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HOUSE OF LORDS , Mosbat , A phil 7 . LordBKOBGHA * moved for 3 return of the number of laflwayTnlkpasseattoo ughParBamentduring the last ten years , distinguishing the number passed in eacli year , the number now pending , the number in favour of which tte xaUwav committee ofthe Board of Trade had reportcd . the snmpiidper snare on eachrattway already authorised by Act of Parliament , and the sums per cent , divided by each railway on its shares . The BoWe and learned lord dwelt at some length upon the extent of gambling which bad taken place in railway shares , which he contended it was desirable should be in some way checked .
The Earl of Dalhodsie had no objection to give all the information in his power , but he could not give the prices of railway stock , or the dividends paid per share . In replj- to a question from the Marquis of 3 J onnanby , The Duke of Bcccizcch said that the Sanatory BUI in contemp lation of the Government would be presented in sufficient time to afford opportunities for ample consideration of its clauses , and he saw no reason why its provisions should not be extended to Ireland and Scotland as well as to England . The Marquis of XottMASns moved for some returns relative to the constabulary of Ireland . After speeches from Lord Stanley , the Date of Wellington , ana the Earl of St Germains on the returns date Ironi 183 C , the motion was agreed to . The Sugar Duties Bill was read a second time ; after which their Lordships adjourned .
Tcesdat , April S . The llOUSe sal for a short time , but were principally occupied only in re-diseossing and explaining portions of the preceding night ' s debate ; when tills was ended , their Lordships adjourned until Friday .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS , Moxbat , Afril 7 . The Chaxcellob of the Exchequer moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole house upon the Auction Duties , with a view to their repeal . Tie Chancellor of the Exchequer entered into the reasons which induced tlie Government to propose an abolition of those duties . Owing to various exemptions and evasions , the dutywasTeallypaidupon only £ 7 , 000 , 000 of property , whereas £ 15 , 000 , 000 of property were ascertained to be annually transferred by auction . It also appeared that thia tas , amounting to only ^ 300 , 000 , cost no less than £ 30 , 000 in the collection . It was proposed that the license for auctioneers should be raised from £ - ' < to £ 15 , and to relieve them from the necessity of taking out extra licenses , and other expenses to which they are at present subjected .
Air . G . Baskes , in opposing the reduction of the duty , contended that the county rate pressed unequally on the agricultural interest , and that any surplus of revenue might he applied either to that , or affording relief respect ing lunatic asylums , gaols , expenses of prosecutions , ami oilier matters to which the landed interest was liable . Very few of the 4000 auctioneers in the kingdom paid extra licenses , and raising the license from £ Z to £ 15 would operate so injuriously as to compel many of them to abandon then occupations ; and while this injury was inflicted upon them , no good was done to tlie agriculturists . Under these circumstances , he would take the sense of the house upon the remission of those auction duties .
A discussion followed , in which Mr . il . Gibson , Mr . S . O'Brien , Mr . F . Baring , Sir J . Graham , Lord John Itussell , Sir K . Peel , 3 Ir . Cobden , Sir T . Acland , and Mr . Labouchere took part . The house then divided , when the resolution for the repeal of the auction duties was carried "by a majority of lfi" to 30 . Mr . HriiE moved that the license for an auctioneer should be £ 710 s . instead of £ 15 , a , sum so large as to prevent a vast number of auctioneers from continuing their avocations . Considerable discussion ensued , but it was eventually agreed that the amount of the license should be £ 10 . The bouse then resumed , and subsequently went into committee on the Customs ( Import ) Duties Bill . The rar ious clauses were agreed to , aud the honse again resumed . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned .
Tuesday , April S . The house met at four o ' clocfe . The following bills were severally read a second time —The Manchester , Burr , and llosendale Hallway ; the Bedford , London , and Birmingham Railway : the Middlesborough and KedcarBailway ; the Blackburn , Darwen , and Bolton Bail way ; the Wear-Valley Bail way ; tlie Harnmgaie and Kipou Junction Railway ; and the Belfast Improvement . Lord J- Rvssell gave notice that on that day fortnight he would submit certain resolutions as to the state of the labouring classes in England and Wales .
BAXRTSG IS SCOTLASD AXD 1 XELASD . Sir E . Jket . toot tlie opportunity of maldng the following announcement : —In tlie course of yesterday several members connected rath Scotland expressed a Strong wish that before the last day of this month I should state the general outline of the measures I propose to introduce "with respect to the privileges of banking establishments in Scotland and Ireland . "Whatever may be the pressure of other business , it is impossible I should not wish to comply with such an expression of opinion . ( Hear , hear . ) I therefore take this opportunity of Stating , tliatI do llOpe ill the course of the present month , on some day prior to that named by those hon . gentlemen , I shall be enabled to state to the house the general outline of tlie measures I intend to propose on that subject . ( Hear , hear . )
EXPLOSIONS IN COAZ . JUNES . ^ - Mr . T . DdxcoiibE wished to know when the corr-M § ndence between the scientific gentlemen who had b £ fa }> - pointed to inquire into tlie cause of those inehwholy accidents wfficb . sometimes took place in coal mi £ s , and the coalowners of the north , would be produced ? Another dreadful accident had lately occurred in the neighbourhood of Newcastle , by which ten lives had been lost , and it was most desirable to know if any steps could be taken to prevent such deplorable catastrophes . ( Hear , hear . ) SirJ . GKAHAM informed ihfc Lon . gentleman that the answer of the coalowners to the report of Messrs . Xyell and Paraday had been referred to those gentlemen , to know whether they wished to make any and what observations on it The correspondence had now heen completed , aud he wonldlay it in the course of afew days on the table of tlie house . lUVIOLABILITr OF LEXTEHS AT THE POST-OFFICE .
