On this page
-
Text (11)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
( Continuedfrom our sixth page . ) apart , in beauteous -valleys . It vaa attended -with great expence to organise these districts , yet they had done what ttm practicable . Within the last nine months Edinburgh had spent from £ 40 to £ bO in spreading their principles in this district . He was also elected for 3 portien of Fife . This portion of his district con-Bisted of small towns from 15 to 12 , 060 inhabitants . Ihe majority of these were very poor , chiefiy existing upon 7 a . a -week . They -were -well organised ; and npon the least notice two-thirds of them would attend any public meetiDg . Ihelr strength -was -well tested j » y the manner in which they had met the Corn law party , notirithstanding the amount ef aoney they hare expended , and the talented lecturers they engaged ,
they were always able triumphantly to carry theii opinions in favour cf the Charter . In Scotland this ¦ was even a greater triumph than in England , for in Scotland they had been trained from their cradle in Malthusian notions of political economy : they were , the majority of them , readers of the Edinburgh Review , aad had always been taugit to think highly of tree trade ; yet tbesa men , ¦ wretchedly poor as they ¦ were , told their employers that they were willing to endure poverty a little lonper rather than abate one iota of their political rights . In this pait of the country they had been fought By the anti-Corn Law gentlemen in a wily juanner ; they bad alwaya allowed the justness of the Charter , but had desired that it should be kept in abeyance nnta they had got aTepeal of the Cora Laws
Slheir strength might be ascertained by comparing them with that of other parties ; as compared with the Com L& *» party , they were all-powexfaL The Non-Intrusion question was ene deeply interesting ; to the Scottish people ; yet , as compared with this question , they also were all-powerful . He confessed that there was some justness in the remarks respecting the imperfectien of our organisation , Jrat this was more apparent fhy reaL They would never be able to get the mass of people to act methodically , and yet , though they might be but weak in organized numbers , yet when a struggle came , they were ail-powerful in Edinburgh though they had only 600 or 700 members , yet if a meeting was called to oppose the Corn Law party they -were sure to hare
between 2000 or SOW ) persons present to support them . Even Sharmaa Cra-wford and the eloquent Babington Macanlsy , on the hustings at the day of the last election , out of the vast assemblage present only had about S 00 O hands held up for him . They generally got a great portion of the subscriptions frem classes of perrons who were not organized members . When they appealed to the public the f undB were generally forthcoming . H e was instructed by his constituents to bring forward a resolution for the purpose of bringing about a perfect union between England and Scotland . With regard to divisions they had none . They had a few
party bickerings . The same causa -which , produced division in England had reached , in a small degree to Scotland . He had himself been blamed for signing Sturge ' s declaration , and a deputation had wait- ' ed upon him requesting him to withdraw it ; but he Informed them that he acted according to the dictates of his mind ; he had acted honestly and he 'would rather cut off his hand than retract his signature . Acting in this firm manner they speedily , without any disagreement , understood each other . He thought they could allow others to differ with them , and still maintain firmly their own opinions , without any disagreeable feelings being excited .
Mr . Thomason , delegate from the Yale ef Leven , bis district was small in amount of population , but not rm&YI in spirit ; this was evinced fee the support they sent to the Convention . Dumbarton was once a place , the very name of which wassynonomous with Toryism , every thing connected with Eadicalism had ever been scouted from this town ; here they had succeeded with difficulty in raising an association , but now they had many members , and were beginning to go a-head ; the middle classes , though not joining them , had arranged themselves under the banners of Joseph Stage ; thi 3 was a sign of progression . In the Yale of Leven the Working classes were employed in the printing works , and lor many years they had enjoyed a state of prosperity tut they had now felt the effect of the same causa which
had prostrated other branches of national industry from one factory alone they had subscribed upwards of £ 30 to the first Convention , and though they could not now contribute largely in pecuniary matters , yst the same spirit existed , they enteitained the same devotion of feelkg to the cause . Paring the last winter they ¦ w ere involved in terrible destitution ; they had made many attempts to bring the attention of the authorities to this subject , bnt in vain , until- he got up several large meetings , and they passed resolutions that if the authorities did not adopt some method , they must organize themselves in masses , and take food where they could obtain it This frightened the heritors of the parish , and a committee was appeinted , the Ksult of whose labours brought out the following
That i persona were employed at 73 d . per day , 2 do . at 7 10 do . at 3 ^ do . 6 ... 6 $ 128 ... li 11 ... « i SI ... 21 .. . 5 ... 6 ' 151 ... 2 i 21 ... 5 i 65 ... 2 | ... 11 ... 5 | 135 ... 2 13 ... 5 126 ... If ... 14 ... if 15 .. . l | ... 10 ... 45 55 ... 1 11 . . . -il 31 ... Of ... 31 ... -i 28 ... 0 A 28 ... 3 | 9 ... o | ... 36 ... 3 . 4 65 ... 6
89 ... 3 <* ould a more disastrous state of afiairs than this exist . ' It waa almost incredible to believe that under such -circumstances human nature could have been sustained , and it was sometimes a matter ef even mystery to the parties themselves . The introduction of machinery into thB printworks had nearly superseded manual labour . A printer with the aid of a block could put one colour into ten pieces in a day ; by the aid of machinery they could put three colours in and throw off one hundred and fifty pieces in a day ; and they found those masters who were the loudest in their cry for cheap bread were those who were the greatest tyrants in their establishments ; they now scarcely employed
any one save "women and children . Sat notwithstand ing thin distress , their nnmbers ware now as large as ever they were . In Alexandria , Bonnell , and Bromford , there were only three middle-class men who refused to sign the National Petition . They had procured i 400 signataresinKlrkintullcch ; they weie not so ba 4 off there as in the vale of LeTen . Campsie -was distinguished for having a peculiarly warm-hearted body of Chartistsnot able to do much in a pecuniary point , but an excellect feeling prevailed . His csnstitnents desired him to state that they were desirous for a more perfect union with the Chartists of England , that they might act with more energy and vigour . He had received a letter frem Grreenock , stating that they had obtained S 690 Signatures to the National Petition .
