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Co &taU*rs &.Corr£E$mfl)itit&.
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THE CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER.!
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THE LATE ACCIDENT ON THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
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tyranny of tha agents of , the detestable Louii Philippe : — ¦ : / : !' - ' )' .
flBWD ; 3 > SM 0 CHABC DBUOSflTAHONS W PiBIS . Jn France forernment team determined not to allow tajbody to Mare banquets , to giro toaits , or to sptak publielv their sentiment * , except SL Gaizot , and bis creatnrei . They may meet together , " and tha police themwives go about and invite the citiiens to come and bear * he eloquent speeches of Sdizot and Co . Here they proclaim that France wat never more happy and prosperoui 4 han at the present moment—that ' -entire liberty exists , ibat political factions and corruption are things forgotten . But the moment the political reformers , or the commaniiU , wish to hare their banquets , to give their touti , to make known their grievances , and to show that France £ « really neither free nor happj—thatgovernment
only maintains itself by corruption ; that moment the frefauittue proclamations , the soldiers are called out , the whole police ii on foot , and the citiiens who do not believe in Louis Philippe , and H . Guirot , are not allowed to dine together . At Mans , department d * la Surthe , five hunuredpolitietl reformer ! intended to hwdhad a publie dinner , on the 20 in of September , hat the moment the prefect was informed of their intention , lie issued a pro . « lamation forbidding the banquet , and declaring that if they persisted tie would employ la force arnee—brute -ione . - Soldiers w « re marched Into Hans , guns arrived , ¦ and the town had the appearance of being besieged by * ome terrible enemy . Asa for what -was all this fuss , for < he purpose of preventing five hundred reformers from peaceably tinting together . Strange liberty this !
However , government had it not all their own way for when ZaJfeforme heard of the straage doings of if . U Prefecldtla Sarthe , it proclaimed that banquets should take place on the 20 th ' of September , in all the twelve arrondiisements of Paris—and the reformers have kept their-word in spite of the government : ' About sixty banquet * took place in Paris , on the 90 th , at which more than three thousand citizens , of all ranks and classes -assisted . "• ' ¦ •¦ ; - - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ - - ¦
The greatest order reigned daring the proceedings , and tiie speeches and toasts ware enthusiastically cheered . We subjoin several of the toasts given in the different arrondissements t—1 . Bletonu reform . 8 . " Political probity . 3 . The sovereignty of the people . 4 . The resurrection of Poland . 5 . The union of all Democrats . 6 . The destruction of the Bastiles .
7 . The deliverance of Italy and Spun . ¦ S . Universal freedom . 9 . Education of the people . 10 . The Revolution of 1830 . 11 . The liberty of the press , etc . At the banquet of working men the following toasts were given , and most enthusiastically received . They = ahow u » that our brethren on the other side of the channel are not behind us . 1 .. To equality , the noble aim towards which we march ; tha noble aim of all our wishes—to equality , which shows in every man a brother ; learns as to love ihim , and teaches us that all have a right to the bounties which nature has given us . 3 . Thefraternity of nations , and the union of all democrats of the earth . 3 . The extinction of all superstitions .
4 . Political equality the m «» us , social equalitj ¦ a s end . At several places the police entered the rooms after the . banquet had been concluded , and commanded the - assemblages to disperse . The reformers obeyed , having previously accomplished the purpose of their re-unions . In no case , a 3 : regards Baris , did the police succeed in irealring np the . assemblages until the banquets were over , and the good work done .
. In the first arroBdissement , tha president of the Befonners made application to the proprietors of three Hotels ^ for the use of tbeir saloons , but in both casts ¦ was told that the proprietors regretted to be compelled to dose their doors , but they were forced to this by the police , who had that very morning warned them against -granting their salaons to the Reformers , threatening them with vengeance if they disobeyed this tyrannical mandate . Notwithstanding these repulses the banquet ms held , in this , as well as in the other arrondisie
ments . - Since the above itai written we have learned that ilw Befermers of Dole have been subjected to similar treatment to that-which the Reformers of Manns were subjected to . They bad assembled to bold a large ban-• quet when they were interrupted by the armed force . Th « y accordingly . dispersed , but immediately re-assem . bled in different groups , and field a number of small 3 > s&ouets > irtuch passefl off with the greatest enthusiasm . Tive proceedings were similar to those describee ! abova . We are glad that the French -Democrats iave
Uught their goTernmaat such a lesson . The ; hare ¦ shown that the spirit ' which animated their fathers 13 not dead , and we are convinced that in spite of all Bastilles and all Marshal Bogeauds to command them , thej will rise once more and assert and maintain their rights , —the rights of man . —In the MJonmttes and Communists is the strength of Prance and the Lope for a better future , they mil . free her from corruption , they will regenerate her ; ¦ let them , therefore , unite ; let all the Democrats in Prance unite , and they will form a party great -aud strong enough to conquer .