Mr . T . Dcncombe , in moving , pursuant to notice , for leave to bring in a 1 > U 1 " to secure the inviolability Of letters passing through the Post-office , " could not help saying that he felt it almost a reflection on the system of . government under which we lived , as well as a reproach to the free institutions we were proud to possess , that it should be necessary for any member of that house to re commend the adoption ef measures to secure the inviolability of correspondence passing through this great commercial country . In submitting this motion to the house lie should on that occasion abstain from every remark that could have by possibility a personal application . It ¦ was with the system * now that he was going to war—it was the system he felt it his . duty , if possible , to destroy . "When ana vruence did the Government of this country
derive this power ? He maintained , and he had the highest legal auth 6 rily for the opinion , that there was no law authorising the exercise of this power . ( Hear , hear . ) It had been an instruction to the committee appointed by that house last session to report what was the state Of the law in reference to this subject , and their report merely -went to the extent that " the law in lSW was exactly the same as it was in the time of Queen Anne ;" tut it did . not state what the law was . The committee of the House of Lords went one step farther , and stated that " the provisions of the 9 th of Anne , cap . 10 , could only be explained on the supposition that this power was at that time fully recognised , for it gave no power to the Secretary of State to open letters , but merely prohibited otliers irom doing so without a warrant from a Secretary
of State . The power appeared to have been exercised from the earliest period , and was fusognhei by several Acts of Parliament , '' That was all the committee of the House of Lords said with respect to £ he exercise of this power , admitting that there was no law to authorise it He granted that there was an old usage lecognised by Acts of Parliament , but if they referred to the cases stated in the appendix of the Commons' report , in which it -was attempted to be proved that this power had been ex . ercised . hy former Governments , there was no proof diat letters stopped and opened at the Post-office had been resealed and forwarded to their address . That system of fraud and forgery had not been perpetrated . The letters had only been used against the parties in a court of law ; but the law was so defective , that the
question could not be put as to where the warrant was , or who was the delinquent by whom the letters had been opened . The 9 th of Anne , cap . 10 , was now out of the question , having been repealed by the 1 st of Victoria . The object of the Legislature was neither to diminish nor increase the power given by former Acts , and he repeated he had the authority of some of the highest legal gentlemen in the country for saying that there was no law for the exercise of this power , and that all that was done by the Act was to relieve the servants of the Post-office from the consequences of a misdemeanour , in detaining or opening letters , because they acted on the authority of a warrant from the Secretary of Stite , the legality of which , however , was left totally and entirely untouched , just as a constable who produced his warrant was exonerated from the consequences of its execution , although the warrant were illegal . In the same manner , if a " stranger" were
apprehended in the gallery of that house , the production of the order for his admission would be a Sufficient justification to Iran , although when the matter came to be inquired into it would be found they had no such power to admit strangers to their debates . The question now to be decided was , what advantages did they gain from the exercise of such a power ? They all knew the difficulties under which the Government had laboured in vindicating their conduct in this matter , and the bad Wood and ill-feeling which bad been created by the exposures * hich had taken place ; but if any benefit had ever been derived from this power , no sensible or reasonable man "onld suppose that after the disclosures which bad taken ™ aa 5 sejtson eng = se ^ ' treasonable conspiracy or ThI ^ r ^ enCe WOnia sena tt ttrou Sn ae Post-office . W ^ WcasttSsrssrA :
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time that there would have been some means of regulating this practice , and placing it under some effectual control ; but he was now persuaded , that if the system had any value at all , it must be attended with secrecy and fraud . There was no medium course between complete secrecy and placing on the letters opened a public mark to that effect at the Post-office . "Why , then , should they not abolish the practice altogether ? Why not expunge from the statute-book this odious power ? It had been stated in another place that no civilized country could go on without such a power as this . He wholly denied the assertion . When Belgium became an independent state , one of the first provisions of the constitution was , that the correspondence of the Belgian people should be unconditionally inviolate . In the United States there was no such power to open letters ;
there was a power in England , Ireland , and Scotland , but no such power existed in Canada , or in any of our colonies , at the present moment . In France the power did not exist M- Guizot declared in the French Chambers that in law and in fact the correspondence of the French people was inviolate . ( A laugh . ) Hon . gentlemen might laugh ; he could only say thai was the statement made by the Minister for Foreign Aftairs ; at all events , if letters were opened in France , somebody would be held answerable for that violation of the public correspondence ; but iu this country , although correspondence had been violated , they could not get at tlie parties who were responsible for it . When this power was questioned in that house in the time of Sir It . Walpole , it was admitted that it should only be exercised in times of great internal danger ; but from that period the power had
gradually extended to political and criminal warrants . If it were confined to criminal warrants , there could be no objection to it . But that was impossible . On a former occasion he had referred to the number of warrants issued by Lord Sidmouth , he had since been told by one of the first bankers in ttie city that he had upon one oc easion applied to Lord Sidmouth to issue a warrant for the apprehension of a clerk who had been guilty of forgery , but Lord Sidmouth declined , saying he never issued warrants except in cases of high treason . The banker explained this to tlie chief magistrate in the city , and then returned and renewed his application to Lord Sidmouth , thinking he had made some mistake ; but Ms lordship adhered to Iris original resolution . The applicant then said , " Will you allow us to see a certain letter passing through the Post-office on a
particular day , which wUl enable us to find out where the delinquent is concealed ! " Lord Sidmouth said , that was a different question , and he would send an answer in the evening . His reply was to this effect—he considered the Post-office so sacred that He would not be a party to allowing even the superscription of a letter to be seen . ( Hear , hear . ) Did Government , with all their police , require this power for the detection of criminals ? The right hon . baronet tlie Secretary of State for the Home Department had produced one of the warrants of Mr . Fox . Was that the model now in use ? [ Sir J . Graham : " Xo . " ] Then , what use was there in producing warrants issued by Mr . Fox or the ' Duke of Newcastle ? ( Hear , hear . ) Let them rather have tlie model of the warrant under which liis letters were opened . ( Hear , hear . ) This system was infectious , and produced a most demoralising
effect on the servants and subordinates of the Post-office . He could give a striking instance of this in the notice issued at the General Post-office not many months ago with reference to certain letter-carriers who had been detected in having opened the letters of some sporting gentlemen . The announcement ran thus : — " The Postmaster-General having had papers laid before Mm relating to the gross conspiracy which , has existed among certain carriers , and baring ascertained that Lang , Bell , and Saunders have been in the habit of opening the letters of sporting gentlemen , his Lordship is pleased to dismiss them the service , " These servants of the Post-office had been guilty of a misdemeanour which subjected them to transportation ; but in consequence of the exposures which had taken place in that house the Post-office authorities were afraid to prosecute them , knowing the defence they had determined to
make was , that they had only followed the example of their superiors . ( Hear , hear . ) Such was the demoralising eftect of the system on the officers of the Post-office , while in this instance it interfered with the adequate punishment of such offenders . Their dismissal from the public service was not sufficient punishment for these parties ; they ought to have been much more severely dealt with . He had formerly analysed tlie report of the committee ; and he would be glad to know what its members thought of the continuance of this power ? The only novel discovery they seemed to have made was , that the most obvious reason of all for tlie exercise of this power was , that by informing the Minister of the Crown of the real state of conspirators and the extent of their combination , he would be prevented from talung any exaggerated view of
