like the hon . member for Cork , he was of opinion that the peace of Ireland _couU never be effectually secured until the Legislature removed thelong . continucdcau . es of discontent which existed in that country . For many years class had been opposed to class in Ireland—Protestants against Catholics—and eminent men had traversed the country preaching the doctrine that English oppression was the cause of Irish misery , and that England was the deadly enemy of Ireland . That was the state of feeling which prevailed down to 1829 , when the Act of Emanci pation passed . That measure having been carried , he hoped that the evils of Ireland would be remeved by the adoption ef a system of mild and conciliatory conduct on the part oi
the Legislature ; but in tbat ho had been disappointed . _Ireian _* was iu its present disturbed state because their civil rights were withheld from the people . They were uot placed on tha same footing as the people of England and Scotland . Since the Irish people were not treated aB _irfieuieu it Wae too muth to expect that they should demean themselves as patiently and orderl y as their moro fortunate fellow subjects in other parts of ttte empire . The source of the demagogues' power in Ireland was the misery of the people . The promises whicii the Ministers had held out to the people of Ireland had never been fulfilled . ( Hear . ) Whew the Tories were in office their opponents upbraided them with being the cause of the misery of Ireland by refusing to make concessions which would restore peace and contentment to that country . But what had the presont Ministers done for Ireland ? ( Hear , hear . ) It wa ' s extremely to be regretted that the promises which had been made over and over agala to tho people of Ireland had not beon fulfilled . Ireland had been neglocted for eight or nine months , and now , at the end of the session , the
Printed By Dougal M'Gowan , Of 16, Great Windmill* Street, Haymarket, In The City Of Wosuul Stcr. Ut -.As
Printed by DOUGAL M'GOWAN , of 16 , Great Windmill * street , Haymarket , in the City of WosUul stcr . ut -. as
Uui.E .In The Same Street And I'Urish, F...
UUi . e _. in the same Street and I _' _urish , for tht "Pr . rietor , FEMiGUS O'CONNOR , Esq ., M . P ., aud r u . ii . td by _Wi _ uk Hewitt , of _i \' o . 18 , Charles-street , _ . _»• _.-. don-street , Walworth , iu the parish of St . Marv , New . ingtou , in tho County of Surrey , at the Office , Ko . '•" , Great Windmill-street , Haymsrhet , in the Citjof v _. _i- _' _- _minster . —Saturday July 29 th , _lS _. _j
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 29, 1848, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_29071848/page/8/
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