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HOB 0 B OF LORDS , Mosdat , March 10 . Tte ie ^« leading of the Jewish DUaWUtiw BUI m » ??^ ite ^ to '! C «» eEii <» whoMidthattheol * jectoftn » ^ afcisinVwiV * wKeve the Jew . &om ^ " ^ f ^ ' ' Wt f $ fc 6 && tfibilities . The nonle and learned lord ' ' - S ^ La ' ta'fei , flection of Mr . Salomons as aa alderman paRo ^ fcttfof London , and argued upon theimpoliqr of a ! Ll aw iaM ^ iidexclude agentlemanof « uchre » peetabilitjr -fio& 3 n * lugheit muniapalhonbure which could be be tMr ^ &okliim bv Wb fellow jdtizeM , thus diminishing ' Aa ^ ntiWi togw > J conduct . He proposed to effect his - object br omtling froni the dedaratton requisite to be " ¦ ¦ g ^ fatj&fyw on taking office , the words " on the true # iliQi * f '*< teUtiau . " On everyaccountitmsdesirable ^ ' ^ tihorti ' words should be omitted , for if it was thought tfght to ' exdaie tlie Jews from such offices , they should Qoii 6 &y' $ reci means , and not by a r ide wind , which could ie ia * ae ; tp apply , ur not to apply , according to the wistaei of tte corporation fur introduction to which the Jew was
a candidate . T here were Jswb amongst the aldermen of ; Sinnirglmm . of Portsmouth , and of Southampton , and , ttere' -iii ^ bi l * . amongst the aldermen of London also , if . tte corj-oratuui chose it , for by varying the time at which : the decUii-ttioii was to be made , they mightallow the part / ., to covnc uiiilM ' the operation of the Annual Indemnity Act , and tlms i > racticaQjr admit those whom fkelftw refused to recognise in such a capacity . It was to get rid of auch an anomaly that he introduced the bill upon the table , which would place all the corporations in the kingdom in this respect s ^ oa ' the same lerel . These words had been omitted iuthexas . es of the Quakers , the Moravians , the Independents , and the Separatists ; and upon the same principle , he proposed their omission in fevour of the Jews . He did not bring it forward as a great measure of public policy , which would admit of difficulty and doubt : tut he was content to rest it en the limited ground of put * ting an end to a useless and absurd anomaly .
TneBish 6 DofL » H » 0 ! i said he should not oppose the KB , but he wished to be understood that he did not therefore pledge ' himself not to oppose a more extended measure for admitting the Jews into Parliament The Marquis of Lihsdowhe expressed his gratification at the introduction of this measure , which he hoped would ere long be carried still further . Lord Bfioooaur was rejoiced to find that this bill was to be passed without' a dissentient voice , and hoped he should lire to see the day when a more extended measun would be introduced . Lara Cakfbzu . was also delighted that this measure was received with unanimity by their Lordships—a measure which he hailed as a Luge instalment of what the Jews had . a right , as British subjects , ' to expect The BUjbop of Lokdok objected to the word unanimity . Itaraj not to be supposed that he was in favour of the bill because he declined to oppose it After some obsecrations from Lord Colchester and Lord Kedesdale , the Intl was read a second time ; after which their Lordships adjourned . Tuesdat , March 11 . Ilie Housn-6 at for a short time , but the business was entirely of a routine character . At the rising it adjournal until Thursday .
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; ; ? HOUSE OF COMMONS , Mosdat , Makch 10 . On the motion that the report of the Property Tax Bill b » read , 21 r . 0 . Bph . ee moved as an amendment , " That the arcmnstaaces under which the renewal of the income tax is at present proposed are such as to render it exceedingly improbable ttatParlianieut wUlhavctlie power of dispensiBgwithittwirtumance at the end of threeyears ; and . that itfe therefiwethe duty of this House to take care that the tax be imposed in a form in which its operation shall be less unequal and inquisitorial than it now is . " He com . mencedDj statins his objections to the present financial scheme of Sir S . Peel , and observed , that though it had been called the poor man ' s budget , he did not know how any budget less beneficial to the poor man could be
devised . The poor man could get no benefit from the reduction of the sugar duties , or from that of the auction duties , nor yet could he obtain any relief from the reduction of the export duties , as they were usually paid by foreigners . In the 420 articles which were to " be struck out of the tariff there was not one which entered into the consumption ofjtbe poor . Corn and butter were left in the tariff as before ; bnt the poor man was now allowed as a great boon to get duty free alum to adulterate his bread , and lard to adulterate his butter . The reduction of the duties on glass might indeed obtain for him a cheaper and better window ; but that was not , he thought , on article of prime necessity . The duty on cotton was reduced , i t was said , to giro him cheap clothing ; but , supposing -the poor man to wear one
fustian suit himself , ana bis wife to wear two cotton gowns , in the j ear , the whole amount of the reduction of the duty on cotton on such garments would not amount to more than 3 d . in the year , and it was open to doubt whether the poor man would get even ihat much benefit . He then showed that bj the scheme of sugar duties now proposed by Sir It . Peel , the poor man would hare to pay more than 3 d . a month in the shape of protection to the "West India proprietor . He complained that Sir It . Feel had c-cepted from reduction every article which entered largely into general consumption , and said that if he bad dealt frankly with the articles of tea , coffee , tobacco , malt , soap , spirits , and wiues , he might bare so benefited the revalue , by diminishing the price of those articles , as to niaka up the amount of the loss at the cud of three
years ny the increase of consumption . He then proceeded to show , that the budget was fc monopoly budget , " and not a free trade budget ; for it interfered with no protected interest , except the West Indian interest , aud that it elevated . In voting , therefore , for the income tax at iiressnt fee House was voting in favour of a system which would not only bolster up discriminating duties , but would * also weaken its resources for assailing other protected interests . He showed that three or four bad harvests had caused the deficiency in die revenue whilst tlie Whigs were ia power , and that three or four good harvests had restored the revenue to prosperity . But was the Minister protided with any measure to meet a similar disaster in future ! If there were in the course of the nest three years a bad harvest , or a rail in trade , what would l > e tke budget of 1848 ! There would be a deficit in it , in spite of
the income tax , and the Minister would then be compelled to coiae forward and to ask for a larger per centage . It was a downright fraud then to say that your revenue would be so far recovered at the end of three years' as to enable you to get rid of the income tax . If that were the case , then it behoved them , as plain honest men , to make ihe tax perfect when they made it permanent . He did not propose any specific amendments in the bill ; he would lay before them a dear , intelligible , practicable principle , and would not weaken it by entering at present into any disputable details . On a former occasion he had exposed Hie unequal , inquisitorial , and odious nature ef the property tax , and , though it had been carried into operation in London and the vicinity with greater mildness than had been expected , yet be had received many complaints from the north of England as to the way in which it had been administered there b y local commissioners against offensive politicians and rirals in trade .