the case , and from demanding extraordinary powers to meet and suppress tlie supposed danger . Hon . members might picture to themselves the Secretary of State sitting in the bad ; parlour of tlie Home-office , and being put into a dreadful state of alarm by reading of some horrible conspiracy iu the columns of the Jfofning Herald , or some paper of that sort , the organ of the Ministry . ( A laugh . ) Acting upon sucli questionable information , let them imagine the Minister preparing himself to go down to Parliament with a message from the Crown asking for increased powers to meet tlie frightful exigency ; and then all of a sudden , finding by means of some letters that after all it originated in the language or conduct of some Conservative association or of some Chartist body , they need not be surprised to see that Minister throw the message and the Jforains . Herald uohmd the five , aud refrain from
troubling the house at all with the subject . ( A laugh . ) Another reason for the exercise cf tliis power , one that always appeared plausible until examined , was , that the Government ought not to be made the medium for transmitting letters of a treasonable character , and therefore that it should have power of protecting itself against being so . If that argument were good in this case , so it would be if applied to all omnibus cads and cab-drivers . (" Hear , " a laugh . ) It amounted to tills , that even if he were to offer to take a letter to Edinburgh , it might be said to him , " Will you allow yourself to be made the TeMcle of treason ! Depend upon it there is treason in that letter , and you are justified in opening it . " What would any body say to that ? Would they say it was honourable ? JTo ; they would say it was equally dishonourable . ( Heari So he believed , it was with tlie
Post-office and the case of a person who put a letter into the box and paid for its transit . ( Hear , hear . ) He wished to take this power away from the Secretary of State of issuiug his warrant at his caprice . Then howwould the law remain S Why , if treasonable correspondence was goingon , if there was treason at the Post-office , tlie Government would have power under the existing laws to issue a search warrant , and to seize any letter ov paper in that Post-office just the same as they had to seize any treasonable paper on his person or in his desk ; and such a seizure would be much more honourable to tlie Government and much less offensive to the people than the present system . ( Hear , hear . ) Why should they demand extraordinary and obnoxious powers S They had their rural police in every county , and what was called their municipal police in every borough a » d city . What
could they have more ? ( Hear , hear . ) More they had , if they knew how to use it well ; they had a loyal and affectionate people , and if they would only treat them as such , it would be much safer for the throne and the Government than all those dirty tricks they had been exorcising- ( Hear- ) He asked for a 1 > 1 B that -n-ould affect the conditional repeal of this power , if by Act of Parliament such power really did exist . He was satisfied that no middle course could be pursued . The system of opening letters , the fraud and the forgery , must either continue or cease . He would be no party to any bill that was not seriously intended . He would not be made a tool of , to have leave to bring in a bill only to be frittered away , or strangled and defeated . He asked for the distinct vote of the house as to whether this power , if it existed , should continue or cease . ( Hear . )
He was not iu tlie least degree aware of what were the intentions of the Government ; but he hoped the righthon . gentleman would declare to Hie house that this was a power not only odious for a Minister to exercise , but repugnant to the best feelings of a free people , and that the right lion , gentleman would take the question off his hands , and say that the authority for the exercise of tills power should be expunged from ttie statute-boolt , if there it could be found . ( Hear . ) Iu the hope and expectation , and upon the clear understanding that such would be thecouvse taken , he would declare his conviction that every ill feeling which the subject had given rise to , every suspicion which had been awakened , just or unjust ,
would be buried in oblivion . ( Cheers . ) Perhaps that was not the only debate which might arise 5 but if any minister or agent of a foreign despot should come slandering and sneaking to their doors , tlie Government would be able to say to him , " This power no longer exists . " Whatever redress or protection he might demand , that they WOUW be able Mid Willing to give according to the law of England and the law of nations ; but with regard to this species of treachery , should he solicit it at their hands , they would be able to say—pointing to the new Act of Parliament— " Such , power is no longer atony cc-mwand . " ( Cheers . ) Thehon . gentleman then concluded by storing for leave to bring in " a Bill to secure tlie inviolability of letters passing through the Post-office . "
Dr . Bowbixg , in seconding the motion , suggested to the righthon . baronet that lie should make inquiry into the truth of the charges of conspiracy and violence which had been brought against an unprotected foreigner in this country , and , if he found them unfounded , the right lion , baronet would , he was sure , make such reparation to . the character of the accused as his own sense of justice would prompt . Sir J . Gkaham . —Sir , I will commence the observations which it will be my duty to address to the house by nrst noticing the questions put to me by the hon . gentleman who seconded the motion . Upon a former evening I stated , and stated with accuracy , that until the hon . member for Finsbury mentioned in this house an article in tlie Westminster Review , in which is a defence of a portion of
Mr . Mazzini s conduct which I had brought under the notice of the bouse , I was not aware of the existence of such an article . I then stated that it would be my duty to make inquiry in order to the removal of certain doubts respect ing that portion of the transactions in which Mr . Mazzini was concerned , and to which T had alluded . Since that statement was made by the hon . gentleman , I felt that it was my duty to institute further inquiries in respect to that transaction . It is fair to myself to say , that I only heard of that article on Tuesday last ; and since then I have not received any information or- fbesubject As soon as I do I shall feel it my < Juty sdeem my promise and lay it before the house ; and I sa * ii make as frank a statement as to the impression on my annd » s possible after r . full inquirv . Having said ibis . I think I
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may relieve the house from any further observations upon that part of the subject . As to the other part of it , painful as these discussions have been to me on many former occasions , I am bound to say , that the hon . member for Finsbury , in introducing a grave question—a . question of great importance—for the consideration of the house , has done it in a manner as fair and dispassionate as possible . ( Hear . ) And certainly , however painful my experience has been when I have had to follow the hon . gentleman on former occasions , I feel comparative delight in following him upon the present occasion , when the debate is stripped of all personal and acrimonious topics , ( HcaTi hear . ) I am so far from contending against many of the positions of the hon . gentleman that they have my entire approval . For instance , I agree with him that upon this question no middle course can be taken . This power
must either continue ov cease . I uo not believe that it would be useful to maintain this power unless secrecy is preser < ed ; and if the power is continued I do not think the exercise of it can be materially altered . To these leading observations I entirely assent . I need hardly to state to tlie house that the hon . gentleman has treated this subject in a manner which has almost seduced me from my strict line of duty . I admit at once that this power is an immense and odious power—one that is viewed with jealousy , and justly with jealousy , by the people of this country ; and if it were consistent with my sense of public duty , after the painful experience I have had , could I accede to the motion of the Jion . gentleman , nothing , I assure him , would exceed my delight in doing so . 15 ut I am forced to consider this question with