We fully and entirely agree with the sentiments given at the banquets in Paris , and we recognise every Frenchman , who struggles for political and social liberty as our brother . We , therefore , would advise the Reformists , and especially the editors of La Reform , to lay aside their prejudices against England—the Communists hare already done sonot to cry out against ' ^ perfidious Albion / when they believe the English government has insulted France , bat always to make a distinction between the people and the government , and to look also upon those Englishmen , who in their country straggle for poli tical and social freedom , as their friends and brothers . Let the governments of the two countries
quarrel about an obsonre island in the Pacific Ocean , or about the marriage of a Spanish princess , we will not espouse their quarrels ; our principles are the same , we want to extinguish national hatred , we want thefraternity of nations . Let the friends of freedom in both countries bear always in their minds and follow the glorious words pronounced by the leader of the English Chartists , Mr . Feargus O'Connor , at the banquet of the Fraternal Democrats ;— "I have never sought to limit the straggle for liberty td country , creed or colour , for I hare invariably declared that I cared not where the country , what the colour , or which , the creed of the patriot was—that if he loved liberty and straggled for it , I would call him brother , and take him by the hand . "
The progress of the Spanish Marriage question will be foundreportedinonrTthpage . It will be seen that in spite of the " protests" delivered by the Marquis of Normanby and Mr . Bulwer , to the French and -Spanish governments , the Duke de Montpensier has left Paris for Spain on Monday last , and that every preparation was being made at Madrid for the doable * wedding , which is to take place on the 10 th instant . Rumours of Insurrections in Spain , commenced or about to commence , continue to obtain publicity in -the French metropolis , but as yet the threatened explosion has not taken place . We are glad of this , because if Spaniards must shed their blood for progress , we would at least not have them bleed in such a quarrelasthe present . Both the views of the French and the fears of the English government as regards Montpensier being seated on the throne of Spain will
be proved to be futile . Should the marriage take place , and should that event be turned to the account Louis-Philippe desires , he will find the establishment of French domination in Spain not attainable , either by force or fraud . The Spaniards are quite capable of protecting themselves , when once their national prejudices are roused . An army , French or English , might over-ran the country for a moment bat certain disgrace and destruction would be thc > issue of any attempt to imitate the example so foolishly set by Napoleon . "We da not yet despair of Spain . Paiafox and " The Maid ot Saragoasa , " lived too recently for us to doubt the national prowess of the Spanish race , would to Leaven that that prowess was more wisely directed than in siding with this or that prince or princess ; or knocking down one set of tyrants only to allow another , and as vile a set , to fill their places .
T&b " scarcity" is beginning to be severely felt in France , but in Flanders the state of things is truly awfuL Misery equal to tha worst now raging in Ireland is desolating a large ' portion of the Belgian kingdom . Anarcbial mendicity floods the land before which the " proprietors" flee asfrom a deluge . Themostappalling wretchednessevery wher prevails , and the "beggars" formedjntobands with chiefs at their head levy contributions , and grant or refuse protection to residents and travellers . In this frightful state of things Leopold I 3 taking his pleasure in Germany and the Tyrol , and the Belgian Parliament in imitation of a certain house of bad repute nearer home , ia separated for the " Sporting season !"
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In imitation of England the Americans are seizing npon California , and the Dutch are extending their conquests in the East Indies . In the Circassian fastnesses of freedom more vrorthy struggle ! —worthy at least , on one side—claim the attention of Europe . The Russians report more victories over the glorious Circassians , but for too or three reasons—including thh alll sufficient one , that the Bussian Gazettes always iiemost infamously —there is no difficulty in seeing that the gallant mountaineers have been again inflicting a deserved chastisement upon their barbarous invaders . Success to the Circassian heroes , may the Muscovite hordes still fall beneath their conquering steel !