The Ghahceglob of the Exchequer observed , that Mr . Buller had indulged in a variety of details which , if not sound in principle , were at any rate lively in detail . The income tax had been previously debated in that House , aud had been carried by an overwhelming majority . That was s-wne proof that it was not veiy unpopular ; but , if it were so , why had the Hon . Member withheld bis disappro bation tiQ that moment , when the amendment of the bill was scarcely within his reach ? and wh y had he come Aim to the House at last , not with any specific amendments , bat with a general resolution , which denounced the bill without attempting to improve it ? If he were . so convinced that the income tax would be permanent , his motion should not be for its repeal , but lor the repeal of other taxes besides those proposed to be repealed in the tndget ; Mr . Boiler had said that the Government ought to hare dealt with tea , coffee , tobacco , malt , soap , spirits , a&d wine , instead of with , sugar , glass , and cotton ; but seemed to have forgotten that the articles which he mentioned produced a revenue of £ 16 , 000 , 000 or £ 17 , 000 , 000 .
. Mr . C . Boram said , that he had mentioned fire or six articles , and bad argued that the Government would have done better in reducing the duties on any of Chose articles , than in reducing the duties enumerated in the budget . . The Chakceluk of the Exchequer observed , that if the Government had proposed to sacrifice a revenue Of £ 3 , 009 , 400 , derived from the duties on tobacco aud spirits , Ur . Buller would have been one of the first to raise an outcry against Ministers for pandering to the vices , and . for neglecting the morals and comforts , of the people . He then" proceeded to show that by imposing an income
tar , which did not operate upon the poor at all , and which produced a revenue of £ 3 , 000 , 000 a-year from those cbeses of society which were in more comfortable circumstances , Ministers were enabled to relieve the poor from many taxes whkh they how paid . But it was not by the withdrawal ^ taxation alone that they benefited the poor ; yondidthemasni-j . £ l ; good when yon afforded them increased means of employment , and such means would be afforded to them _ by the present budget For instance , in consequence of the remission of the glass duties new capital was already embarked in that trade , and new labourers were therefore wanted in the market . He had
neve * bunted the ' benefit which the repeal of the cotton duties would confer upon the poor man to the increased cheapness of his ' clothing—he had considered the repeal of those duties to be most valuable in this respect , thatit would enable the British to meet the foreign manufactarerineverj part of the world , and would therefore callintothe labour-market an increased number of men to meetth ^ increaseddemand of the foreign market He then went On to show that if Government had proceeded to reduce the tea daties , which produced about £ 4 , 000 , 000 , «» Wmm reduced them to theamonnt of £ 2 , 000 , 000 , as Wjflurigb riiJf that
^ « , e reduction would be a dead loss to : tte . ' « r . - « ne , ^ nd no benefittothe consumer . AfterdweC ; mg on the impossibility of making any such reduction at P ^ shepioceeded to inplore the House not to be de' taSrt £ T- ** £ *** * c 0 ™* which it had hitherto ^ oa ttBJ Mbject . Hedeniedthattherehadbeenany " W ^ ? lel ( ni 3 ! ll 8 0 f ttistaxin the north of EngrSfflstK 2 ** r chewMness ¦* " *¦ £ l § ps ! i §§ = - . ^ r . ^ eciwould be * kJZ % ^* fi £
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classes of society a higher burden than that which they bore at present , or to render it impossible far the Govern merit to remit the taxes which U now proposed to repeal . For these reasons he should give to Mr . Butler ' s amend , mentevery resistance inhis power . Lord Howies called the attention of the House to the feet Oat the Chancellor of the Exchequer had avoided all mention of the manner in which the revenue was to be restored to its present amount , after these reductions should have been made and the income tax should have ceased . He followed Mr . C . Boiler throug h his financial propositions , and observed that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not given a satisfactory answer to any one of them . - He declined , however , to rote for the amendment , not that he liked the income tax better tban his Noble Friend , for it -was a most injuriotumooeof collecting « . venue , but because the finances of the country were in
such a Btate that if we took off the income tax , we must put on . new taxes to the same amount . Sow , he was not prepared to propose new taxes , and therefore he could not vote for the repeal of one which produced a certain amount of income . He considered that a better mode of levying taxation would give relief to toe consumer , and more especially to the industrious classes , fer more considerable than that which Sir B . Peel had proposed , and would leave the finances in a condition which would justify the belief that all the loss of revenue incurred in making this great experiment would eventually be recovered . He trusted that in the interval between the present time and the next general election the electors would consider whether it was worth ' while to continue this odious income tax for the purpose of bolstering up for a few years longer a system of protection , which even Ministers themselves had denounced as contrary to the principles of common sense .
Sir B . IH 0 U 8 expressed his intention to vote with Mr . Buller , although he could scarcely understand his reason * ing , that he wished to make the income tax tolerable because he found thatit waste be perpetual . He recommended the Government to make some modifications in their bill , to distinguish between annuities and per petuities , to capitalise tne incomes oJinuiTiduals , and to impose the taxjon this capitalised income . He also recommended that the tax should not be imposed on the first £ 150 of any man ' s income , but only on that part of it which exceeded that sum . v Mr . Wabbtoton declared that he could not vote for the amendment , because his Hon . Friend denounced the income tax as unequal , and he could fiot see wherein its inequalities existed ;
Mr . MmiES suggested to Mr . C . Buller the propriety of not dividing the House on his amendment , as many of those who agreed with him in denouncing the income tax differed from him as to the propriety of the course he was then proposing . Though he was himself not Mcndly to the imposition , of the income tax as a permanent tax in time ofpeace , he could not agree with Mr . G . Buller in considering it as very unpopular at the present time . If it had been , the table would have been coveted mth petitions against it , as it was in the year 1816 ; but now not more than three or four had been presented .
Mr . Hawes reminded the last speaker that the income tax in 1816 was 10 per rent ., and that it was now only 1 \ per cent ., and intimated that the difference in the amount of the burden might be the cause why the people bestirred themselves more in 1816 to get rid of this tax tliBu they did at present . He then entered into an examination of Sir B . Feel's financial scheme , and contended , that at present there was nothing to justify the imposition of the income tax . If it were imposed , it must be imposed with great inequalities , and that was a
sufficient reason for him to vote against it . He had voted against it when it was proposed three years- ago . He then thought that it was not justified by the deficit which existed in the revenue , and which he always looked upon as temporary and traceable to natural causes . He should vote against it now , unless Sir B . Peel could show that the income tax was necessary to the maintenance of public credit , and that no other tax could be imposed in its stead . So mischievous and inquisitorial was the tax that nothing but a sense of its insurmountable necessity should ever induce him to support it .