reference to the public interest , and to the public interest only . If it were the first time the question had arisen as to whether this power should exist or not , I might hesitate in deciding that it would be wise to exercise it . But this power having been entrusted to the executive Government from the earliest period , bearing date even to the revolution , and being exercised from the tune of the revolution downward , being confirmed by the practice of the best of times , not having been abused , —for the committee tell you so , —and not being exercised from personal feelings , or from political hostility , but for the public interest , I say it is quite another thing that the house should now declare that this power , so established and so exercised , should no longer exist , and that the General Post-office should be made a medium in future for the transmission of correspondence , whether foreign or domestic , of the most treasonable and dangerous character . Having given tlie subject
my best consideration , I have come to the conclusion that it is for tlie safety and advantage of this country that this power should be retained in the limited form I have described , though I do not set very great value upon it , nor lny very much stress upon it . Indeed , were this the first time it was about to be proposed , I do not think I should be anxious to support it . But , looking at all the circumstances of the case , particularly with regard to aliens and their foreign correspondence , I must repeat that I cannot , consistently with my sense of duty , support the motion of tlie lion , gentleman . I entirely agree with the hon . member that any bill merely to amend the law would be illusory , aud that if any enactment on the subject is to be made , themost intelligibleaiicl direct mode of proceeding is by way of a bill to repeal entirely the power at present vested in the Government ; but it is with reluctance that I am bound to say , on the part of tlie Government , that I cannot give my assent to the motion of the lion , member for Finsbury . ( Hear , hear . )
Lord J . Russem .. —I agree in the observation of the right hon . gentleman , that nothing could have been more fairly stated than this case has been by the hon . memberfor Fiusbury . He has brought it forward as a constitutional question . lie has stated the arguments which may be fairly urged for the abrogation of the power at present possessed by the Government for the opening of letters , and has called upon the house to consider whether a legislative enactment for its abrogation may not be passed . I find myself in the situation of neither agreeing entirely with my hon . friend tlie member for Finsbury , nor with the right hon . gentleman who has last spoken . I think that there is great force in one observation made by my hon . friend , to the effect that the exercise of this power haviug been , much questioned , and discussed botii among the public and in this house , is no longer of the same
utility as in former times ; and that there now is a sort of notice given to all persons , who may be supposed desirous of using- the Post-office as a vehicle for the carrying on of treasonable and seditious correspondence , not in future to attempt to make use of that department for such a purpose . ( Hear , hear . ) In the course of the discussions which have taken place on this subject it lias been urged that this power ought in future to be used with more formality and precaution , for the sake of the liberty of the subjectj than have hitherto been shown in its exercise , and a noble friend of mine , Lord Itadnor , who has adverted to this subject in the House of Lords , is prepared to propose—I do not know whether hu has done so yetthat in all cases of opening letters there should bo information on until , on iriiicli the warrant should issue . I understand , also , that it is the opinion of a person of
high authority , Lord Demnan , that there should be this control laid on the issue of warrants lor the opening of letters ; aud considering the discussions which have taken place , and hoiv desirable itis that all powers of this nature should be brought as much as possible into a legal and definite form , I think that this restriction should be placed on the opening of letters . ( Hear , hear . ) But my hon . friend ( Mi . Buncombe ) seems to go beyond this . He considers that letters in the Post-office should have a peculiar inviolability , and that persons carrying on treasonable and seditious correspondence should have < 1 security given them by the bill which he proposes to bring in , ' I cannot , therefore , vote with him for the introduction of that bill ; but if a bill come down from the other house , or should be introduced in tins house , such as proposed by Lord Radnor , I am prepared to give my vote in its
favour . ( Hear , hear . ) Such a bill would have one effect , which I , differing from the right hon . gentleman opposite , think , would be beneficial , I take it , tliat if a restriction , of the land I Iiavo referred to were imposed , there would then be no danger , if auy representations were made by the Minister of a foreign power that letters should be opened for the purpose of preventing insurrection in a foreign state , that the power of opening those letters would be exercised . I look upon the openiug of letters for such a purpose as an unjustifiable use of the power of the Crown . ( Hoar-, hear . ) I have now expressed shortly my view with respect to this power ; and 1 cannot give my vote in favour of the proposed bill of my lion , friend ; but I shall be ready to impose on the use of this power such a restriction as I have already stilted , and such as , I understand , lias the authority of Lord Denman in its tavouv . ( Hear , heuv . )
Mr . Wakbubton thought that Mr . Dunconibe had brought forward the only motion which it was expedient to make on this question . Even if you eould show Hint the Crown had in early times possessed this power of opening letters—a proposition which lie utterly deniedit was a power that ought not to exist at the present moment . He maintained that neither by common law nor by statute law had Ministers any power to open letters in the Post-office . Lord Howick said , he could not give his vote in favour of the motion of his hon . friend the member for Pinsbvivy ivithout stating in a few words why lie did so . ne thought his hon . friend had made rather a larger concession to the right hon . bavonet opposite than was altogether discreet . His hon . friend had at once admitted that
the power of opening- letters could not Usefully exist at afl , unless it was allowed to exist in its present state , and under the existing regulations . With this he ( Lord Howick ) did not agree ; he believed the power might usefully exist , provided the system of exercising it secretly were abolished . ( Ilenr , beav . ) He believed if they did not resort to tlie practice of resealing the letters and defacing the postmarks —( hear , hear)—if it were known in what cases letters had been opened , and in what cases they hmlnot , the power might be safely and usefully exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) If hishon . friend should carry his motion , it would be perfectly competent to any hon . member , in the discussion on the bill , to move the insertion of a clause saving- tlie exercise of the power under this restriction . ( Hear , hear . ) He should be prepared to vote for a clause of that kind upon this simple ground
—that although under the system of doing it openly they would not obtain the advantage of spying into men ' s secret actions , yet they would secure the advantage of preventing the Post-office being safely used for carrying on treasonable correspondence . No man would be able then to carry on such a correspondence without running the risk of having a warrant issued , liis correspondence seized , and his letters brought in evidence against him . If the power were exercised openly , no man would venture to abuse it . ( Hear , hear . ) On the other baud , if they said the power must be continued as it was or not at all , he was perfectly prepared to say they ought not to have it at all . ( Clfcers . ) He was prepared to say that the danger from the abuse of that power was greater than the advantage that might result from the use of it . He -would say more than this
tlie system of forging the seals of letters , and defacing the postmarks , was what the hon . member for Shrewsbury ( Mr . D'Israeli ) jiad cnileu" an " organised hypocrisy . " ( Cheers . ) It was a practical falsehood carried on , under the authority of the Government , and he objected to it as demoralising , and discrediting the Government . He held tlm opinion expressed by the noble lord the member for Dorsetshire ( Lord Ashley ) in the discussion on the Factory 13 ill last year , — " What is morally wrong cannot be politically right . " He was of the same opinion ; it was " morally wrong , " aud could not be defended on any ground of morality , to deface their own post-marks meant to show the day and hour a letter was posted , so as to
conceal the detention of that letter , and prevent tho party to whom it was addressed suspecting it had been detained . He contended that was an acted falsehood ; it was morally wrong , and could not be politically right . " He would not for a temporary advantage give a sanction to fraud or perjury , If driven , therefore , to cboose between the exercise of the power as it then stood , or parting with it altogether , he would altogether dispense with it . ( llesiv , hew . ) He believed it was the practice of some states to exercise the power openly . Let them follow the example ; let them go no further in adopting measures of -fraud and perjury , which to a despotic Government might seem right . He should support the motion .