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Anti-Miiitia Association . —All the late members who bave not received their qnota in accordance with a resolution pasted at the last meeting of the managers , previous to the appearance of this notice , are requested to apply t » Mr . B . Stallwood , 2 , Little Vale Place , Hammersmith Road , itating the amount paid , the time of payment , and to whom . All such applications will meet with immediate attention . Richabd Coopeb . —In future write your reports only on one side of the paper . ' Us . Coopeb . —( From a Conesptndenl at Bradford . )—In answer to Mr . O'Connor ' s inquiry , Mr . Cooper hat been sojourning in Bradford and vicinity the last few days . He has friends amongst the "higher classes , " may possibly pay bit debts , in return for the supposed
benefit they receive by tools of tbe Mill Lords denouncing the Land plaB , and resorting to the most barefaced falsehoods to prevent the over-worked and starved labourers becoming members . Hetwood . —Inconsequence of a paragraph appearing in the Star of Saturday last , calling a public meeting on the 20 th nit ., in Hartley-street Chartist Boom , and requesting Mr . W . Diion of Manchester , to come forward and prove or retract his charges against Mr . Win . Bell , made at the Middleton Camp Meeting , 1 am ' directed by the committee to inform you , that they had no know , ledge whatever of the said letter , and whoever wrote it , has had no authority even for the use of the room . Trusting you will give publicity to this ; and please to send " us the original manuscript , that we might , if possible , trace the handwriting of the impostor ,
I remain yours respectfully , in behalf ef the Heyweod Chartist Committee , Thomas AV&iqlex , Secretary . The Executive Committee having , opened the room , 83 , Dean-strest , as an Assembly and ReadiDg-reoms , request their friends throughout the country to furnish them with any newspapers they may have at their disposal ; we request out Scotch friends to attend to the above . Tom Pen . —No room this week . A Yovya Chartist , Linlitbgow . —Shall be attended to . C . Doyle . —Mr . H . trill write . A . M . Kilbabchin . —We are sorry to be compelled to postpone jour communication til ] next week . F . O'HiGSiss , Eiq . —Press of matter compels the post , ponement of your communication till next week .
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The inquest on the bodies of Paul . Broome Sargeant , and James Bonner , the two persons killed by this accident terminated on Thursday . Some of the jurystrongly * animadverted tin the fact of the brr cketn which connect the carriage with tho springs haying been , in the . luggage van , made of cast iron . These brackets , as well as the springs themselves , were snapped across by the force of the collision . The carriage in which the deceased men lost their lives was also inspected . Three of the compartments were completely demolished , and it appeared that Mr . Sargeant , who is supposed to have been standin * upright at the moment of the accident , was actually forced through the partition into the next compartment , where he \ vaa held in an erect poature , while his head , which " was completely severed from his body , was forced backward nearly to the extremity of the roof of the carriage .
Mr . Bushe , the engineer , accounted for the accident by supposing that the engine and tender got away from the train unobserved by the driver , and that presently after the train struck the tender when under the bridge . As the train would have a greater velocity than the engine , the effect of the concussion would be juat what has taken place . The common tendency in such cases is for one of the carriages to run under the other , and it is most likely that the luggage van ran under " the tender , and that its back pirt was thus raised over the passengen carriage uehindit .
The Coroner , in summing up , observed , that considering the great weight of the luggage vans , provided as they were with iron sides and wheels , he thought the foremost passenger carriage placed nest to one of them ought to have some additional proteetisn , and not be left trusting to the usual slight materials of these carriages alone . It was most probable , that if there had been a piece of iron , er some other protection between the passenger carriage and the luggage van on the present occasion , the melancholy results which had brqught . them together would not have oceurred . Verdict—Death by accident in both cases .
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GREAT METROPOLITAN MEETING FOR THE ADOPTION OF THE NATIONAL PETITION . On Monday evening , Sep . 23 th , a public meeting for the purpose of adopting the National Petition , praying the enactment of the People's Charter was held at the far-famed Crown and Anchor Tavern , Strand , and such was the public anxiety to be present on the occasion , that tho " Great Hall" of that Tavern was filled to overflowing long before the time announced for opening the meeting , and so densely was the mass wedged together that it was with the greatest difficulty the committee made their way to the platform .