Mr . Moir , delegate from Glasgow , said that in this town , for a long period , neither Whig nor Tory , nor both combined , dare to meet the Chartists in public meetings . They attended eTery meeting , and there advocated the principles cf the Charter ; neither threats , nor cajolery , nor threats of physical force , ever made them swerve from boldly advancing their elaims to representation . He could not say much about their organisation , but in public opinion they were allpowerful Bis brother delegate from ^ Dumbarton tad Bfeted that in his district a change for the better bad taken place among the middle classes . He had seen no symptoms of a change in the middle classes of Glasgow ; some few of them have signed Mr . Sturge ' s memorial bnt they advanced no further ^ they did not take interest enough in it to elect a dr legate te Birmingham The trading class cf that town were mere Whigs ;
they would never join with tbe working men until necessity compelled them ; they would never act cordially with the Chartists until , as a party , they were annihilated , and then we should have nothing to thank them for . Bnt stall we ¦ we re -willing to -receife them ; hut -while Vfeey ContiLUsd to abuse us ; so long mnst we reject their co-operation ; he was not fond of dealing in hard names , but at times he had been compelled to do so in self-defence . " With regard to division they had none ; they had some little difference of opinion respecting the best modes of action ; tnt they were determined to bave the whole Charter , and to have its name as well , for they were proud of it . He could only say that Chartism was in a very prosperous state ; that everything was perfectly satisfactory , and nothing that his constituents could do to gain tbe whole Charter in the shortest space of time would be left untried . ;
ilr . Campbell , delegate for Cambridge , Suffolk , and Norfolk—He had never been in this district ; bat still he knew that they were progressing . Pifteen months ago there was only one association in the three counties ; now they had extended it to seven places . At JJonhirich they had a good association ; from Bury St . Edmonds they -would hsve a good petition ; from Lynn , 1 , 700 signatures ; this was a place they nevei had any bef-.. ie this petition ; in Harwich and in Cambridge they had good associations , and they were rapidly spreading over the whole of the three counties .
ilr . il-Douall then reported the result of the lrter-¦ riew -srita Mr . Sharman Crawford . They waited upon him in the Honse of Commons ; and , after staying npwards cf two hours they procured an interview , and Mr . Crawford stated that he had been detained by a division in the House respecting flogging in the army . When the deputation stated their wish that he -would , postpone his mctipn until after the prelentation cf the National Petition , he observed that be c « uld not give an answer until he bad communicated with tbe partiel who entrusted it to his care . We stited that our object was to avoid coming into collision with any party . He then informed us that he would communicate -with them on . Monday , bnt on gunday -we received the following letter : — 34 York Terrace , Regent ' s Part , April 15 , 1842 .
, -giB a deputation from tbe Chartist Convention Vaittd on me last night at the House of Commons , to request that I -would postpone my motion till Tuesday , the 3 rd of May , on which day the National Petition is to be presented , and a motion made by Mr . l > anconibe to hear the parties at the bar . Being exceedingly inxkus to accommodate the wishes of your body , as well » s these with whem I have been more particularly in Connexion in bringing forward this question , I told them 1 would consider whether I could postpone the totice , l&d give them an answer on Monday .
Untitled Article
On returning home , I referred fco a printed copy of the petition which was accidentally in my possession . It is headed " The National Petition , " and is I presume the petition alladed to . I exceedingly regret to say I cannot concur in oi approve the general tone cf this petition , and the allegations it sets forth are in some cases such as I am not prepared to support . Your demand of a repeal of the Irish Union I cannot concur in , because , although I have supported the principle of a legislative body in Ireland for local purposes , I think an Imperial Legislature is necessary for Imperial purposes ; but the entertaining this proposition must indefinitely suspend the discussion on one of the vital points of your Charter , tamely , the equal distribution of Electorial Districts , —before that distribution could be settled , the question whether tha Irish Union should be repealed or not must
first be settled . I will not agree to any distribution of Xlectorial Districts which does not include Ireland in a fair ' proportion . The other points introduced in the petition are so numerous , neither space nor time permit me to go- through them . Some of them I cannot Bay I can assent to witheut a more clear explanation of their meaning . But I deprecate the policy ef mixing np snch a variety of subjects in one petition . It is impossible they could be discussed with any effect or utility in this combined form—and snch a combination must be highly injurious to the fair consideration of these great points of Parliamentary reform , which it is my object honestly to advocate . I also object te the form in which your prayer at the end is set forth . You claim that the Charter should be passed into a law without alteration , deduction , or addition .
Whilst I agree with you in desiring to sustain the integrity of the great principles of tho Charter—yet I am perfectly satisfied that alterations and additions in your registration details would be absolutely necessary to fit it to all the different portions of tbe United Kingdom . There never was any document yet prepared by man , which could not be improved . Therefore I feel that the prayer when carried to this extent is unreasonable and is therefore injurious to its success . Bat independently of those specific points I object to the tone of the petition . - The 4 th , 5 th , and 6 th paragraphs when taken together , are evidently indicative of the principle of action , which was so deeply injurious to your cause , namely , the physical-force system . I cannot join myself with any movement but that which is founded on moral poirer .
Under these circumstances , I conceive it mnch better that your petition should not be presented till after my motion , because , if presented before it I must state my objections to it . If presented on a future day , the member presenting it may raise the question on its specific prayer , ( namely to be heard at the bar ) , which is entirely different in form from the motion I intend to make . You will see it detailed in the Parliamentary vetes circulated this morning . I shall bring it on upon the day appointed , Thursday , the 21 st ApriL 1 trust my observations will give no offence to your body . I mean none . I think every true friend to the people ought te speak hanestly and plainly when he thinks them wrong . Allow me to subscribe myself , Your obedi , W . Shar . Crawford .
To the Secretary of the Convention of the Working Classes . Mr . O'Connor commented upon the statements contained in the letter , ilr . Crawford , though one of the most honest , was also one of the most obstinate of men . If this motion was not postponed , it would place them in an awkward dilemma , inasmuch as on the presentation of their petition , all its arguments would have been anticipated . It was the opinion of Mr . Duncombe that if Mr . Sharman Crawford brought on his motion previous to their petition , many members who usually voted on that side the question would refrain from voting , and reserve themselves for their petition . It would appear to be the intention of the party for whom Mr . Crawford was acting to offer every opposition which laid in their power to the National Petition . If this was to be the cass , they must take means to reserve their strength in the House of Commons until the Petition was presented .
Mr . Boberts did not think tfcat Mr . Crawford would oppose the motion for a deputation from the working class to be heard at the bar of the House , he only expressed his objections to the petition ; he hoped they would not act in any hostile manner . Mr . Crawford had fixed the day for his motion previous to the deputation waiting upon him , he did not think even if there was two divisons in the House that it would injure the people ' s cause , but if by sound argument they could prove that this would be the result , then it would be their dnty to correspond -with ilr . Sturge's committee on the subject Dr . M'Douall moved , " That Skarman Crawford' s letter being public property addressed to the Convention , should be pnblished and their secretary authorised to correspond with Mr . Sturge ' s committee sitting at Birmingham .