Mr . Hume thought the country was indebted to the lion , memberfor Finsbury for the courage and tact he had displayed throughout the discussions of this question . The question ought to be , had they any proof that the practice was of ad vantage at all ? Had it been productive of any public good ? ile liuew of none ; he bad heard of none . The right hon . baronet had not alleged that any had been produce } . Theu why should tiny aaatiaue the power He . den !?* tbaife itosririei wmkjUi 1 Lilt
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the prerogative of the Crown ; would the prerogative fine Uiin £ S for sending a letter by a private hand ? The whole of the Post-ofBce was established by Acts of Parliament , and by Act of Parliament it ought to be regulated . The agitation of this subject had damaged the right hon baronet both in his public and private character ( loud cries of " Oh ! eh ! " from the Ministerial benches ); those hon . gentlemen might not think so ; but he ( Mr . Hume ) thought otherwise , and a large portion of the people of England thought with him . Mr . T . Ddncomjib replied . He was sorry to hear the determination of the right hon . baronet . He was convinced tlie country would not be satisfied with that decision - it would not be satisfied with the retention of this
power by the Government . The noble lord the member for the city of London had said he ( Mr . Duncombe ) appeavadto think letters passing through the Post-office ought to have some peculiar privilege over all others . He had never said anything of the sort ; what he stated was this—that if they took away this power the Government had assumed , but which he denied it possessed , then letters passing through the Post-ottice would stand exactly in the same position as papers in the writing-desk of any individual , liable to be examined under a search warrant issued on oath . If they wore apprised that a treasonable correspondence was passing through the Post-office , they would still have the power of seizing it . One member of the committee ( Mr . Wsirburton ) had spoken that evening ; no oflier member of it had condescended to
"ivean opinion on the question ; he had a right to assume , therefore , that his hon . fricndliad expressed tho opinion ol that committe . ( Hear , hear , andalnugh . ) No other member of it had come forward . He saw the noble lord tho chairman of that committee ( Lord Sandon ) opposite ; had lie given any reason for the continuance of the power ? The noble lord had not ; he ( Mr . Duncombe ) might be accused of a " prurient curiosity" in submitting such a question to him , but he would ask him whether he thought such a power ought to be continued ? It was impossible this question could stop here ; a high authority had stated that this power was not . a legal one ; and when the petitions of these foreigners were presented to the house the right hon . baronet had said , if the parties were aggrieved , let them indict those of whose conduct they complained . These individuals were poor , and had not
the power of seeking legal redress ; but if there lvas law or justice to be had , lie ( Mr . Duncombe ) would test this power ; he would prove that his letters bad been detained and opened , and he would try whether it had been done by law or not . If Loi'd Senmau and Lord Campbell said this was not a legal power , and if the Government required a bill of indemnity for what it had done , he did say the right hon . baronet was not justified in telling the house he had acted in strict accordance with the law . The law officer of the Crown was present ; lie should like to hear his version of the law on the subject . If possible he ( Mr . Duncombe ) would take him into the Court of Queen ' s Bench ; he should there defend this law , and then
the extent of it would be tried . JUhe right lion , gentleman said last year , let these individuals indict those who had detained their letters , and then the warrant would be produced . He would now see whether it would be produced Ol' not , when the case was carried into u court of justice . He had hoped that the house would have entertained the question , and that there would not have been that anxiety to stifle this discussion he had observed during the speech of the lion , member for Kendal . Hon . gentlemen evidently had more consideration for their dinners ( laughter ) than for the reasonable wish and desire of the majority of the people of this country that this odious and iniquitous power should be extinguished .
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw , and the house divided . The numbers were—For Mr , Duucomoe's motion T 8 Against it 1 C 1 Majority against the motion —S 3 INTERMENT IN CITIES AND LAKGE TOWNS , Mr . Mackinmow , previously to bringiog forward liis motion on the practice of interment within large towns , presented a petitisn from the labouring classes in Manchester , stating that they worked hard , lived hard , and died hard , and that they thought It doubly hard that after death their families should be put to enormous expense for their interment , aud that after their interment their remains should be desecrated . Three years ago , when he first brought forward this subject in Parliament , be had
been met with jeers and laughter , and a statement that his notions were quite absurd . There had been a great change of opinion since that time ; and a strong feeling now pervaded the country that there was a paramount necessity for making some alteration in our laws with respect to interment . , Our present practice ought to be altered , and , with the view of abating an existing nuisance , he should propose a resolution , that tlie practice of intevments within tbu precincts of densely populated districts was injurious to the health of the inhabitants , was oft ' unsive to public decency , was contrary to the social and religious feelings of the people , and that some legislative enactment , having due regard to vested rights , ought to be framed to put a stop to it . He might be asked why he did not himsell bring in a bill for that object . To that he would reply that a private individual could not bring
in such a bill with any chance of ultimate success . He would , however , move his resolution , and , if it were carried , would bring in a bill to give it eftect , thus acting as a pioneer for Sir J . Graham . He then referred to the foot that three commissions had been appointed by-tho G overnmont , aud that one committee had been appointed by the House of Commons to inquire into this subject , and read extracts from the different reports which they had presented , for the purpose of showing that they had all been of opinion that the practice of interment within the walls of large towns was most injurious to the health of the public . He read a letter which he had received from Mr . Brace , Of Sui'rey-stveet , Stvand , containing some startling particulars as to the abominations of Bnon Chapel , and told the house that if it were of opinion that such a
plaguespot should continue in the centre of the metropolis , it would be difficult for it to justify its conduct . There was no other civilised nation in the world in which this pvactice of interment within the precincts of large towns continued to exist ; and he thought it a most disgraceful circumstance that we should persist in a practice so abhorrent to human nature as to bury the dead in the midst of the living . He concluded by moving a resolution to the eftect that it was inexpedient and injurious to the health of densely populated districts , and contrary to public decency , to continue the practice of interment in their precincts . Should lie succeed in his resolution , he would bring forward a bill upon the subject , which bill he would be prepared at any moment to resign to the care of lier Majesty's Government if they would undertake it .
Sir J . Grmuk was impelled by a sense of public duty to resist this resolution . He was aware how closely the subject was connected with the feelings of the humblest ClaSSOS Of the community , and therefore it was that he paused before lie legislated on it . The example of foreign countries on this point was inapplicable to our own ; tor there various artificial means to facilitate the decomposition of dead bodies were employed , which would not be permitted here . Itwas a difficult thing to say that a man should not be buried where his relations were buried before him ; and any legislative measure which should be
founded on sucli au iatevdiv . t would interfere with warm feelings wliich ought not to be hastily violated . He looked upon it as a gross exaggeration to say that our pvactice of interment in our large towns was abhorrent to human nature and made foreigners view us as savages and barbarians . He Knew that the practice was said to be incompatible with the public health ; but he could scarcely believe the assertion to be well founded , when he reflected that there was no other metropolis in the world in which the state of the public health was so satisfactory as it was iu London . He demurred to the assertion that
health was endangered by residence near a churchyard , and told the house that the Bishop of London had resided for some years in Bishopsgate-uhurchyard , and had informed him that he and his large family had never enjoyed better health than they did during their residence in that spot . He considered the abstract resolution of Mr . Mackinnon to be an impediment to all legislation on this subject . Mr . Mackinnon had told the house that he had a bill prepared to carry out his resolution . Now , he pressed on that gentleman the propriety of withdrawing his resolution , and bringing forward Ms hill . When tho remedial ouaotmsnt was doubtful , was it prudent to assert that our practice of interment was inconsistent with the public health , was contrary to public decency , and was opposed to the social and religious feeling of the country ? Mr . Mackinnon had com .