~ Mr . Sfooweb dilated upon the injustice of applying the same scale of taxation to a man with an annuity and to a man with an estate in perpetuity . He explained the amendments which he intended to move in the course of the evening , and insisted that he asked nothing unjust in calling upon the House to agree to them . . He could not , however , vote for the amendment of Mr . C . Buller , because he could not deal with his motion unconnected with his argument , aud to much of Ids argument he entertained strops objectious . Mr . Home observed , that Mr . G . Buller and Mr . Kawes had brought before the House two questions , which ought
to be kept quite distinct , namely , the income tax and the financial account for the year . Another opportunity would arise for discussing the latter question ; at present , he would confine himself to stating that he supported the property tax , because lie conceived it tobe , not an increase , but a change of taxation . He also defended it as au approach to a system of direct taxation , which he conceived to be much more beneficial to the poorer classes than a system of indirect taxation . He supported the proposition of Sir B . Peel as a whole , though he objected to some of his details . But , as the Bight Hou . Baronet had declared that he would not modify them , what use was there in bothering any longer about the matter S
Sir R . Peel complained that Mr . Hawes had completely misunderstood the object and tendency of the financial statement which he had made at tlie commencement of the session . After correcting the errors into which Mr . llavves had unintentionally fallen , he replied to the differentstatements of Mr . C . Buller , contending that lie ought to have concluded with a motion condemnatory of the income tax , and not with a motion declaratory of nothing more than the propriety of making some modifications in the bill for its continuance . He then adverted to die proposition of Sir Bobert Inglis , who wished to exempt the first £ 150 a year in every man's income from the operation of this tax . Had his Hon .- Friend considered tbat his proposition amounted to nothing less than this , that every man who now contributed to the income tax should reduce
his contribution by the sum of £ i 10 s . ? He believed that there were 200 , 000 persons at least entitled to demand tliiit exemption ; and if that exemption were granted there would be a loss of nearly £ 1 , 000 , 000 to the revenue . He next proceeded to point out the benefits which the community would derive from the reductions which he had proposed in his budget , aud went through them item by item , showing that , though , die poor would be bmefitted by them , they were proposed , not for the benefit of one class , but for the benefit of the whole community . Mr . Hawes took so favourable a view of the financial position of the country , that he evidently must expect a surplus at the end of three years . He would , however , confine
himself to the present prospect , aud would only say , that he proposed to continue the income tax for three years , in order that be might try a great experiment on the industry , skill , and capital of the country . ' He admitted that the tax was open to objection , and that the inquisition to which parties were subjected under it was painful ; bat , seeing that no petitions had been presented against this bUl , he hoped that the House would receive it with the same favour as it had three years ago . He hoped also that they would not admit any modifications in the billfor modifications must open the door to fraud—but would afiBrm it in its present shape , as a tax both on income and on property . " -v »
Mr . Sheil contended , that in schedule B , which affects profession )) and trades ,- there was an " injustice , which might be easily removed by the imposi tion of a new tax , he meant a tax on the hereditary and testamentary devolution of bind . It would be a species of legacy duty , and might be collected in the same manner . He knew that Mr . Pitt had feiled in gaining the consent of the House to such a proposition ; but then Sir B . Feel was in a better situation than ever Mr . Pitt enjoyed , and if any remonstrance were made against his , bringing it forward , he had only to mention the cabalistic name of Russell to get rid of all opposition . Sir B . Feel had said there was no clamour against the income tax . In that respect , too , he had an advantage over the late Lord Castlereagh . who , if lie mistook not , accused the people of "ignorant
impatience of taxation , " on a bill of this very same character . But there were many reasons why there was no clamour at present . First , there had been a succession of good harvests ; -and secondly , Government had raised up a privileged oiass in favour of the bill , namely , those who had not , and those who chose to swear they had not , £ 150 a-year . He then proceeded to condemn the injustice of the tax . ' Nothing could be more unjust than to impose the same tax on the barrister struggling for existence on his first circuit , and the Lord Chancellor reclining on the woolsack ; on the gentleman who was listening to and reporting < j he debate , and the First Lord of the Treasury , with £ 30 , 000 a-year , who was forming the subject of it . After passing a high encomium on the' reporters , out of whose ranks some of the first men in the country
had risen , he dwelt upon the hardship of compelling them to pay out of the salaries which they earned under great wear and tear both of body and mind , and of which they might be deprived at any moment by the occurrence of illhealth , a contribuzion equal in proportion to that paid by the highestfunctionaries of the State , gho , when disabled by the labours of office , had large private fortunes to fall back upon . He showed that this tax had been denounced as immoral , unjust , and oppressive by Baring , the prince of commerce ; by Wilberforce , the moral and tbe good ; and by the father of the present Minister , the late Sir B . FeeL He quoted the opinion of that shrewd and excellent man on the subject , and expressed a hope that posterity would not have to add , "Patm dktmn sapiens temerittujMicondetmtavit . "
Mr . Cobden thought that Sir R . Feel was congratulating himself too soon upon the absence of all clamour against his measures . When the country understood that the sugar duties were as bitter a pill to them as the income tax , which they were now called on to swallow , there Would be a great outcry against both . At the end of the year men would know what they had to pay for the West Indian monopoly of sugar . Then they would combine their dislike of it with the quiet but "honest detestation which even how prevailed against schedule B . As a free trader , lie denounced both measures . He was surprised that Sir B . Peel , after proposing them , should call himself any longer an advocate for free trade .
i Lord John Eossbw . said , that the ground alleged for the imposition of the income tax was that it was nothing morethan a commutation of taxes . Such being the case , the House was bound to consider whether the tax was as just , as equal , and as little vexatious as the House could makeit . After the statement made that evening by Mr . C . Bullgr , the House was bound to examine into all the conditions and inequalities of the tax , and to endeavour , as far as it could , to remedy its defects . He hoped that the country would not forget that it was obliged to submit
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to the income tax , because Sir It . Peel showed so much fevour to monopoly and protection . By reduciu # the duties on corn , svgar , and timber , he might get a better revenue , and make all the modifications which were required in the income tax . - He should give his vote for the continuance of that tax for the next three years ; but on the understanding that he wasat liberty to make any modifications in the bill he might think necessary . If those modifications should diminish by a million the revenue hitherto derived from the tax , Ministers nrfgbt find a sufficient compensation for it in carrying into execution more fully the principles of which they professed to be the advocates . , : : Mr ; Yii , MMs made one of big usual speeches in favour of free trade ; and contended that those who supported the Con Laws ought to be held by the countryresponsible for the imposition of the income tax . ' ¦ < ¦ ' - ¦
Mr . Mdktz admitted that the income-tax' fras not popular in Birmingham . He' was" for putting an end to it , and for imposing a bona fide properly tax upon all classes . , '• " The Home then divided , when there appeared—For Mr . 0 . Boiler ' s amendment ... ... 112 Against it ... .. > ... ... ... : Majority against the amendment ... —128 Mr . W . Miles then proposed a dame for the purpose of providing an easier mode of appeal for the agricultural tenantry . He stated that the measures of the Government had taken from that tenantry the means of paying the income tax . He therefore thought that the condition in which they were placed in the last Act ought to be altered in the present . ' They were' now rated at one-half of their rent , and he thought that they ought not to be rated at more ^ han the sum of 8 Jd . in England and 2 Jd . in Scotland for every 20 s . of the property they occupied .