Mr . M'Pherson seconded the motion . The man that would set up bis own private feelings without respect to the petition , against the wishes of three or four millions of his fellow beings , was not worthy of their confidence . Mt lowery stated , that being present at the Conference at Birmingham , he was well aware that Sharman Crawford was acting as the organ of the committee Ihe motion was then put and carried . ( Continued in our 8 th page . )
Untitled Article
Tamboffert . —Whenever any statement is doubted in Lancashire , it is significantly called " Tamboffery . " Improvement is OiixiBrsES . —A patent has been recently obtained by Mr . Warburton , for a novel sort of omnibus . The model has been shown to many persons at the residence of the patentee , in Upper Baker-fctreet , London . The improvements on the old style of carriages are these : —the draught is lightened by the height of the front and hind wheels being equal . The carriage can be turned in a shorter space than a common omnibus , by the frost -wheels hating a space high enough to run under the body of the carriage , there being no straight perch to prevent them . There is a division between the front and back parts of the body of the
omnibus , and the front part iB so constructed , that by means of moveable pannela it may be divided into two or three separate parts , so that a passenger who wishes to be entirely alone may be accommodated as snugly as if in a cab or private carriage . To the front division there is a side door with a step contrived to afford immediate ingress or egr $ s 3 from or to the pavement without tbe annoyance ef mud arid dirt . There is also an external portion resembling the couf > i of a French diligence , by which outside passengers can enjoy tbe fresh air and be protected from the rain . The patentee affirms the weight of the whole and the draught will be lessened considerably below that of ihe lumbering , clumsy conveyances , in which the public are now packed like coal sacks , and jolted through the streets and avenues of the town .
Extraordinary Performance of Divide Worship : —On Sunday morning divine service was performed at tbe Institution of the Hefuge for the Adult Destitute . Deaf and Dumb , in Bartlets ' s-bHildmgs , Holborn . The congregation was composed chitfly of deaf and dumb persons , and this is the first attempt at instructing in scriptural doctrines by public worship that class of the suffering community labouring nnder the deprivation of the senses of hearing and speakiDg ever made . The service was conducted in the following manner , and presented a most interesting scene : —Air . Rosser , a deaf and dumb gentleman , performed , if it may be so termed , selections from
the morning service , which was done by making signs with his fingers , and the rapidity with which he did it was wonderful . The Lord ' s prayer was delivered entirely by pantomimical gestures , and was a beautiful specimen of expressive silence . After the morning service Mr . J . G . Simpson delivered a short but eloquent discourse from the 35 th chapter of Isaiah , and it was conveyed to his audience through the medium of signs , as he slowly proceeded , by Miss Janet Croncb , a remarkably intelligent little girl , only eight years of age , who , although neither deaf nor dumb , is as conversant with the signs as the oldest of the adult deaf and dumb members of
the institution . Tbe rapidity of the child ' s motions by which she conveyed the discourse delivered by ilr . Simpson Wa 3 astonishing . At the conclusion of the discourse the deaf and dumb were asked by the same medium of signs whether they perfectly understood what had been delivered , to which they assented . The singular spectacle of the Holy Scriptures being expounded by signs was altogether of a most impressive nature . The service will be continued for the present at the institution in Bartlett ' sbuildings every Sunday morning . It is in contemplation to have a regular place of worship in connection with this society for the deaf and dumb portion of the community , of whom it is estimated there are in London alone several thousands , wio win thus be enabled to participate in the benefits of tbe publishing of tlie Gospel , from which , they hare up to this time been debarred .
Suffocation of Seven valuable Horses . —On Friday evening , between ten and eleven o ' clock , as a person was passing by the stabling of Mr . Goring , an -extensive carcass and Contracting butcher , it Staines , he observed smoke issuing througtf the crevices of the shutters and doors . He immediately gave an alarm of fire , and upon the doors being opened the whole of the interior was found to be so thickly filled with dense smoke , which proceeded from a heap of half-consumed hay and straw in one corner , that it was some minutes before any one would venture in , from the fear of beisg suffocated .
Water was soon procured , and the fire from the ignited and smouldering straw speedily quenched . The seven horses , however , which had been left for the night upwards of two hours before , were found lying in their stalls dead from suffocation . Every means were spe edily resorted to in the hope of restoring them , bnt they were totally ineffectual . It is supposed that a spark most have fallen from the candle of the last person who was in the stable , and thus have caused the ignition of the straw and the unfortunate loss of Mr . Goring .
Untitled Article
WATKINS'S LEGACY TO THE CHARTISTS . LECTURE I . ( Concluded from our last . ) " It is good to be zealonsly affected in a good cause . " Who are they that have been zealously affected in a good cause ? See how zsalously affected Moses was . ' He might have lived like a prince , in a palace , the favourite of Pharoah , but he was zealous even unto slaying : and when he saw an Egyptian smite an Hebrew he slew the Egyptian , though he had to fly for it and become a shepherd in a strange land . While he kept his father-in-law's sheep his soul yearned to deliver his countrymen from bondage , and he returned to them with that purpose . He was more concerned at -witnessing their slavery than they at feeling it In vain he Btreve to rouse them . He saw that the only chance was to Btrike the hard heart of Pharoah with fear . He succeeded in freeing them and in keeping them free , though in a wilderness .
See how zealously affected the ancient judges and prophets were who endured all manner of evil for the sake of good . Mark in particular Judas Maccabeus , who rescued the Jews from tbe slavery of the Syrians ; and the Apostles and Martyrs wh © ended lives of privation , hardship , and pain in the most horrible and terrifying deaths—who perished gloriously ! But see ! O , see ! how zealously affected Jesus Christ was . Though forsaken by all , he forsook not the cause , and died for what he had lived . Leaving sacred history , and reverting to profane , look at Marathon , Salamis , and Thermopylae , where i : f j fonght for liberty , to conquer or die . This was in ancient Greece , which was afterwards subdued by Rome—Rome which affords so many examples of patriotism . Take for instance the example of the first Brutus , who would have brooked " The eternal devil to reign in Rome As eas'ly as a king ;"
and of the last , who made " The dagger's edge surpass The coHq ' ror ' s sword in bearing fame away . " Then there is Virginius , who slew his daugeter to preserve her from pollution , and put an end to the tyranny of the Decemvirs ; Cato , who would not survive liberty , but whose spirit animating Brutus revenged his fate by the death of Cassar . To come to the middle ages—but these were chitfly under the debasing dominion of superstition which prevented heroism , or at least perverted it . But we have RieDzi , " last of Romans , redeemer of dark centuries of shame ; " Massaniello , the fisherman of Naples ; Gusfcavua Vasa , of Sweden ; Jean of Arc , whom we may almost claim as a man ; Pedilla , ef Spain ; Tell , of
Switzerland ; Robert Bruce , who like Leonidas , of Greece , and Alfred the Great , though all were kings , fought for liberty ; Wallace too , and the unconquerable Scots ; Wat tbe Tyler , and John Cade , Esq . who gained England for the people , but lost it and their lives by treachery the moment after . We now arrive at modern times , the most memorable , for in them we see England a commonwealth—the people not nominally free , nor nominally sovereign , but with reign , alas , too brief . Hampden , Russell , Sidney , are names no time nor tyranny can blight ; bnt greatest of all , and the last I shall mention is not Wellington , but Washington ! All these may be styed Chartist heroes—all strove for liberty—all were zealously affected in a good cause , and
great as those names are , we could parallel them from our own movement—for we have men who have toiled as much and suffered as much . O , let them not toil and suffer in ^ vain ! the thought of that would be more grievous to them than alL Shall we not sacrifice a little when they have sacrificed so much for us and for our cause . We have but to sacrifice our vices , our follies , and the iudoleuce and apathy which they occasion -will fall with them , and tbe man will arise . Some affect the cause , but not zealously , and some assume it as a disguise , but they who carry it ; they alone will prove taemselves worthy of it , worthy to rank with the Cartwright ' s , the Cobbett's , the Muir's , the Emmett ' s , the Paine ' s , Rousseau ' s , < fcc .