plained of the indecent proceedings in Spafields . He had ordered a prosecution to be commenced against the parties concerned in them ; and if the facts were proved he had no doubt that tho law would be able to grapple both with the offence and with tho offenders . So , too , in the case of Enon Chapel , which appeared a uery fit ease for further inquiry . lie was afraid that if the house pro . ceeded to put a stop to these proceedings , imi also to the practice of intovmurnl interment by any very stringent enactment , public feeling would be strongly excited against it . He did not assert that this subject might not hereafter come under the purview of the Council of Health ; but lie liacl carefully abstained from placing it under their jurisdiction in the first instance , lest prejudice should be created against the council by its having such a duty assigned to it . He spoke in terms of warm approbation of Mr , Chad wick's report ; but the proposition
of that gentleman bad convinced him more than anything else of the difficulty of legislating on this matter . He believed that the adoption of the measures Yecowwnendeu \> y Mr . Chanwick—namel y , the abolition of all private interments , and the undertaking of all burials by the Government—would be generally repudiated by the country . He denied that the church was opposed to any alteration in ' the mode of our interments , and stated that the Bishop of London had turned his attention to the subject and intended , he believed , to introduce a measure upon it . But caution must be observed in adopting it . K be had matured a measure on the subject , l \ e wovud have introduced it to Parliament ; but he had not , and until he had done so , it was his duty to attend to the measures introduced by others . Having given his attention to this resolution , he thought it very inexpedient , and if it were pressed should meet it with a uecifleu negative .
Mr . Bjssnah said , that the practice of interment in populous districts was condemned by experience and science . Cemeteries were , no doubt , on the increase , but the poor would be but little benentted by them , for they were by necessity , compelled to resort to cheaper burial places , from which all the mischief complained of emanated . Dr . Bowwkc said that Spain , Germany , France , and all the eo tutrics of the east , had removed their places of i . iternent to a distance from their large towns , and " '« ' - le * the house to follow their example
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Lord Mahon sau \ , no question was move essential to the health of large towns than that wliich Mr . Mackinnon had that evening laid before the house . The Government was preparing measures for the better ventilation and draining of large towns ; but those measures were but trifles in comparison with that referred to by Mr . Mackinnon . Of what avail would any measures for the better ventilation of a large town be if the air passed through the miasma of crowded churchyards ? And of what avail would any measure for its better drainage be if the water which flowed through the streets were tainted with the drippings and distillations from buvicu corpses 1 He could not , however , concur in the terms in which this resolution was expressed . He would , however , vote in favour of any resolution which should declare that interment within the walls of large towns was injurious to the health of their inhabitants .
Lord Ebbington hoped that Mr . Mackinnon would alter his resolution in the manner suggested by Lord Mahon , in order to conciliate to it the greatest amount of support . He read several extracts from Mr . Chadwiek ' s report , for the purpose of showing that Sir James Graham had underrated the danger to health from the miasma of churchyards in the sentre of largo towns . Mr . Ha wes agreed with Sir James Graham , and pointed out the difficulty of legislating upon this subject . Mr . Bohthwick also suggested to Mr . Mackinnon the propriety of modifying liis resolution . The Earl of Lincoln took the same view of the question as had been taken by Sir James Graham , and expressed a hope that Mr . Mackinnon would withdraw his motion , and move , hereafter , for leave to bring in a bill , Which WOUld receive the serious attention of the
Government . Mr . T . Doncombe said , that having consulted with his hon . friend Mr . Mackinnon , he would move as an amendment upon his resolution the following resolution : — " That the practice of interment in the precincts of the metropolis and of large towns was injurious to the health of the population , and demanded the serious attention of Parliament . " He thought that the great difficulty in this question would proceed from the clergy , and not from the laity . Mr . Mackinnox concurred in the amendment of Mr . Duncombe . Sir K . I . WM 5 thought it quite feasible for parishes in London to unite in buying burial-places beyond the suburbs , and making such arrangements as would afford due protection to vested interests . Sir G . Gbet said that no bill could be introduced upon the subject with any chance of success , unless it was introduced by some member of the Government .
SirJ . Gkaham again deprecated the policy of proceeding by resolution on this subject , and contended that even if the amendment now proposed were earned , it would excite false expectations in the country . He showed that the remedies wliich had been proposed for the present system , and which were founded on the practice of foreign countries , were most of them inapplicable to the present state of society in this country . He thought that it would not be impossible to get over the difficulties of the clergy on the subject ; but it perhaps would not be so easy to overcome the objections of the Dissenting clergymen , who had burial-grounds attached to their chapels , and who derived from them a benefit which they shared in common with the rest of their congregation . He would gladly aid any member who would bring forward a bill upon this subject ; but he had stated to the house the difficulties which environed any legislation upon it , aud he confessed that he did not know how to remove them .
Mr . Mackinnos then withdrew his resolution , whereupon Mr . Duncombe's amendment became the original question . The house then divided , when there appeared . — For Mr . Duncombe ' s motion G 6 Against it 49 Majority in favour of it —17 The announcement of the result was received with loud cheers by the house . AGBICULTURAI . STATISTICS . Mr . M . Ctibson moved a resolution as to the necessity of adopting some means of obtaining agricultural statistics . Last year he had made a similar motion , and the object of it was approved by the Government . His object in renewing his motion was only to ascertain what hud since been done in accordance with the pledge given by Ministers to take the subject iuto consideration .
Sir G . Clabke explained all that had been done , and said ho had no objection to lay before the house all the information they had as yet been enabled to acquire upon the subject . Some discussion ensued as to the practicability of obtaining the requisite statistics , the Government being most anxious to get them if possible ; after which , Mr . Gibson asked if Sir 11 . 1 'eel would object to a committee of inquiry , in order to see if tVie difficulties in the way of acquiring information might not be overcome . Sir It . Peel said , he was most anxious that this information might be obtained , and if the executive Government were unable to devise a plan likely to effect the object , he would not have the slightest objection to tlie appointment of a committee . Mr . Gibson then withdrew his motion . The remaininp ! business was then disposed of , and the house adjourned .