On the motion of Mr . Clarke , Mr . Dennis Dwane was called to the chair , The Chairman said it was with feelings of pride and gratitude that he responded to the call made upon Mm , to fill that high post ef honour , the chair , at a great meeting like the present ; great not only from the numbers present , but from the intelligence , respectability , and influence sf those present , as well as for the holy object for which they had assembled , the sacred " rights of man . " ( Loud cheers . ) It was a disgrace to England to see so many of her sons pining in want and misery whilst the indolent nonproductive few revelled in luxuries . ( Loud cheers . ) When he saw a meeting like this , he was too proud to say in the words of the late Lord Grey , " 1 will
stand by my order "—( loud cheers)—and the working man who would not stand by his fellow working man for the obtainment of his just political and social . rights was a knave indeed . ( Hear , hear . ) He , as an Irishman , should feel himself degraded if he did not assist his English brother democrats in their manly struggle of " right against might . " ( Cheers . ) We don ' t call on the people to go to tho physical battle field , no , our field is the field of argument , and our weapon reason , edged with common sense , backed by politicaljustice , 'tis thus we would gain the political and agrarian " Rights of Man . " Great cheering . ) This chair , in days of yore , was occupied by the Burdett's , Hobhouse's , and men of that class , some of them have now gone to the realms of immortality to give an account of their stewardship to a higher power , whilst others are reaping the reward of their perfidy from the
perfiduous patronage of a Whig government . ( Hear , here . ) But this meeting was field to vindicate the glorious principles of liberty , formerly professed by those apostates —( loud cheers ) —thanks , eternal thanks , to the great Chartist body for the proud position they now hold . ( Immense applause . ) He was proud to find that Rome had at last obtained , a liberal and sensible Pope ( Pius the 9 th ) who had dispensed with the use of the army and was about to grant a constitution to the Italian States . ( Hear , hear- ) He too , had hope for his unfortunate country , and he was sincerely of opinion that nothing short of the "six points" of the People ' s Charter ought ever to satisfy the people . ( Loud cheers . ) At this moment , Mr . Feargus O'Connor entered tho meeting and was greeted with the most hearty plaudits of welcome which continued until he had reached the platform . „ . ,
The Chairman said , he would entreat a fair hearing for any and every one who might present themselves , and he would now call on the Secretary to read letters from several of the gentlemen who had been invited , they were as follows : ¦—Birmingham 9 th Month 22 , 1816 . Esteemed Friend , —I am obliged by thine of the 19 th ult ., with an invitation to attend a meeting ot the Crown and Anchor , Strand , on the evening of the 28 th instant . Though I am not likely to be in town at that time , my conviction that the claims of * e people to an equality of political rights are founded upon immutable justice remain as strong as ever , as well as my confidence ia their ultimate triumph , if none but Christian and peaceable means are resorted to for their attainment . Sincerely desiring that your meeting on the 23 th instant may essentially promote that great object . I am very sincerely and respectfully , JoserB Stdsoe .
Yewtree , near Liverpool . Sir , | It would have afforded me much sincere satisfaction to have given my testimony , at the public meeting , to be held on the 28 th carrent , at the Crown and Anchor Tavern , to the sacred and righteous cause of complete national suffrage ; but my other engagements will Hot admit of my being present with yeu on the occasion . Tours truly , Lawbence Hexwobth ,
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Hotel du Nord , Boulogne , Sept . 24 ; 1846 . : Colonel Thompson is under-the n . V ?» t decided conviction that the elective franchise will end . j being extended to the whole community , upon tbe gronriu ' . 'bat it . will be discovered to be just , and consequently prou ' ent , and he is unmoved in his belief , that the document whuihhag got the name of the People ' s Charter , as it is the latest , »<> »* is probably the best and completest exposition of the ( 6-quisites for tbe existence of popular freedom . But he has doubts whether the circumstance of this document having been made an instrument by the enemies of all popular righta , for resistance to the progress of common sense and justice in the matter of Free Trade , has not thrown so much of public odium about the name as to make it impolitic , and , in fact , a playing into the hands
of tne enemy , to insist on advancing under that particu . lar name and banner .. The case would have been the reverse , if the supporters of the Chartergenerally could have claimed a share in the victory just obtained . But tbe condition of human life is , that men and parties must take the consequence of their steps . He trusts that nothing in this will be construed into coldness to the popular cause . He is certainly in favour of everybody ' s taking the prime minister ' s advice to " register " and does net sea the smallest reason for concluding that , because a bad road has been taken oi . e day , a better will not be taken another .. If the meeting at the Crown and Anchor , ob the 28 th of September , ends in the collection of funds for the purpose of registration , he will be glad to be set down for a donation of Five Founds .