The Chamceilob of the Excheqchb said , that it was not in his power , nor was it consistent with justice , to accede to this amendment . The House then divided , when there appeared—For the amendment ... -92 Againstit ... ... ... ... ... 196 Majority against it ... ... ... —104 The report was then brought up , and the bill was ordered to be read a third time on Wednesday next , when the" amendments ofMr . Spooner , Mr . Wakley , and others , are to be taken into consideration . ' The report of the Committee of Ways arid Means was brought up ; the resolutions on the sugar duties were agreed to , and a bill founded upon them was ordered to be brought in .
The House ' then resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means , and agreed , without almost any discussion , to the resolution taking off the export duty on coals . On the House resuming , Mr . Bright rose to nominate the select committee on the Game Law * . Mr . C . BEBKEtEt complained of the unfair mode in which this committee was going to be formed , aud moved m the first place tb&tttie name of Mr . Bouverie be expunged from the list , and tbat the name of Mr . Gregory be inserted in its stead . He accused Sir James Graham of having acted with great partiality in nominating so many gentlemen on the committee who were known to be hostile to the present system of Game Laws . Six of them , moreover , were members of the Anti-Corn Law League . ¦ . ' . >
Sir J . Gbaham was sorry that Mr , C . Berkeley should think that lie had reason to complain of his conduct in the nomination of this committee ; but lie was glad to know that he had given no foundation for that complaint . He then stated how the committee had been nominated by himself and Mr . Bright , who had behaved throughout in the most conciliatory spirit . If Mr . Bright was not inclined to accede to the wishes of the Hon . Member for Cheltenham , he should feel himself bound in good faith te resist them also . ' ' Mr . Bbioht could not assent to the proposition of Mr . C . Berkeley . The Hon . Gentleman was mistaken in supposing- that six gentlemen nominated on the committee belonged to the Anti-Corn Law League . There were only four of them members of the Anti-Corn Law League , and only three who had ever taken any active part in its proceedings . . .
The House then divided , when there appeared for the erasure of Mr . Bouverie's name—Ayes , 13 ; Noes , 100 ; Majority , 87 . Mr . C . Bebkeley then moved the erasure of the name of Mr . George Cavendish from the list of the committee , and the insertion of that of Lord Palmerston in its place . Another division was then taken , but Mr . Berkeley ' s amendment was negatived by a majority of 65 over 29 . The House then adjourned .
Tuesday , Mabch 11 . Sir R . Pebii gave notice that he would move , on a future day , ihat the Houae should adjourn for the Easter recess on Thursday , the 22 d , and meet again on Monday , the 31 st inst .
NEW ZEALAND AFFAIRS . Mr . Somes moved for copies of correspondence respecting the i 3 &ue of debentures aa a legal tender in New Zealand ; of all correspondence respecting taxes proposed in the Legislative Council ; of all correspondence relating to the measures taken by the Governor of that colony to fulfil Lord Stanley ' s agreement of the 12 th of May , 1843 , respecting the grant of a conditional title to the lands of the New Zealand Company ; and also of correspondence relating to the affairs of that company ; their purchases of lauds , < fee . .-. '¦• - v Mr . Aglionbt complained of the course pursued by the Colonial Office towards the New Zealand Company , and pressed for the production of the documents . The colony , he contended , was brought to the verge of ruin by home and local mismanagement , instead of being , as it ought to be , under proper management , one of the most flourishing colonies under the British Crown . . '
¦ Mr . G . "W . HorE said that the Secretary for the Colonies and the Governor of New Zealand were exposed to attacks by insinuations rather than by any direct charges , while , on the other hand , the documents before the House were altogether overlooked by those wlio made those insinuations . With respect to the debentures , they had been disallowed by the Government at home , and had therefore been withdrawn . No information had been received on the subjeet _ of local taxation , nor of the recent occurrences arising from the conduct of the natives . : With respect to the sale of lands , the necessity for altering the instructions sprung from the increasing knowledge of the natives , which prevented the possibility of dealing with them under the same circumstances as heretofore .
Mi' . C . Buller took a review of the history oi the colony , condemning in severe terms the whole policy of CaptainFitzroy , who had , he said , taken advantage of the death of Captain Wakefield in order to traduce his memory . As governor of the colony he had given all iiis sympathy to the natives , and had contrived to lose the confidence of all the European inhabitants of the islands in the short period of six months . He wished to pass no . severer censure on Captain Fitzroy , than that he was a moat foolish and incompetent governor , unfit to be intrusted with the management of the moat ordinary affairs , and whose recall was absolutely requisite for the interests and safety of tho colony . Colonel R . Tbsvor deprecated the language that
had been used towards Capt . Fitzroy ; who could not even hear of the charges now made against him until after the lapse of five months , and could not defend himself from them at an earlier period than the next session of Parliament . Sir R . Pee , regretted that Mr . Aglionby , knowing that the motion was not to be opposed , had not followed the example of Mr . Somes , and refrained from discussing a matter in which charges must necessarily be promulgated against Captain Fitzroy , without tho requisite information to enable his conduct to appear in a proper andjust light to the House . The Hon . Gentleman , unon the mere authority of a newsnaDcr
report , had made serious charges against an aoaont individuar whose friends had no means to defend him . The Right Hon . Baronet then observed , that the New Zealand { Company were at first quite satisfied with the appointment of Captain Fitzroy , and contended that in common justice they should hear from that gallant officer an acconnt of those transactions before they attempted precipitately to condemn him , or the Colonial Secretary -by'Vlioin he had been appointed . Lord Howick rose to defend Mr . C . Buller . Ho imputed no blame to the motives of Captain Fitzroy , but he had a right , and so had Mr . Buller , to condemn the judgment of that officer .
After Borne further conversation , the motion , slightly altered , was agreed to .