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PROGRESS OF CHAIITISM IN COHNTVALL . TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear Sir , —It will , no doubt , be within the recollection of many of your readers that we commenced our local warfare , under the able directions of Mr . C . Doyle , last November . At that time we secured the election of a truly honest Democrat , Mr . J . B . Head , in the council , whose exertions through life have been unceasing' in the cause of suffering humanity . lVc were not mistaken in our choice ; 'his conduct has created such an amount of confidence , that the people are determined to have the management of their own aftairs . On the 1 st inst . we elected four assessors and two auditors of our own choice ; in tliis instance , the ruling few let us do as we pleased .
On the 25 th every Jack in office was a ) his post ; yes , and some of the workics > to tlicir shame lie it spoken , were there to assist in the dirty work of crushing public opinion . Wagers were willingly offered , ten to one , that we should be beaten ; every means that conld bo used were , to divide the people , but all vanished as air before the united intelligence of the mass ; wliich is a convincing proof that if the people are determined to be free , they will be so . Triumph we did ; and I am satisfied that a more glorious aud unsullied triumph has never been achieved iu any borough in the kingdom . Though the league against us was apparently all-powerful , they gained not an inch—we earned all ouv own way , thanks to t \\ e goodly band of sturdy Democrats , who , " come weal , come woe , " are resolved to crush tyranny , and dissipate corruption , wherever it
exists . We have elected thirteen men for the Board of Highways , amongst whom are Mr . John N . R . Millet , Solicitor , whose \ inflinching opposition to local tyranny is woll known , and whose conduct during this contest entitles him to the thanks of every one of Labour ' s sons in this borough ; Mr . J . B . Head , the people ' s own , whose truly able and efficient appeals animated us , and struck terror and dismay into the ranks of oui 1 opp&n 6 nts ; Mr . Charles Reynolds , sen ., Cordwainer , the father of Chartism in this locality , whose hatred of tyranny , love of justice , and consistent walk through life will not be questioned even by his veriest enemies ; Mr . Solomon Ezekiel , a Jew , an honest Democrat , and a very intelligent one too ; Mr . William Pengelly , Grocer , who has for years been found uniting with the people of this town , when any act
of oppression was about to be perpetrated , and at one time made a very great sacrifice in defending their in . terests . The remaining eight are men well tried , namely , Messrs . Martin , Bramble , and William Trenwith , Cordwainers ; John Paul , Currier ; Joseph Wallis , sen ., and Thomaa Edmonds , Carpenters ; "William Dounithome , Butcher ; Richard Kempe , Farmer ; and Edward Harvey , Architect ; tho last named is a member of the Town Council , and I should be wanting in my duty if I did not say that he richly merits the thanks of every working man for liis noble and patriotic conduct . Our local struggles have rallied around our darling flag ( Charter ) men , who otherwise would not have examined our beloved principles ; and it has caused hundreds to look on us , as a political body , in a far different light to what they formerly
did . With regard to the overseers of the poor , the 25 th of March is passed , but no notice of vestry meeting has yut appeared ; what the magistrates' intentions are I know not , but if we get fair play we are ready for action . It is painful to record that the aristocrats , through a dastardly employer , have victimised one ol * our most worthy members , W . J . GuscoW , Statuary , formerly our sub-secrctiivy , by discharging him ; but he , noble fellow , though a fond and lovely wife ivitli four lovely children arc solely dependent on him , braves all , rather than give up one iota of
his principles as a . Chartist . O « r lads are determined to do all they can to lighten his sufferings ; he goes on tram p next Thursday . Were I to close this report without returning thanks to the brave fellows who aided in bearding the tyrauts iu their dens on Tuesday , I should charge myself with ingratitude indeed ; and to none more than the truly independent Cordivainers of this towu , who can with propriety be termed the " bravest of the brave " amongst Labour ' s sons . Tlieiv tswmple is worthy of imitation by every town in the kingdom . They are not onlv foremost in the fight for local rights , but they lead other trades in union for promoting their trade aftairs .
If Mr . O'Connor will but redeem his long promised pledge , lie shall have such " a rally around him" as will not be inferior in spirit , though it may in number , to the best he has ever had in the kingdom . Yowvs tvwly , \ i \ tlw wnsc of Chartism , P . J . O'Brien , Sub-Treasurer . Penzance , 27 th March , 1845 . [ Withheld last week through want of room . —Ed . N . S , )
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Depihtuh g op the Caledonia faom Liverpool . — The steam-ship Caledonia , Captain Lott , sailed at eight o ' clock on Saturday evening , for Halifax and Boston , taking out her full complement of passengers , not less than C 0 ) 000 newspapers , and an equal number of letters , and a beaver of despatches from Government to Mr . Pakenhani , Minister at Washington , conveying the declaration of the Gove rnment vespc ! i : \ . ' . ' . ig tho Oregon , fov which purpose her detention from Friday to Saturday was , ho doubt , ordered by the Admiralty . She was teli- . :- ? . plied off Holyhead at half-past fivo o ' clnok on £ > . i-. ulay morning .
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GREAT MEETING OF THE METROPOLITAN BOOT AND SHOEMAKERS .