Centre Yale , Todmorden , Sept . 27 , 1846 . Sir , —I am obliged by the invitation to attend the meeting at the Crown and Anchor to-morrow evening , but the present state of my health requires that I should avoid excitement and crowded public meetings . The petition however shall have my support . I am . Sir , yours truly , John Fieiden . » Brighton , Sept . 24 , 1846 . De * r Sir , —Your kind invitation lias been forwarded to me at Brighton , where I am staying for the benefit of
my health ; having been suffering very severely for some time past from ihdiiposition , and which I ' regret to say , will prevent me having the honour of attending the meeting at the Crown and Anchor on Monday next . I have also to thank you for a copy of the resolutions intended to-be submitted to the meeting , I need not tell you , that I fully concur ia the sentiments they express , and wishing you every success , in your . meritorious en * deavouri to emancipate and protect labour , I have , the honour , to remain , yours very faithfully , Thos . S . Ddncsmbb .
Mr . Philip M'Gsath then rose amidst great applause to move the first resolution as follows : — lft . Reiolved , That it is the solemn conviction of this meeting that the elective franchise is the natural inherit , ance of man without distinction of class or pecuniary circumstances , and consequently that no man or corporation of men can be justified for one moment in preventing its exercise by the people . This meeting likewla-j considers the exclusion of six-sevenths of the male adult population fr « m the rights and immunities of citizenship to be an enormous grievance ; and , therefore , that every legal agency should be immediately put into operation by the friends of freedom to effect such an organic change in tbe constitution of the Commons House of Parliament as shall guarantee to every male , inhabitant of this empire of mature age and sane mind a voice in the composition of that body ,
He laid , Mr . Chairman , ladies and gentlemen—it is often the custom of public speakers on presenting themselves to their audiencas , to declare the high degree of pleasure which they experience , while at the same time their appearance and manner indicate anything but that blistfal state of feeling' for' which thsy ' claim credits ' I can , however ; sir , say to this magnificent assemblage in the unsophisticated language of truth , that never in the whole course of my experience , have I felt so proud or so happy as at the present moment . ( Cheers . ) The honour of submitting the first resolution to your consideration has devolved upon me . ' I would that I had the necessary qualifications to do justice to the stupendous theme involved in it . lam sure that your indulgence will allow the anxious 1 will to do a duty , to compensate
for anyimpotencyin its performance . The resolution pledges you to a recognition of tbe principle that political justice is due to the millions ; that freedom is nature's great Charter to the human race . ( Cheers . ) The resolution decries the political extinction of six-sevenths of the men of Britain as an enormous grievance , and proclaims that their investment with the immunities of citizenship ii an act , of which right and justice demand tne immediate performance . ( Cheers . ) It is a monstrous anomaly to see tht great majority of the men of England , crouching ia servility at the foot of a faction , | contemptib ]» in everything "but bigotry , intolerance , and injustice . ( Cheers . ) The resolution claims the right to vote , as the right of man , and asserts the principle thatage , integrity , and sanity , ar * the only qualifications essential to its
proper exercise . The system which we seek to reform throws these qualifications to the wind , as wild and visionary , and sets forth the payment of a ten pound rental , as the gr&nd criterion of electoral fitness . ( Hear . ) I will , gentlemen , suppose a caie , the reality of which may be found everywherei which will forcibly exhibit the corruption of the present injustice-dispensing system . Let us imagine an honast , sober , and industrious man occupying a house for which he pays a rental ot £ 10 . minus a few shilling ! or pence , he likewise pays out of his hardearned wages , directly or indirectly , money to meet the exigencies of the state . ( Hiar . ) In the neighbourhood resides some infamous pimp , or . brothel keeper , whose rent amounts to £ 10 . Now behold the morality and justice of thaisv item , which elevates the wretch to the em .