RBSiaiAJiCB to THE POOR LKW AT ROCHDALE . Mr . S . Crawi-obp , in bringing before the House the allegations contained in the petition of the ratepayers and inhabitants of Rochdale , observed that the subject which he was then about to introduce to its consideration was not merely local , but one of general and national policy . It involved this question—whether the authority of the Poor Law Commissioners should be forced into that remnant of England which still refused to submit to it ? It also raised the question , whether the New Poor Law should continue in its present atate , or whether it should be changed so as to make it more consistent with sound policy and the ancient constitution of England ? The affaire of the poor in the parish of Rochdale had been managed for the last twenty-five years under the Select Vestry Act , and no fault had ever been found with the mode of their management . In the year 1837 a union was formed of Rochdale
and nine other parishes , for the purposes of-registraturo ; but the guardians elected were instructed to refrain from interfering with the ' relief of the poor . Rochdale remained in thia position till the 25 th of October , 1844 , when . an order was issued to the guardians by the Poor Law Commissioners , directing them to take upon themselves the administration of the relief of the poor in that union . Now , this order , in point of fact , commanded them , though they had long administered the relief of the poor in their own way , to administer it in that way no longer . Notwithstanding this order , it was found impossible to obtain a meeting either of the elected or the ex-offioio guardians to carry it into . effect ; for they had determined that they would not do that which in their opinion would prove injurious to the poor in their district . In November , 1844 , the Poor Law Commissionersi moved for a marJamus against the board of guardians , and , as he was informed , not in the usual form , for the
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common practice was to move fora rule to show cause why a mandamat should not iasue ; tut in this case the rule was made absolute at once , on the allegation that the poor at Rochdale were actually starving . Now ; it was strange that auch an allegation should have been made , as the poor were then receiving relief in ; the usual way , t © which they had been accustomed . He charged the Commissioners with something approaching to / a deception when they gained a mandamus on such grounds , as they thereby . deprived the parish of . Rochdale of the opportunity of disputing the truth of the harsh imputation cast upon its character for humanity . On the legality of the mandarnufhe would not say . a word , as that would be decided at the next assizes ; for Lancaster . The
ratepayers of Rochdale wished to avoid this litigation , and they addressed in consequence a memorial to Sir James Graham , as did also the board of guardians , requesting that the New Poor Law should not be inflicted upon them .. Those memorials were signed by 11 , 415 rate-payers , which was within fifty-three of the whole number ; and on their presentation to Sir James Graham he declared that he had no au * thority to interfere with the operation of an Act of Parliament . Under such circumstances , he asked whether it was right to allow the Poor Law Commissioners to force their authority on the rate-payers of Rochdale ? He thought it was not ; for his constituents had never been guilty of any misconduct in their mode of administering relief to the
poor ; on the contrary , their management of the poor had been highly eulogized by several of the Assistant Connnisaionsrs . They ^ therefore , appealed to the House against the power of the Poor Law Commissioners , and prayed to be heard at the bar of the House in support of the allegations contained ia their petition . He then proceeded to state and to enforce the allegations of the petitioners , that the Poor Law was unconstitutional , destructive of the principle of self-government , inhuman in theory , cruel in practice ; injurious to the morals , and detrimental to the induatry and comforts of the poor . After pointing out various other defects in the Poor Law , he said that he asked for inquiry into these allegations at their bar ; but he would not insist on that part of his motionif Sir Graham would bun in
, James give - quiry in any other way—for instance , if he would send down a Commissioner to Rochdale and institute a public examination into the complaints of the petitioners . He warned the House that it the prayer of the petitioners were not granted , the guardians of Rochdale would suffer all the penalties ot an attachment rather than yield that which in their conscience they believed would be injurious to the poor and to the ratepayers conjointly—he meant obedience to the mandates of the Poor Law Commissioners . He concluded by making a motion in conformity with the terms of his speech . Mr . Febband . — I rejoice , sir , that I have caught your eye , for I am anxious to bear my testimony to the unanimity of that vast meeting at which this
petition was agreed to , and the determined spirit which the inhabitants of Rochdale then exhibited to stand by the principles which they were met to assert . I also rejoice to have the opportunity of calling the attention of the House to the solemn pledges given by those who introduced this law , and tlie manner in which those pledges have been broken , as well as the fearful results which have accrued to the country . I will prove that the inhabitants of Rochdale are justified in resisting the extension of the system into their neighbourhood ; and that obedience , on their part , would be a crime , whilo resistance is a virtue . ( Hear . ) There were the most solemn pledges given when this law was introduced ; this House was deceived by those pledges , and bo was the country ; and
what can Parliament say now , when I prove that those pledges have been most unblushingly broken ? Will it assert that the people of Rochdale are not justified in resisting a law which was carried bj unjust and unconstitutional means ? ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , when this measure was first introduced by Lord Althorp , he distinctly said , on the 17 th of April , 1834 : — ' As to the observatlen of tho Hon . Member for Marylebone , who hoped that the commissioners would hot interfere with parishes that were well regulated , he had to say , that he hoped they would not ; the only mode in which-he trusted they would deal with such parishes would be by Mowing their example . When a parish was really well regulated , it need not entertain the slightest apprehension of interference
upon the part of the commissioners . " Upon this pledge , given by the mouthpiece of the Government of this House , this House gave its consent to the bill , and the country did not offer that opposition to it , which it would otherwise have done . Afterwards , on the same day , Lord Althorp said , "he need not say that an immense advantage would be obtained by a uniformity of system-throughout the country ; " and on the 27 th of June , he observed , " The proposed amendment would destroy one of the principal advantages of the measure , namely , uniformity of practiced The Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir J , Graham ) said , on a latter occasion , on the 20 th of July , 1839 , . that "the law contemplated that , on a given day , the refusal of out-door relief throughout
England and Wales should be general . " ' Lord Althorp said , on the 1 st of July , 1834 , " the object of the bill was to put a stop to the allowance system . " On tfie 12 th of June , 1834 , the same Noble Lord stated "that it was not intended as a general rule , that a man should be separated from his wife , or children from their mother , or that paupers should have then * hair shaved , or be compelled to wear badges . " On the 9 th of June , 1834 , Lord Althorp said , " it would prove of the greatestpossible benefit to the labourer ;" and on the 27 th of that month , "the farmer and his labourer would both be benefited ; the latter being made independent by increased wages , and the former , in consequence of that increase , would have his work much more effectually and zealouslv done and
performed . " He asserted that the average rate of wages in the north of Nottinghamshire was 13 s . a week ; in Northamptonshire , 9 s . But there was a statement made by a Noble Lord , who has been quoted to-night . I allude to Lord Brougham . In moving the second reading , his Lordship said , " Such a system ( that is the old Poor Law ) deadens all sense of shame , all sense of real dignity ; erases from the mind every feeling of honourable independence , and fits its victims onlv for acts of outrage or of fraud . Look at that volume ( the Poor Law Commissioners' Report ) , the record of idleness and her sister guilt which now stalk over the land . Look at the calendar which they have filled to overflowing , notwithstanding the improvement of our