I come now to consider lastly what constitutes a good cause , and here the very name seeins enough , but names do not always agree with natures , nor can we prove a cause good by our zeal in its behalf ; for we may be equally zealous in a bad one , as is proved by our opponents . Good trees bring forth good fruit , and the good conduct of its advocates goes far to prove the goodness of the cause . It were but a waste cf words to attempt to prove the Chartist cause a good one , because that is generally admitted ; our worst enemies do not deny tb ; vt—even while employed in villifying us , they gire credit to the cause—all that they allege against it is , that it is impracticable . It may seem so to them , but we do not find it so , nor would they , were they like-minded with us . Surely good is alway
practicable , though we are more prone to evil , and find it better rewarded in this wicked world . God made as good , and meant us to be good , and to do good ; he did not make that impracticable which he meant us to do . He d » es not require an impossibility of us . Our cause is his cause ; we that are engaged in it are serving him . We seek the recovery of those rights which God gave us , and which man deprived us of . We lost them foolishly , -wickedly , and do not deserve God ' s help to find them again , but if we help ourselves , he will help us . Our cause is the cause of humanity , it is the cause of the oppressed , aye and of the oppressor too , for it iB not good neither to suffer nor to inflict eviL It is the cause of British infants that die in the Tain attempt to draw nourishment from
tbetr mothers * famine-dried breasts—it is the cause of British motners that die in the vain effort to bring forth in sorrow what was conceived in sin , or bring forth while driven about the streets , from workhouse to workhouse , whose doors are shut against nature itself ; it is the cause of British parents who must look on their crying children as a curse rather than a blessing ; of the husband that must stand idly by and see hia wife work man ' s work for childhood ' s wages ; and of the wife that must curse the hour when she was wed ; it is the cause of the lover whose very love . forbids the banns of marriage ; of the son that must see his aged parents taken to the bastile to be entombed alive till they are made ready for a pauper ' s grave ; Of the daughter that to escape starvation must beg or steal , or sell her very soul and body ; cf little boys and girls that slave in mines , in mills , in factories ; it is the
cause of slaves and wretches of all kinds , of all who hunger and thirst and are naked homeless and in misery—it is tbe cause of the millions who have not where to lay their heads—of those Who lie in the streets with the muta and . unheeded appeal" I am starving !"—written on the atones that is their only bed or resting-place—who are full of sores— -the effects of cold and hunger—who are devoured while yet alvve— -who die piecemeal , living skeletons , the spectres of the system ! It wag tbe cause of the poor blind girl , who died in darkness , destitute , desolateher father could procure no work , no food . He would not complain—perhaps he felt the uselesBness of it —perhaps he was toa proud . O . ' these are most pitiable cases and they occur in this Christian country daily . She died , and her body was found rotting in the helpless arms of those whphad given her life , but could not save her from the most miserable of all
deaths—who themselves were dying in despair . The mother had lost her wits , and three children were sitting in a corner , stupidly staring at the decaying oorpse of their sister . The spectacle of their own fate was before their eyes—all must soon have died ,: and then the dead alone would have been left to bury their dead ! O , friends and fellow-men , shall we not swear that these things shall be seen and heard of no more ? I call on ye , in the names of the saffiirers , on behalf of yourselves—on my own behalf , for . I suffer with sympathy . God calls on us—answer him ye people—vow ! swear ! Shall those nearer to us than our own flesh and blood—dearer than our own
heartsshall they , too , suffer?—stiffer that our heartless oppressors may rejoice ? Shall we leave our -wiveB and our little ones to the tender mercies of a selfish age—cf a system that now reigns in terror—of n Government that has made a Whig world of it—hardening the hearts of the rejoicing rich : —breaking those of the suffering poor . What J would we not save life ?—shall not human beings be zealously affected m the cause of human nature?—tbe cause of our country—of mankind ? We have no natural affection in us if we do not strive always , The very birds and beasts will risk their lives in defence of their young—the savage bear will die for its cnbs—the timid hen will attack the kite .
O nature ! O instinct ! are ye to be found in bears and wolves alone and dares man still call himself man—call himself a father ? Slaves arise !—be up and doing !—talk no more—join us—we are workiDg for drewning cr « atures and shall we be told not to stretch forth our hands—not to open our mouths—but to wait and see whetherjProvidence will save them—whetherthey will be able to save themselves—whether those who threw them in ¦ will pull them out Shall we be told to stand idly by and see them perish , because should wo attempt to rescue them the tyrants may throw us in too ? or shall it be said to us , " Wait until you are properly educated before you interfere with these things" ? Shall we not rather peril life , and limb , an'd liberty in this cause ? We Bhall , if we have a heart to feel—a heait
to love , and in that heart courage to make our love known . O ! should it not fire our blood to witness these things—should not our blood rise and swell our veins—should we not resolve to die in blood rather than live tame , silent spectators of the barbarity of tyrants and the sufferings : of slaves ? . Let us shew that when humanity and justice are outraged , our feelings are outraged ; let us be determined that the violence of the rich and powerful shall net be spent upon the peor and weak , but shall recoil upon their own heads . We have permitted them to proceed ; they have gone on so fax unchecked that now they regard not man , and defy God himself . God bas said , " The poor shall not
cease from off the land" ; but they say they shall cease , we will starve them off . They would stop the great fount of nature itself ; they forbid the water of life to flow . But God will come and miserably destroy these wicked mtn , and give their heritage to the rightful owners—the people . The disease of the state has been so long neglected , that it has grown to be almost past cure ; but while there ia life there is hope . The people are now giving signs of life ; the dry bones will live—they will arise and beeome the army of the iiving God . The heavy mass of slumbering ¦ waters is being agitated ; a bretze from the north Wows on it ; a storm ia coming , thea vroe to tbe little CQ& «
Untitled Article
boats that defied the sea ; then sail on—the might of the millions will arise ; I hear it now—the preluding murmur of the elements ^—the sound of many waters — and God ia in the wind—fie rides on ihevMrlwvudheu 1 eects the storm . ' Joun Watkiks . Battersea , near London .