A public meeting of the trade , convened by the Conference , for the purpose ofcreating a good feeling and cementing the bonds of union in all branches of the cvaft , was held in the Hall of the Partlienium Club , 72 , St . Martin's-lane , on Sunday evening April 6 tb . ' Mr . Hyde , chairman of the Conference , was unani . mouslv called on to preside . The chairman said he believed that the object of their assembling to-ni « bt was io promote a better union of the trade than llad hitherto existed . The state of the trade , as ) , )( 1 J ) C known by the delegates , was of a truly alarnUnc description , and clearly proved the necessity of a better feeling and a more compact union . (}] . hear . } In conclusion , the chamnan called Hie attpn tion of the meeting to the following paragraph fi the Northern Star : — l lom
Tims armed with popular confidence and t ]) e j . . > toleration , we call upon the Trades of England to arouse from their long and enervating slumber to shake F their destructive apathy—to rid themselves of thei ^ n ,. ^ . toeratic pretensions—to doff the garb of slavery \ V ] ' . t ' they have so long and so willingly worn , and to put on \ armour of self-defence . They may rest assured t i . 1 ° united , they are omnipotent—that their Presiden t u '' ii stmul by them to the last—that their legal adviser " 'I ] keep them clear of the meshes and trammels of tlie !• that their organ , which we have the honour to coi »\ u T will honestly , faithfully , aud zealously repvestrm tln . _ t that their enemies will dread them—tlielr iiienUs resncl them—and the world admire them , iriieu they sissnmo the position of freemen , ; iu < l manifest the dctcrinjiVut * " to be no longer slaves . ( Loud cheers . ) ' On Mv . Pittam ( City Men ' s-men ) moved the first veto lution : —
That it is the opinion of this meeting , tluvt the o \» iQt of all associations is protection , and that protection cannot be procured without an extensive union , combi nim * all branches of the manufacturers of boots and slugs ' This meeting , therefore , pledges ilsc-lf to use every exci- ' tion in its power to consolidate the Trade into one united oody . It appeared to him that the time had arrived when they ; should effectuall y unite and organise for the pro tection of their labour . It misjht be said the previous unions had boon failures ; well then , it was necessary that steps be taken to form a bcttci-, and let past failures act as a light and a beacon to guide them in their future operations . ( Cheers . ) The reason of those failures was , that they had been pulling and fighting against each othov . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) On a Jatc occasion several thousand members joined tlie union in . 1 few hours , and lie could only attribute the comparative failure of that association to the placing too imich power iu the hands of tln >
Executive as regarded strikes . ( Hear , hear . ) Jle contended that a consolidated union was tlie onlv effective means of putting an end to the presviit baneful state of things . ( Cheers . ) In attending public meetings , he had frequently heard it stated that the Land was the one thing wanted . He perfectly agreed with that . ( Cheers . ) But with those men who said Trades Unions had done no good he could not agree , ( Hear , hear . ) lie was fully " prepared to iro on the Land . Some parties advocated Labour depots ; he thought the shops in this great metropolis showed a superabundance of manufactured goods already . ( Hear , hear . ) He , therefore , much preferred the establishment of a fund for the obtainment of the Land . ( Cheers . ) Other investments might fail , but the parties entrusted could not run away with tlie land . ( Hear , hear . ) If strikes were to take place for the future , let them not be sectional , but national , for the benefit of all , and receiving the support ; of all . ( Load cheers . )
Mr . Jounsox ( Strong Men ' s-men ) , 111 seconding the resolution , said he believed that nearly everything had been tried to benefit their trade , but all had failed . ^ However , a Conference was sitting , in which the principle of union was personated in the delegates front all parts of the kingdom , and he expected great benefit would result from their meeting , lie regretted exceedingly -when he looked back on the immense amount of money wliich had been spent in strikes , and reflected on the great quantity of land that money would have purchased for the advantage of their members . Like his friend Pittam he was much disposed to go on the Land . ( Loud cheers . ) He cordially seconded the resolution . Mr . G . Smyth ( City Men ' s-men ) , thought it was but a very small minority indeed that would be found to disagree with the Land question . ( Cheers . ) But
he thought the best means to be taken in effecting this great desideratum was , lirst to obtain a thorough union of their whole body —( hear , hoar)—ami that once effected , the Land question would be carried swecpingly . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . James ( City Men ' s-men ) was glad to meet such a large assemblage of his shopmates . Sufficient time had now elapsed since the Birmingham Conference , to allow them to judge of the working of the rules of the Mutual Association , and to remedy any defects that might be found therein . London was generally looked up to , and unless the Men ' s-men of London took part in the movement , that movement would fail , lie therefore thought it was necessary they should have a General Union —( cheers )—• and he hoped they would all unite hand iu hand , until they obtained a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work . ( Cheers . )
Mr . Malcolm , Southampton , next addressed the meeting ' . Mr . JerimiY said , he thought the subject under discussion was settled by their meeting of last Sunday , and by tkc appointment of delegates from the several sections of thoiv trade to the Conference ; he would , therefore , much like to hear the sentiments of the delegates on the ultimate objects to be obtained by their union . Mr ; ILvxley , West-end Men ' s-men , said , tkc resolution now before the meeting was highly important . When lie was elected he had no speciiic instructions , and hence the necessity of holding this meeting to elicit thoii opinions . ( Cheers , )
> rir . tiwx . v , Bradford , thought the only means of effecting a union was to exhibit union amongst themselves , by causing an immediate amalgamation of the Mutual Assistance Association and the Philanthropic Society of United Boot and Shoemakers . ( Chccvs . ) Mr . Skelton , TVomanVman , next addressed the meeting , and the resolution was carried unanimously . Mi \ IIanlei- said he perfectly agreed with the resolution he held in his hand—That it is the opinion of this meeting that the difference between a portion of the members of our trade as to its organisation , is calculated to destroy that harmony and good feeling which should exist among ail classes of operatives , and which is essential in a union whose object is the protection of Labour . " Mr . J . M'Giin , Birmingham , seconded the resolution .
Mr . M'Caktiiy thought the calling 01 this meeting reflected great credit on the Conference , and that it was well calculated to create a union . He was well aware that great grievances existed , and that a remedy should be found ; and he was aiso sure that , for any union to be complete , itmust embrace London , ( Cheers . ) Mr . WYKEiuy , "West-end Mon ' s-men , most cordially supported the views put forward by his friend Skelton ; he was sure the West-end Men ' a-men were in favour of an extended union . ( Cheers . ) The resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . M'Leas , Preston , then moved the third
resolution—That to unite our Irish brethren , and induce them to to adopt our lairs ; uul to conform generally with the principles of Union , and erase for ever the prejudices and apathy now prevailing between shopmates residing in the sister kingdom , we invite our shopmates in every city and town in Ireland to establish , without delay , a general system of relief , without exception to eiass or locality . Mr . Quixx , Bradford , briefly seconded the motion . Mr . Smyth , Bradford , addressed the meeting very ably in its favour , and was followed on the same side by Messrs . Shutc and Grove , Devonport . The resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . Scott moved—That the thanks of this meeting are earnestly due , and are hereby given to the proprietor , editors , and reporter of the Northern Star , for their great and continuous exertions in Labour's cause . Mr . Siiutb seconded the motion , which was carried nnanimouslv .
A vote of thanks was given to the chairman by acclamation , and this important meeting separated . The Turn of Life . —Cure ExiiuonnmnY by Holloway's Pills . —A respectable woman , aged forty-seven , named Graham , residing in Scotlandroad , Liverpool , was in the most critical and dangerous state for nine months , being sometimes almost choked with phlegm , shortness of breath , palpitation of the heart , together with a genera ) devrangevnent and debility of the whole system . Her life w ; is in the greatest danger , when she commenced tho use of these miraculous pills , wliich restored her to the highest state of health in five weeks . They are the finest medicine in the world for females of all ages , and certainly at particular periods .
Representation of Greexock . — Mr . Eaine , late chief magistrate of Gwenock , has issued an address to the electors , as a candidate for the vacant seat ? . He professes himself a supporter of free-trade principles , Lobb Rosse ' s Telescope . —Marvellous rumours are afloat respecting the astronomical discoveries made by Lord Rosse ' s monster telescope . It is said that Regulus , instead of being a sphere , is ascertained to be a disc ; and stronger still , that the nebula ia the belt of Orian is a universal system—a sun , with planets moving round it , as the earth and her felloworbs move round our glorious luminary . —Literary Gazette . Op Sidxey Smith it may be truly said , " cj ' oii in his ashes lives his wonted fire , " for the posthumous pamphlet which is now in circulation decidedly proves the fact . A curious phenomenon is li ; ic evolved—thatofa silenced cawn firing a shot after being finally » nik « l . ~ - >? aiin ' st .
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THE . NORTHER N STAR , AfBIL 12 / j -
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 12, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1310/page/6/
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