jurisprudence , and the ; progress ot education . " He then called the attention of the House of'Lords to the state of the country , and spoke of it as "that which I could not bear to think of . did I not know that the same hand which lays it bare to your eyes , and makes its naked deformity horrible in your sight , will be enabled by your assistance to apply to the foul disease a sate and effectual remedy ; restoring to industry its due reward , and visiting idleness with its appropriate punishment ; reinstating property in security , and lifting up once more—God be praised ! —the character of that noble English peasantry to the proud ( eminence , where , but for the Poor Laws , it would still have shown untarnished , the admiration of mankind and the glory of the country which boasts
it as its brightest ornament ! " Now , I ask the House of Commons—J ask England—have these pledges been redeemed ? ( Cheers . ) What has been the conduct of the Poor Law Commissioners in defiance of those solemn pledges ? Have they refused to enforce -this law in " well regulated . parishes ?" Have they taken well-regulated parishes as "their example" in enforcing the law elsewhere ? No ; but they have trampled under foot the rights , the liberties , and the privileges of the people of England . ( Hear , hear . ) How has your " uniformity of prac tice" been carried out ? Has that been enforced throughout the country ? Why , I want no other evidence than that of the Hon . Baronet himself ( Sir J , Graham ) , who , in thia House , after this law
had been five years in existence , was obliged to bear testimony to its utter failure , and to the breaking down of all" uniformity of practice" in the granting of out-door relief , ana in the allowance system . whatsaid-Sir R . Peel on the 8 th of February , 1841 ? He said . "It was in the hope and in the belief that a new test would improve the condition of the labourer himself , and that it would teach him the happiness and pride of an independent position , that he had consented to the alteration in the law . " The' 'independent position" of the labourer of the present day ! ( Cheers . ) I see in the House the Noble Lord ; the Member for London ( Lord J . Russell ) , and I wish to bear to his face the testimony which I have borne behind his back , that it was a manly way in which he
adhered to the New Poor Law , previous to the last general election . No doubt the Right Hon . Baronet at the head of the Government sits on that bench , placed there by the New-Poor-Law cry throughout tlie country . ( Hear , hear . ) -A y , it was fanned into a blaze by the Conservative party at the last general election ( cheers ) , and fanned oy the Right Hon . Baronet the Secretary for the' Home Department ; ( Hear , hear . ) I have not forgotten reading the speech of that Right Hon . Baronet , and the First Lord of the Treasury when they abused the Poor Law Commissioners for their disgraceful language , when they had declared that the New Poor Law was to put a stop to alms-giving in this country . ( Cheers . } The First Lord of the Treasury raised his hands , and appealed to Heaven if such language ought to have been used . - ( Renewed cheers . ) But what said the
Noble Lord the Member for London , when he saw these Right Hon . Gentlemen breaking the pledges which they-had privately given , to stand bv the New Poor Law , which ever party was in power . On the motion ot the Hon . Member for Sussex ( Mr . Darby ) to allow out-door , relief to persons who had married before the passingof the Act , and had families , the Noble Lord ( Lord J . Russell ) said , "he considered it to be at variance with every other clause in the New Poor Law Act . It was a renewal of the worst part of the old system—the allowance system . It would expose the new law to universal relaxation , and would in that respect alone be productive of the most pernicious consequences . It would create great dissatisfaction among the labourers , as it would divide them into two distinct classes , one of which would be entitled to relief out of the workhouse , and the other not , and that too without the slightest reference either to the goodness or the worthiessness of their
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character . By the cogency of such arguments , and by the want ot uniformity thus created in the system of Poor Laws , the House would be compelled to break down by degrees all the efficiency of the present law . " Sir , the House has " by degrees broken down all the efficiency" of that law . The New Poor Law is a dead letter ; there is not such a thing in existence . ( Hear , hear . ) < There is one law in the north ; another law- in the south , another in the east , and another in the west . There Is one law earned out in one union by ' Lord This , and another in the next union by the Duke of That ; and the practice varies with the extent to which the Commissioners have ground the guardians into submission . > The whole law is a farce ; ( Cheovs . l The Noble Lord ! the Chancellor of
the Duelly of Lancaster ( Lord G . Somerset ) , hearing that speech of the Noble ; Member for London-, jumped up and " expressed his ' intention to support the clause ; Sofarwaa he from being willing to extend the authority of the Commissioners , that he had every desire to abridge it ;• for he would tell the Noble Lord that he had no confidence whatever in the Poor Law Commissioners . " Cabinet Ministers within these walla have expressed themselves to be adverse-to this law ; and I remember being in this House , when there were either eight or nine gentlemen sitting on the Treasury bench , who had either obtained their seats by violently abusing this law upon the hustings , or had spoken violently against it in this House . ( Hear , hear .
I ask the Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir J . Graham ) whether Lord Althorp ' s solemn pledge has been kept , that as a general rule a man was not to be separated from his wife , or a child from its mother , nor paupers to have their heads shaved , or be compelled to wear badges ? And I know that these indignities and insults have done more to arouse the spirit of disloyalty and disaffection among the masses in this country , than all other evils put together . ( Hear , ) Have you not continued the allowance system ?—You have ; in the north of England you have been compelled to do it . You are enforcing the rule at Bradford ; but the day will come when you will bitterly repent it ; and you are not enforcing it at Leeds ,
a few miles off . ( Hear , hear . ) Well did the Noble Lord ( Lord J . Russell ) say , that it would " create great dissatisfaction among the labourers . " Is it not disgusting , that a law is now in force in England , which on one side of a brook treats the labourer with apparent consideration , and on the other with inhumanity ? ( Hear , hear . ) But Lord Althorp assured the country , when he introduced the measure , that wages would rise . What are the wages in the country now ? Why , your'labouring man in the agricultural districts is well off if he obtain 7 s . a week Has the Poor Law raised wages , and redeemed that pledge ? ' ( Hear . ) But I come to more startling facts . We were told that the New Poor Law- was to
eradicate poverty , and reduce the poor-rates I I find by a return I hold in my hand ( the Poor Law Commissioners' tenth report ) that the population of England and Wales in 1841 was 15 , 906 , 829 . And now let the Houae listen to the following returns , remembering that 1842 and 1843 have been good years in the manufacturing districts . The numbers relieved were—In 1842 , in-door , 222 , 642 ; out-door , 1 , 204 , 545 . Total , 1 , 427 , 187 . The cost-Ofthein-door , £ 934 , 158 ; of the out-door , £ 3 , 090 , 884 . Total , £ 4 , 025 , 042 . In 1843—In-door , 238 , 560 ; out-door , 1 , 300 , 930 . Total , 1 , 539 , 490 . Cost—In-door , £ 958 , 057 ; out-door , £ 3 , 321 , 508 . Total , £ 4 , 279 , 585 . The increase of 1843 over 1844 being , in « doov , 15 , 918 in number , and £ 23 , 899 in cost ; out-door , 96 , 385 in number , and £ 230 , 624
in cost . Total , 112 , 303 in number , and £ 254 , 523 in cost . Again , the parochial rates levied were—In 1834 , £ 8 , 338 , 079 ; in 1837 , £ 5 , 094 , 566 ; in 1843 , 7 , 085 , 595 ; showing an increase in 1843 over 1837 , of £ 1 , 891 , 029 , and a decrease of 1843 as compared with 1834 , ot £ 1 , 252 , 484 . There was expended in reliefin 1834 , 40 , dlt , 25 d ; in 1837 , £ 4 , 044 , 741 ; in 1843 , £ 5 , 208 , 027 ; showing an increase in 1843 over 1837 of £ 1 , 163 , 286 , and' a decrease of 1843 , as compared with 1834 , of £ 1 , 109 , 228 . I now wish to call the attention of the House to the expenditure of parochial rates otherwise than for the relief of the poor . In 1834 the expenditure otherwise than for the relief of the poor was £ 2 , 020 , 714 ; in 1837 , it was £ 1 , 249 , 852 ; in 1843 , it was £ 1 , 877 , 568 , giving
an increase of such expenditure in 1843 over 1837 of £ 627 , f 16 . That is the result of your attempt to save the poor-rates of this country ! Sir , I call the attention of the House to the price at which you have obtained this result . Lord Brougham , in moving the second reading of the Poor Law Amendment Bill in the House of Lords , gave a picture of the blessings which were to flow from this law . It would eradicate crime , it would put down poverty and pauperism , and prevent the Noble Lord himself from becoming a XJumberland pauper . What is now the state of crime in England and Wales ? I will read to the House an extract from , the statistics compiled by Mr . Redgrave , . from the records ef the Home-office , where the Right Hon . Baronet miay