Untitled Article
¦' : ¦ " ¦ —— - •?— ¦ ¦ ¦ TO THE WORKING PEOPLE . ( From the English Chartist Circular . ) Mi dear Friesds ,-. Id my last letter I placed before you , in familiar and easily comprehended Ianguage , the indirect effect which machinery has upon every classand tradein thecommunity , from the monarch , who is not beyond its blighting influence , to the beggar , who is not below its reach . r ^ /^^ ^ P ^ inf 9 « n you that my letters in the little Ltiarlisl Circular have received the approbation of a vast number of persons heretofore opposed to us ; at least , so I am extensively informed by many approving correspondents , some of whom express a strong desire that aa many as possible should be sent to Ireland . My appeal to the readers of the Circular then is , that they wul—that is , those who can spare them—send back their papers , when done with , to Mr . John Cleave , l , Shoe Lane , Fleet-street , that he may transmit them to my ceuntrymen , your Irish bretbreni
Now , my friends , allow me to shew you the evil tendency and bad effect which machinery has upon the charaeter of man . Man is born -with propensities -which may either be nurtured into virtues or thwarted into vices , according to the training . Generally speaking , the Government of a country should be chargeable with , and answerable for , any vice which had assumed the alarming nature of n national characteristic . Tim ? , if a nation is full of thieves , a * England was from the period that the p ' undfciing adulterous Harry the Eighth robbed the people , till ^ Elizabeth , from necessity , waa compelled to dole out a poor substitute for their owntheir rightful , but their lost property , the national vice was chargeable upon the plundering King and his royal panders , and not upon the plundered and impoverished
people . So if a needy Chancellor of a needy faction sha 1 reduce the tax on gin , or any other intoxicating spirit , to the luinimum standard of the people ' s capability to procure it , and should filthy gin palaces , pouring forth their Government-made maniacs , fret the eye and sore the heart at every corner of every street , the crime is the Ministers' and : not the nation ' s . It is quite within the range of ministerial influoHce to destroy the crime of theft , immorality , and drunkenness , in a single session of Parliament ; and therefore I am justified in attributing their existence to misrule rather than to character , propensity , habit , or even desire . Thus I trace to misrule all the evil propensities which shall render the national character disgraceful , odious , insignificant , or contemptible . ThiB I have
done in detail , by exhibiting the effect which a particular law or a particular tax may have upon any one of the passions . But alas , how much more destructive and injurious must be the result of misrule when we come to take a wholesale view of its influence upon th « general character of man ? A government may starve a man , whose strong mind may bo proof against the temptations of the gin palace . A government may . by the operation of the income or any other inquisitorial tax , render the truth-loving portion of the community less scrupulous about veracity ; but while it thus touches but in one point , a general and wholesale debasing system , assails the whole character of man , leaving no point proof against the continuous and undermining assaults . Such / then . I contend is the effect which the
syttjm of machinery naa upon the whole character of man . Now I will , take one of the system-made destroyers of hiB country's fume and name , and in pity , let us see whether or not his influence , his disregard of human life , hiB power over the life , the liberty , and property of his operative slave , is in any wise less , or less tyrannically used , than the power and the useinade cf it by the black slave owners , as a class . When negro slavery did exist , there was firstly , a strong controlling power in public opinion ; and secondly , in the interest which the owner had in his property being kegl : ia the most valuable state . If he killed , his slave * he lost so much property . If he overworked his slave , he felt the same injury as if a post-master overworked hia
horse ; and thus public opinion and self interest , two most powerful correctives of bad passions and evil propensities , were ties upon his lust afcd controllers of hia actions . Now has not tho manufacturer by steam a power of life and limb , of liberty and property ? and is his use of that power less cruel , tyrannical , and oppressive , than was the use made of it by the black slave owner ? anil does public opinion operate as a corrective upon the exercise of that power equally as upon the black slave owner ? and has be as great an interest , oi any interest at all , in the condition of a worn-out slave , whose place is easily supplied ; arid without the cost of purchase , by some other competingsystem-made pauper ? What says the Jew , when threatened -with the loss oi property ? He
says" Nay , take my life and all , pardon not that : Yeu take my house , when you do tako the prop That doth sustain my house ; yon tako my life , When you do take the means whereby I live . " I now ask you to contrast your condition with that of the negro slave ; and , I ask you , nave your masters as great an interest in your health , your lives , your comforts , and your entire condition , as tho black slave owner had in the well-being of hia Btock of human flesh ? Has he an interest in your sobriety ,. your morality , your freedom , or your independence ? No ; he has a clear and direct interest in the destruction of your every eomfort ; and in the annihilation of every trace of character and nationality . He lives upon your beggared honour , while your degradation is his richest
merchandise . To him vice is a general agent , drunkenness a labour auctioneer , and poverty a recruiting sergeant . You are mere attendants upon your steara-producing master , and while at duty you must be sober ; Were you cannot be immoral , and beyond that period be looks not . Well now , what ; position do I take up 7 This : —that if the rising generation of system-made tyrants on the one hand , and system-made slaves upon the other , shall be born and nurtured in the belief and conviction that their respective offices , duties , and dependencies , are part and parcel of the institutions cf the country ; that they have been borne and submitted to by fathers , and are consequently no new imposition upon their Boris , we leave to future generations thetosk of contending against common law , sanctioned by custom , instead of contending ourselyes , on behalf of the present and generations yet to come , against a system struggling for recognition , and Which may be destroyed
by our united exertions . A manufacturer of twenty-fiye years of age , who never knew what the independence of labour meant , who was born and reared in the lap of the present system , feels deep astonishment at the presumption of his slaves when they question his uncontrolled right of masterdoni . And only let us slumber until time shall have nurtured and matured for us a whole generation of steam yipera , and then arrest their progress and destroy their influence ¦ who can ? I regret that the smallness of the space allotted to me in this valuable little paper precludes the possibility of entering more at large upon my subject . I have shown you the indirect effect of machinery upon all classes of the community , both in point of physical comfort and formation of general character ; and now I will briefly lay before you the direct effect which the unrestricted , use of machinery Las upon the working classes .