ace them , to-morrow if he pleases . I have extracted them from the British Almanack for 1845 , of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge , Lord Brougham chairman of the committee . The amount of crime as evidenced by the commitments in 1836 was 20 , 084 ; in 1837 it wai 23 , 612 ; in 1838 , 23 , 094 ; in 1839 , 24 , 443 ; i n 1810 , 27 , 187 ; in 18 ti , 27 , 760 ; in . 1842 , 31 , 309 ; in 1843 , 29 , 591 . The result is , that the increase of crime in 1842 over 1836 is 10 , 835 , being years after the New Poor Law eaine into operation . " The increase iu 1 S 43 over 1836 is 8 , 607 . 1 ask , has the New Poor Law diminished crime ? This is a startling result , and must enforce conviction . But is that all that has occurred under the operation of the Law ? Why ,
insteaa of a decrease , there is a frightful increase of crime , so much so , that you are obliged to have an extra winter assize to sweep off from the face of the public the monstrous mass . At the last York winter assizes , last year , hear what Judge Coleridge said in his charge to the grand jury i— " Another cause for a winter assize , he lamented to say , must be considered to be the steady increase of crime throughout the country , and in theiv own county , that increase , too , being not se much observable in crimes of a petty nature as in those of a more serious character . Within the last eight years the number of prisoners had nearly doubled in "their own county ; and , though it was true that the population had increased , that the police were more efficient than
formerly , and that capital punishment had in a great measure been removed , yet he did not think that it was possible , by the application of those facts , satisfactorily to explain away the great incubus which seemed to hang over them . " Hero , then , we have this fact , that crime in the county of York has doubled during the last eight years . That is the period at which the New Poor Law came into operation in Yorkshire . That Is the . result which the law which was to put a stop to crime has produced ia my native county . Good God ! what can the Right Hon . Baronet say in justification of that ? Have you one word to say ? You have rebellion in the north , you have incendiarism in the south , aud rebellion again in Wales staring you in the face ; and how are you to justify this to the people of Rochdale ? They will say that if in spite ef all this you will persist in forcing on them this law , you will have to take the
same course as you adopted in Bradford ; you will have to draw-the bayonet and cut down the populace ; but the feeling of the people of England , depend upon it , will be raised against any attempt to force this law upon the people of Rochdale in the face of every high principle , and in defiance of justice . The Right Hon . Baronet declared the other night that there are 1 , 600 , 000 paupers in England and Wales existing on the poor rates . The Right Hon . Baronet also declared the other night , that the agricultural labourers are in a state of poverty which we can no longer neglect . Sir , Lord Brougham said , in the speech to which I have alluded , that the time was when the English peasant dreaded the word '' pauper " next to tho word " felon . " Sir , now the time is cone when the British peasant dies ; exclaiming " No
workhouse"A g » ol , a gaol for me J " ( Hear , hear . ) I told you a short time ago that you had wrapped the south in . flames ; that you had produced a rebellion in the north ; that you had produced a rebellion in Wales ; but this is not all ; there is scarcely a week passes but the Hon . Gentleman opposite , as Coroner for Middlesex , has to hold an inquest on some poor victim of the system who has died of famine . That crime is steadily on the increase you have the evidence of a judge on the beach ; and the extra winter assize which you have established shows that you admit that to be the case . I would quote the language of Lords Brougham and Grey in defence of the people of Rochdale , but that I am unwilling to detain the House : but if the House
will permit me I will read to them from a speech of the First Lord of the Treasury what he said on the attempts -to introduce this law into well-regulated parishes . This was just before a general election , when the Right Hon . Baronet was courting popular favour . On the 26 th of March , 1841 , the Right Hon . Baronet said he had always thought that where there were immense masses of population well governed under local Acts , it would not be found expedient to place them under the control of the commissioners , rhatwas just before the general election ; but now that he is firmly seated on the Treasury bench , with his majority at his back , what must he say te justify Ilia 'present course ? Sir , ' he must « ao hia words . It will not be tho first time he has done so . I will also read to the House the opinion
entertained ot this law by Lord Chief Baron Pollock , who was an ornament to this House whilst he was in it , and now graces the bench on which he sits . I hope , therefore , the House will allow me to repeat to them what Lord Chief Baron Pollock has said on this subject ; and I must say that he was a man whom all the inducements of the Government could not drag up to the table to say ; a word in favour of this law He said at the same time as the speech of the Right Hon . Baronet , "Great complaints had been made of the Poor Law generally . " "A bill which might be good for the north , might beinjuriouB to the south . The evil which he and others complained » f was the attempt made by the commissioners to introduce the same law into every pariah in the kingdom without reference to local circumstances , ' which might act in modifying the operation of that law . " That was the
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opinion of Sir F . Pollock , You must provo what t hay ? said to * e incprrect ; if you do not . how can you dare to introduce this law into Rochdale ? You hare sown the wind and more than once . you have reaped the whirlwind . A foreign foe may come—if you appeal to the people of England , will they an » w » you ? At the bidding of their Sovereign they hereto ! fore rose in one mighty phalanx , bristUne with bayonets ready to be turned against the foe . HU again to them , and you will find them disaffectedVnS disloyal . ( "No , noV' ) You have made them wr repeat ,-apneal tothem in your perils , and yOU ' trill find them disaffected and disloyal . Are the w ! i tural labourer * distressed ? What wtoSittS ^ but yoar tyranny ? Treat them as ywr forefc did , and so raise them to what they were S ? «* introduction - of the NWP ™ t ^ L ? re , be ( ore tha
, return to their ancient nature ; SirituJ ^ " ® andforgive . and be . jpfc Xyal J $ f ^ *« Sir J . GB ^ AHsaid , that he harflistened with great respect to the elaborate speech of Mrs rvL . 3 ^! but had not heard one novel l ~ ni brfty had said that this question was 7 ££ Sl and \ l tional question ; but he ( Sir J SSftKhift that it was a purely local one ; that it was X ? before the tribunals ; and that he mist bSS * meet the motion with the mostTecided 52 SS Mr . Crawford had asked him whether WffiS ; an inquiry into the operation of the New Poor r at Rochdale . To that question he would reolv tw the Poor Law Commissioners had determined to ; troduce the New Poor Law into Rochdale TheV wl power by law to carry that determination ' into dC ? He did not enjoyany power to dispense with the W . ' andManKnuftMmif had been issued ia consequent of the opposition made by the guardians of Eoffi to the orders of the Commissioners , as the guar ( 2 had made a return to that mandamus , as the ( W ? had traversed that return , and aa an issue had w « Bioniu
w uu » , ue wiougiu man « wouia be indecoroua in him to order that inquiry which the Hon . MemVcalled for . At that late hour of the night , he honed that the House would not expect him to follow ftfr S . Crawford through his elaborate argument , which * he had met and refuted on several previous occasion ^ Mr . Bbioht approved the attachment of the people of Rochdale to their local institutions , and their hog . tilitjr to the law administered by the Poor Law Com missvoners . He thought it right to say this , although he was one of those at Rochdale who had refused m sign the memorial to Sir J . Graham . Captain Pechell , Colonel Sibthorp , General John son , Mr . Borthwick , and Mr . Entwisle , briefiV ex " pressed their dislike of the New . Poor Law ' and their determination to support Mr . S . Cranibrd ' a motion . The House then divided , when there a imcavcd—For the motion ... ... .,. * ig Againstit 59 Majority against it _ $ The House then adjourned . Wednesday / , March 12 . Reports from Committees on ' Petitions for Private Bills were brought up , from which it appeared that in the cases of the petitions for the London and South . Western Railway ; the Lambeth and HungerfordSua . pension Bridge , - the Midland Railway ; the Man . Chester , Bury , and Rochdale Railway ; the Now . castle-upon-Tyneand North-Shields Railway : the Manchester , Leeds , arid Hull Associated Railwav and the London , Bedford , and Birmingham Railway ' the standing orders had been complied with . —Leave ' was then given to the petitioners to bring hi the bilk prayed for . The Blackburn and Preston Railway Bill , tha Newark and Sheffield Railway Bill , the London and Greenwich Railway Bill , and the York and Kortlk Midland Railway Bill , . were brought in and severally read a first time , and ordered to be read a second time .
VENTILATIOX OF COLUBRIBS . Mr . T . Duncombk would , beg io put a question 60 the Right Hon . Baronet the Home Secretary , having reference to a petition which he had presented not long ago , signed by 3 , 000 persons engaged in mines and collieries in the county of Burhain , complaining of the want of ventilation in collieries , by which tha security of human life was greatly endangered . TetU tions to the same effect had 'been presented from miners in other districts . It was well known that , owing to want of sufficient ventilation , a dreadful
explosion , accompanied by great loss of life , bad not long ago taken place iu Haswell Colliery , with respect to which an inquiry was instituted by Government . What he now wanted to know was , whether it was the intention of Government to introduce any legislaative measure with the view to a bettor system of ventilation of mines and to a greater security of the lives of those employed in them ? and , failing any such intention , he would ask whether Government would object to the appointmerff of a committee to take the subject into consideration *?
SirJ . Graham said , that the case of the Haswell Colliery did appear to her Majesty ' s Government to require special investigation ; . and two scientific gen . tleinen , Mi ' . Faradayand Mr . Lyell , had been dent down to inquire into the cause of that accident . The Hon . Member was probably aware that they had made a report upon the subject , entering into gveat detail with reference to the cause , and also suggesting certain remedies to pi-event the recurrence of such aecidents . That report he ' ( Sir J . Graham ) had forwarded to the lord-lieutenant of each county in which any coal mines existed , requesting that it ' raiglit bo sent to the coaiowncrs , with an intimation that any information or suggestion from them would be aladly
received by _ the Government , A report had since been sent in from tbe coaiowncrs of the Tyno and Wear , stating several objections to the remedies suggested , and pointing out reasons why the plan would not be either practical or efficient . He ( Sir J . Graham ) had " forwarded that report to Messrs . Faraday and Lyell , requesting them to direct their attention to these points , and transmit their rejoinder to him . The attention of Government would be directed to the subject ; and if the Hon . Member would repeat his question later in the session , he ( Sir J . Graham ) should be happy to answer it . In ihe meantime the inquiry could not be in better hands than those of the two gentlemen he had just named .
Mr . Duncombe hoped that theso documents would be laid on the table . Sir J . Gbaham intimated that there would be no objection to that course . Mr . MacKinnon moved the second reading of the Smoke Prohibition Bill . Several gentlemen , however , expressed their dissent from its proposed enactment , and at the suggestion of Lord Lincoln the motion was deferred until Wednesday , the 2 nd of April next . The Chancellor of the Exchkqdkr then moved the third reading of the Property Tax Bill . Mr . Wabxst referred to the case of Mr . Fielden , which had been mentioned on a former night by Mr . Hawes . He had since received a letter from Mr
Fielden , stating that , though in a former year , when he had made no profits , the Counnissionera had assessed his income at £ 12 , 000 , and had compelled him , by distress , to pay the per centage upon that sum , they had assessed him this year at double the former ^ sum , viz ., at £ 24 , 000 . Mr . Fielden » ppealed against that assessment in November last , and sent m to the Commissioners a written statement , showing that his firm had sustained a loss on au average of ihe last three years . The Commissioners then desired Mr . Fielden to let the case stand over till Easter , but they had since demanded from Mr . Fielden payment of half the tax on tho £ 24 , 000 . He hoped that the Government would take measures to prevent the recurrence of such a proceeding in future .
The Chancbhob of the Exchequer could not cx « plain how this case had arisen , but suggested that if Mr . Fielden had . brought his appeal before the Com . missioners at Somerset-house , he might have cor > rected the error of the local Commissioners , if error had been committed . The bill was then read a third time . The Sugar Duties Bill and the Customs Export Duties Bill were both read a second time , and the first was ordered to be committed on Friday next . Sir J . Ghaham then moved the second reading of the Justices' Clerks and Clerks of the Peace Bill . He said the objections which had been made to the bill were rather to its details than to its m'UV
ciples ; but the two were so blended that they could scarcel y be separated . Now , this was the occasion for discussing the principles of the bill , and the chief one wa 3 , that justice was better adminis * tered by public servants receiving salaries than bypublic servants receiving fees . He then proceeded to show that the ends of justice would be better answered , and the interests of the rate-payers would be better advanced , by the details of this bill than they were by the law at present . As to the difficulty which , it had been suggested , would arise from tho magistrates having no longer anv nowei- to remit the
lees to which parties were liable who came before them , because thoae fees were to be carried in future to the count ); stock , he had only to observe that be had no objection to consider in committee a proposition for gmngthe magistrates the power ot remitting such fees . The bill would not occasion any additional expense to the counties : but even if it ditf » it would be better that sueh were the case , than tuat the monstrous injustice should continue of levying fees from innocent persons unjustly ac cused of crime on their discharge from custody before a magistrate - After a few words from Mr . Turner and Captain Pechell , - ( Continued in our firat page . )
Printed By Dotoal M-Co^Ah, Of 17, Great Windm Street, Haymwket, Ia The City Of Westminster, St *«•
Printed by DOTOAL M-CO ^ AH , of 17 , Great Windm street , Haymwket , ia the City of Westminster , st *«•
vmcem tne same street an * Parish , for toa *"" . prietor , FEARGUS O'CONNOB , Esq ., and publish bf Whj . uk Hewitt , of N « , \ % t Chari « Mtreet , Brwdw Btreer , Wflworth , in the Parish of St Karr , tfewinf-. . ton , in th « County of Surrey , at tht Office , No . Mft Strand , in the Pariai of St . MaryJe-Strand in rt » City of Westminster Saturday , March 15 , INS
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c THE NORTHEI ^ N STAR . ' ¦ " March 15 , 1845 .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 15, 1845, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1306/page/8/
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