Shortly , then , it opens a fictitious , unsettled , and unwholesome market for labour , leaving to the employer complete and entire controul over wages and . employment . As machinery becomes improved , manual labour is dispensed with , and the disHiissed constitute a surplus population of unemployed syttem-made paupers , which makes a reserve for the masters te fail back upon , as a means of reducing the price of labour . It makes character valueless . By the application of fictitious money , it overruns the -world -with ^ produce , and makes l . ibeur a drug . It entices the agricultural hibcurer , under false pretences , from the natural and wholesome market , and locates him in an unhealthy atmosphere , where human beinga herd together like swine . It destroys the value of real capital in the market , and is capable of affecting every trade , busines and interest , though apparently -wholly unconnected with its ramifications . It creates a class of tyrants and a class of slaves . Its vast connection with banks , &sd
all the monied interests of the country , gives to it an UDjust , injurious , anomalous , and direct influence over the government of the country . The advantage it has over the landed interest is this its forces are on the spot , and easily congregated together by placard or ring of bell , to be marshalled arid presented as public opinion to overawe the House of Commons , while the agricultural force is thinly dispersed over the face of the country , and cannot be collected for the expression of public opinion . The forces pi the masters havei hitherto been under their controul and at their disposal , but now , thank God , we have taken the soldiCTs from the officers , and have marshalled all under the glorious banners of Chartiam , and under which I hope and trust we shail fight the good fight of justice against injustice , of right against might / of knowledge against bigotry and intolerance . Let no surrender be our motto , and virtue our goal , and then we will accomplish what all governments have hitherto failed , to effect , namely , to develope the virtues and suppress the vices of our fellow men . ¦ ¦'¦ ., ¦ . ¦ •' .. ;; ¦ ¦ ' . ' ¦¦ . ' . ' ¦• ' Ever your faithful Friend , Feargus O'Connor .
Untitled Article
A VOICE FROM YORK CASTLE . TO THE EDII 9 K OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Si r , —By giving insertion to the following letter in the Northern Star this week , you will much oblige the friends of Samuel Holberry , from whom the following copyhasbeen received ; and I . would urge on the friends of humanity to bestir themselves in his behalf , and let us try if we cannot get hiin released from the dungAon ' s grasp . I / would ; particularly request , of our frienda in Brighton to instantly get up a memorial in his behalf ; tod Mr . Morling will oblige me by letting me have a letter from him . Hoping you will find a small space for insertion , you will oblige , Yours , respectfully , William Martin .
Untitled Article
TO THE EDITOR 01 ? THE NORTHERN STAR . Si a , ?—Allow me , through the medium of your paper , to offer to the Chartiata a few remarks , which , if acted upon , will form a fund for tbe support of our Convention , Executive Council , and the paying of lecturers for the propagation of our principles . In laying my views before the publie , I do not expect to please all , nor to offer my scheme as a perfect one , but I do say that it ia a safe « ne ; and as it regards the working classes , who are to be the life and soul of it , they will sustain no injury by its operations , although they will be called upon to carry it out
The plan is this : let every association throughout the kingdom appoint men to visit a shopkeeper or a provision warehouse , ( but let him be a Chartist ) , and ask him whether be will , if the Chartists aa a body come to his Bhop and purchase their commodities allow them a certain per centage on all they buy ; and if so , name the sum , and inform him . of your object in making such a request ; and if such an one can be found , then let the Giiartists , to a man , unanimously agree to trade with that person , and they will find , in a few weeks , they will have several pounds at their command , without risking anything or injuring them in any shape , and yet be supplied with an article equal in all respects to one bought elsewhere , and under different circumstances .
This , Sir , in ray opinion would be one cf the principal means to bring over the shopocracy to our principles , inasmuch as it might be extended to every branch of trade by similar means . I am aware that some will object to the plan , becanso the shopkeeper will bo behefitted . I grant it . But is he not : beeefltted now , and yet an enemy to our principles . But on this score the society will have the greatest benefit , and nobody will be injured , except the shopkeeper , and he not so much as those who are now struggling for their political freedom . In . fine , does not the tradesman live out of the working class , and pocket all the profits ? But in this case we should share them , and at the same time it would be the means of lightening the burdens from ; the shoulders of the working millions , aid place them on the backs of those who are better able to bear them .
This , Sir , in my estimation , is the only way to achieve our object . If they will not help us one way , we ought to make them do it another . Co-operative Secieties , if carried out , would be more effectual than the plan I propose ; but , aa many difficulties lay in the way , such as a capital to commence with , and confidence in parties to manage it , &c ., all these are obstacles which must be met and overcome , before such a society could be made to work ; but in this instance we have nothing to do but make the application . Commence operations , and the first week we are savers of a few pounds , without any effort or outlay . on our part . Now , Buppose every sub-society in the kingdom , numbering loo members , were to lay out weekly five shillings . ThiB would amount to twenty-five pounds , and , if the shopkeeper had agreed to give eightpence in
the pound upon all he sold in this way ,-it would amount to ltis . 8 d . per week , a sum sufficient , I judge , for every society for their extras , &c . But in some instances , one shilling , or five per cent ., might be obtained , and this would be £ l 5 s , Now , apply thfa to the entire body , which , supposing they were only 25 , 000 , averaging five shillings weekly , at five per cent , this would realise i £ C 25 , which sum would pay three hundred lecturers , at thirty shillings per week , and then leave £ 175 for the eupport of the Executive Council and National Convention : and again , I repeat without injuring or burdening the Chartists in . any shape . Your's , truly , In the cause of Chartism , An UNFLtNcaisG Chartist . Leicester , April 18 , 1842 .
THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FROM THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT , AND NELSON ' S MONUMENT , LONDON , AND THE WOOLWICH DOCKYARD , To the Public and the Trades of Great Britain and , Ireland . Who is here so base , that-would be a bondman ? If any , speak ; for him have I offended . *' " Men at some time are masters of their fate ; The fault * * * ia not in oiir stars , But in ourselves , that we are underling ? . "
JULIUS CAESAR . Brethren , —Exercised by pur opponents to the utmost possible extent , as that power has been which ignorance is too prone , and poverty too frequently compelled to concede to capital and privilege , it has not yet influenced " a split ' in our ranks , or generated the slightest diversity of opinion amongst us . " In proportion to our reduced numbers , we entertain the same unity of spirit and unanimity of purpose as when thirty Weeks ago we withdrew from our employment—not again to return until HE who occasioned our suffering should be removed .
In reporting on the progress of our strike during the past fortnight , we have to state that at . ther . Houses of Parliament a little progress ia perceivable—a few stones have been fixed , but those are chiefly coats of arms , and censequently prepared by the roughers and carvers in the employ of John Thomas .- ^ The labour of fixing them only being under the control or superintendence of George Allen . The Monument ( of inhumanity and disgrace to Gfriasell arid Peto ) presents a still and death-like appearance . Concerning the column , the saying respecting Solomon ' s temple is strictly applicable : " The sound of a ( Mason ' s ) hammer is not to be beard . " We have , however , just been informed that eight rough , stones have arrived from the quameB , and that a selection of the best hands in the employ of Grissell and Peto , are to commence dressing them . —The number now out from these works and the Houses are fifty . From Woolwich we are thus informed : —
" There is no material changesince I last wrote . I have not heard of any more being discharged ; still there might have been , as they generally go away on the sly » moreover , there ia seldom a week passes without some of them being before the magistrates . On the 26 th ultimo , there were four < if them fined one pound each for abusing one of their own colour . ''—Number on the funds here thirty-three . We have just received intelligence from Woolwich that fourteen more of the " black diamonds '' were dismissed on Saturday night the 9 th ihst . —that very few remain , and that the most of them are walking the streets for want of stone . From Plymouth we are informed that the obtaining of other employment has reduced their number on the funds to seven . From Dartmoor out delegate write \\ sxa : —
Our funds being lew ia the only thing that makes them stand but now—they know it , and think they will starve us into submission . Eight havo gone off the funds -since Saturday , ( 3 rd fasti ) and more will leave next * weefe . Tb » ' privation these men and their families are enduring in defence of the rights of their fellows is , so far as my knowledge extends , without a parallel in the history of strikes ; and with their present prbspecta , it would grieve them . sore , and be much against their disposition to return to work . " The number now out at Dartmoor we understand , to be twentyfive . ¦ ¦ . - ¦• ¦¦ - ¦ " ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' ¦ ¦ - ¦ "¦ / ¦ ; ¦ ¦ .- ¦ : ¦ v ' - ;; - ¦;¦ . ; . :- . ; "' From Penryn our delegate writes as follows : —
"I never had the * hammer worse m my lifethan I have it now . If you cannot send us money Hoaking will beat us : if you can , we » haU beat Hosklng . 1 have walked twenty miles this day to stop three blacks without any money in my pocket . Hosking has added three blacks to : hia number , which if I had had a little money I could have prevented . Q . and P : have en > . ployed another contractor in London to get from aiy'ty to a hundred stones htxe for them frem another stane merchant . I nave seen tho drawings Bent down , and know it is for Woolwich , and therefore tbe order is sot
Untitled Article
accepted . " The number out we understand is increased to nine . ' ' . ' ; ' ¦ ' , ¦ - ¦ -: ¦ :. '¦ V ; ,:- - : ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ . ¦ - ¦• . - The above ia a brief , an d so far as our knowledge extends , a faithful statement of bur present position . A true development : of our circumstances at the end of the thirtieth week of the most trying arid the inosfc severe centest of Right v Might on record ; and we cannot help repeating the only one that has ever taken place iu which pounds , shillings , and pence have r iot been the principal matters in dispute . " Our conduct in connection therewith , has been open to the acrutiny of all who have thought fit to enquire respecting it ; and finding the support we were wont to receive "lags by the way , " we make bold to ask , -wherein bave y ? e " offended ?"—whetherour conduct has been of a deserving kind or otherwise ?
We are by no means disposed to egpt ' z 3 . We , however , happen to know , and do feel dispoacd to state , that thoao most prolific in denouncing the workingclasses as igaoranti vicious , reckless , an < i brutal— " incapable pf self-government "—are not a little chagrined at our haying , despite the trying circumstances under which we have been placed , so demeaned ourselves as not to commit a single breach of the peace , notwithstanding policemen and spies being placed in every possible direction where there was a probability they would come in collision with us . In fine , we are
unaware of having done anything disreputable either to the society of which we are membera , or to those who at the commencement of our strike so aoul-stirringly espoused : ' oox cause , and so universally applauded our proceedings , and who , for a long period , bo kindly and ao liberally : rendered ua their pecuniary aid . If we have Iffc undone that which we ought to have done , or done that which we ought not to havo done , there are , at least , two reasons why we should know it—why indeed it should be known to all connected with trade societies : — -
1 st That we now on strike may immediately endeavour to extricate ourselves from the position into which we have erroneously fallen .:. - 2 nd . Thai those who hereafter enter tho list with their oppressors may escape the dilemma . We have been led to make these obaervat'bria from the fact that we and our families are daily becoming more deatitute , and which , if we have not offended"if we have not done that which we ought to have done , "— -should not be Buffered to exist . We believe our conduct , during the strike , in which we are yet engaged , does not merit
"That the word of promiaeto our ear Should be broken to our hope . " We have been , and yet continue , true and faithful to each other . ' Let tbe members of our own society , and others of pur own trade , in connection [ with those other friends that for a long time did render us their pecuniary support , manifest , in a mauner not to be misunderstood , their attachment and devotion to the cause in which we are struggling—the interest they ( at least should ) feel in in its successful issued Let thia be done , and , with the works of Grissell and Peto ( especially those of the Monument and Woolwich Dockyard ) on the . verge of idknesa for want of stone , and with the men at the quarries " true to a man , "the strike will be brought to a more auspicious termina tion than many may now anticipate . ' ¦ ¦ ¦
Under all circumstances , however , we see no alternative but that of pressing forward—to fall back would inevitably be utter ruin , and"Rather than this , come fate into the list . " With the-aid of those , unto whom we now appeal , which , if given , it were well it were given quickly , our operations would be comparatively easy ; if denied , although "knee-deep , " in misery and privation ^ -never having broken faith—wo will not betray the cau 8 e in which we are engaged , but will continue , as well as our means will permit , to battle with the common enemy Until that justice shall be Conceded unto us , which all have admitted we were justifiable in demanding .
We ask you at once to reflect on the foregoing , and with thanks , hearty and sincere , to all our friends and auppotters , and with confidence ; and hope that an early supply cf the " ainewa of war" will be furnished U ? , YVebeg to subscribe ourselves , Gratefully yours , The Masons on Stkike . Thomas SuoRiT , Sec . Aprill 3 th , 1842 .
Untitled Article
TwoThibsty Souls . —A witness on his cross examination at the Quarter Sessions , on Wednesday swore he took 40 tumblers of punch the night before , and that a boon companion bolted no less than 60 " 5 ure a pair were never seen so justly formed to meet * ' after dinner l—Tipperary Paper . " SAYlNCfs' Banks in the Armv . —Trie Secretary afc war , Sir Henry Hardinge , has determined to establish sa , vinga' banks throughout the army , and an act of Parliament for that purpose will be brought ia shortly by the gallant general .
Bbibert at Sodbury . —It is in contemplation among the electors of Sudbury , in the event of the borough being disenfranchised , to call a meeting to petition Parliament for compensationT for the ^ ' oss which-they will sustain by a deprivation of that which they have been always taught to consider as a prescriptive right . —namely the privilege of selling their elective franchise to the highest bidder . —G / ofia Revising Bakristebs— It appears by a return moved for Mr . JR .. Wason , of the names of barristers appointed to revise lists of voters , their time employed , fees and expences received ^ &c , that in 1835 , they received £ 32 , 079 ; in 1836 , £ 26 , 871 ; in 1837 , £ 31 , 222 ; in 1838 , £ 30 , 537 ; in 1840 , ^ £ 28 , 980 ; and ia 1841 , Jg 30 . 3 p 7 .
Sjiuggling at Dover . —On Sunday last , Crump ' s coach , hence to Ramsgate , was stopped just out of the town by two vigilant officers " of the customs , who informed the driver they suspected he had charge of con trabatd goods . On search ing the coach a large basket was found , containing eighteen bottles of . -. Hl . au de Cologne , several bladders of foreign spirits , a small quantity of tobacco , tea , &c . A pasrenger inside the coach , a Frenchman , not quite au faH as a smuggler oh this side of the Channel , claimed the basket , in consequence of which he was had back to the Custom-house and was held under surveillance by the officers , and next day committed for the penalties . —Kent Herald .
A Fkench Greenache . —^ There now laying in the prison of Orleans an Jhuividual sentenced to the guillotine for a murder , attended with circumstances of as great and singular , atrocity as that ascribed to Daniel Good . The individul , in question , whose name i 3 Lo Blanc , is a retired lieutenant of ? the chassieurs , and his victim was Mademoiselle Jul e Delcroix , who for some time lived with him as his njistress . She was missed suddenly , when he represented that she had returned to her parents , at Diion , but it afterwards appeared , that haying
inurdered her , he at first buried the body , covering it over with quicklime ^ in order to . consume it . This not haviDg the deeired € fleet , in order to escape detection , he exhumed the body , which he burnt . A small portion of the skull tvhica was left unconsumed sufficed , however , to point out the atrocious deed , and the person of the victim . He was apprehended after a lapse of six months , during which time he managed to elude the ofBcers of . justice , and at the last court d ' assiza at new Orleans , recdiyed the sentence which he now awaits .
Lord ^ MoRPETH .--The Richmond Enquirer ( American paper ) thus speaks of Lord Morpeth : — " Lord Morpeth arrived in Richmond on Saturday eyeniag , and left it on last evening in the car for the south . He is proceeding | o Charleston , and further south , and perhaps some of the West India islands . Ho may return to Virginia in the course of the summer , and Visit our spring 3 and view our mountain scenery . But as he is spoken of as a candidate for Dublin in the Jtiouse of Commons , his sojourn in the United States may be cut short by the necessity of his returriing home . (!) Lord Morpetk is one of theimosi liberal statesmen and popular and rising politicians in the British empire . He has a strong partiality for the AmerieaHS , and expresses the sincetest desire to preserve the harmony between the two countries He is struck with the great scale on which
everything is constructed in America—with the immense extent of our country— -the extraordinary volume of " our rivers , &c . He-pronounces the Potomac tobei the noblest , river he has ever seen , and he has visited a great part of Europe France , Russia , &c . He is . travelliBg in the United States , on our railroads and steam-boats , in the simplest style , without asy species of state , without even a sexvant . In hia manners hois equally unassuming , He affeoia n » airs , and appears only like a plain , unpretemdiflg » but polished gentleman of good sense—taking & deep interest in all that he sees , speaking of © or couEtry with great liberality , and never wasting of bis own . His Lordship arrived at Charleston oh Wednesday week . [ His Lordship is not wanted ib DuWm now ; he may consequently stay to gammon the Americans at convenience . ]
Twoops fob India . —On Saturday morning , the sair . / Columbus , of 467 tons register . Captain Short , ctrartered by the East India Company , on governryent account , sailed from the West India VJDocks ^ for Bombay , Madras , and Calcutta , She carries out 220 troops for India . Several other ships , also chartered by the East India Company ongovernmenfc account , are to sail in the course of this week for the purpose of avepgipg tbe butcheries in Afi ) gh » nistan . : ¦ ¦ ¦¦ •; . '¦ . V ' - ¦ '¦ ¦ . ¦¦ ¦ . ;¦¦ ; : . ¦ ., . : - ; ; . - - . '
Untitled Article
Malta , April 5—William Cuming , a seaman of the Cambridge , after a trial which occupied nearly two days , has been declared , by sentence of a courtmartiaV assembled oh board the Impregnable on the olstult . and lstinst ,, guilty of the murder of a boy belonging to tho Cambridge , while the vessel was lying at Gibraltar , and sentenced to be hung on
board of his ship . The prisoner made no defence , and the case was made out by letters under his own handwriting to the deceased's mother , communicating his intention of taking the boy ' s life , with a view of saving him from falling into yice and sin , which his situation in life subjected him to . The prisoner appears to have committed the act in a moment of religions freDzy ; but haying showni no previous or subsequent symptoms of mental derangement , the Court could not do otherwise than pronounce the sentence of the law under the articles of war .
Untitled Article
York Castle , April 15 th , 1842 . Dear Martin ,- ^! received your letter of April 3 rd , and had intended answering it sooner , but I have been very unwell ; I fiud ruy constitution is gone , and that without an alteration I shall soon be ia my grave . I do , Sir , find myself going by inches . I saw Mr . Shepherd last week from Northallertoh , and he told me that I waa looking full aa bad as I did when I left Northallerton . I can assure you , Sir , that I am very f ^ r from being as I ought to be . I am attacked with Buch violent pains in my legs , and also in my limbs , that I can get na rest at nights . I hope yoa will excuse my not answering sooner , as it is not because I would not , but the reason ia , I could not . Bemember me to Mr . Goodlad and all friends , and accept of my kind respects to yourself . And ! remain , Yours , sincerely , Samuel holbebrt .
Untitled Article
Friends , I see , by reading the foregoing letter , that without the country takes immediate steps for his release , he will be Claytonised . I am sure the individual muBt be suffering greatly as the 1 etter is not -written l > y him , but by the schoolmaster . Any friends having any communication , or having any donation , however small , for Holberry , will be thankfolly received , and duly acknswledged , by forwarding them to William Martin , care of Mr . B . Goodlad , Copley's Yard , Cheaterfleld .
Untitled Article
N . B . Our opponents , through their agents , with a view to deprive us of pecuniary aid , haying industriously circulated that we had abandoned the contest , we beg thus publicly no state that such assertions are absolutely false—that it is our determination to prosecute it by every lawful means at our disposal to a successful issue * and for which purpose , we solicit the contuiuance of that support , the friends of humanity and justice have hitherto so kindly and so liberally bestowed upon us . " , Thomas Shortt , Secretary of Masons . 6 , Agnes-street , Waterloo-road , ~ Lambeth , London .
Untitled Article
THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), April 23, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1158/page/7/
-