inenceoffriedem , while it stamps the honest man with the stigma of serfdom . ( Cheers . ) Take another case into your consideration , you have read some months since of the infamous Parson WhetheraU , who was convicted of the horrid crimes of adultery and incest . He was wealthy and influential ; the penalty inflicted by the Court was » fine of £ 3 , 000 ; here again 1 impugn the justice of the pre sent order of things ' . ' This monster pays the fino , he leaves the Court odious and repulsive with the blackness of crime , and Is permitted . to ' exercise every right and privilege of freedom , ' while millions of intelligent , virtupus , and industrious men , are doomed to' clank the chains Dfpolitical annihilation . ( Cheen . ) Thus does the . Whig finality , system enrobe vice with the habiliments o ' ffreedom , while it covers virtue , if poor , with the rags
of political degradation . ( Cheers . ) It is a most mons ' troui spectacle to see millions of intelligent human b ' eings submitting to the arrogant dictum of a few thousand ! ( Cheers . ) I know not which to express most surprise at / whether at the glaring injustice , the palpable tyranny of thedomineering few ; or at tee meanness of mind , the servility of soul , tbe-tprostration of the godlike attribute of reason shown by * the many who remain criminally passive while they are being laeerated and goaded by the lash of merciless misrule ? Lot u » hope , for the honour of human nature , for the credit of the national character , that the minds of the people will soon cease to be deluded into a toleration of such a corrupt and tyrannous order of things . ( Loud cheers . ) The Charter hu the broad basis of truth for its support , bent *
our hopes of success . None dare deny the justice of universal suffrage in these days . Formerly our Tory foti uied to tell us that we had no right to the franchise , because providenca ordained that a privilged class should rule , ' and a helot clan should submit ; this insult is no longer uttered , this blaspheming doctrine is no longer preached . We have exorcised that ' ghost of an argument , It has flsd for ever from the intellectual blare of the 19 ht century . ( Great cheering . ) The resolution urgei thepropriety of uiing . every logal agency t » accomplish our righteous object . To those agencies subsequent resolutions will refer . On this topic I would merely lay that the people hold their political destiny in their own hands ; they can equally gratify their desires whether they be for fteedom or slavery . ( Hear . ) Union is the
great element of success which we have hitherto desiderated , Itt that want be supplied and our victory is sure . I tell you that you do not do your duty by merely attending meetings like the present , you must act each for bimielf and all for each , if you would achieve your country freedom . ( Cheers . ) Let the good and thepatriotic fraternise and discomfiture is impossible . I appeal to you to-night to commence the good work . If there be in this room men who think themselves living under free and glorious institutions , who fancy themselves in tha enjoyment of all the blessings which they are entitled to ; who deem politics the province of the few alone ; to such I appeal not ; to do so would I fear be a waste of time . But on the other band if there are before me men who are conscious of their political and social abasement , if there are here men who can appreciate the advantages ot liberty , men whose proud touli icorn subserviency to the will of a fellow creature to , such
I say rally at once to the standard af your country ' s rights . ( Loud cheers . ) That man who looks abroad on our social horison and sees the torrent of poverty rolling over the land , overwhelming millions in its destructive course , and then turns to the pelitical world and bean the chains of slavery clanking on the limbs of millions of his'fellow crsatares , and who notwithstanding renuins inactiveiand unconcerned , is in my opinion a traitor to the laws of nature and of God . ( Cheers . ) Let the watchword of the patriot be unite , agitate , persevere , and let them prove to tha world that the homage that they offer at liberty ' s shrine is not the mere cold expression of the HpB , bnt the sterling devotion of the heart . ( Cheers . ) Show the nation ' s foss that your patriotism is not the evaaescent thing which they would wish it . to be : let them knew that there is flesh , blood , bone and muiole in it , and then may we hope soon to see- the branches ef the tree of liberty waving ever a bold brave and happy people . ( Immense applaus * . )
Jumah H&mex seconded the resolution , and uAi , Brother and Sister Chartiits : —Nearly fifty yaars ago Charles James Fox advocating thej principles , if not th » precise ] details , we meet this night , ia support of , observed " None will dispute that man hrit a right to be well governed , and , therefore , it was impossible for a peoplo to be satisfied with a government Arom the constituent parts of which they were excluded ,, " Of course Fox said this when in opposition , and aa a matter of course , when he he got into power he , like a' true Whig , forgot his opposition principles . ( Hear , ? Mar . ) Men maj change , but principles never ; andtD ' ogu principles which Fox abaudoned , and those rights which the Whigs of ' 32 defrauded us of , - we meet Xb \ t . night to vindicate , and demand as our birthright * ' { Cheers . ) Observe , in claiming our
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Sew \ wT donot 9 ««« ° n or proscribe the rights of wearenoHnoT ^ mo ^ d by the thirst of congest , pose to dl , ? , , the lust ofreveng 8 ; we do not pro ! by us Wh . X Privile 8 ad wders they have dealt rlbedus ofoU ShtTand h / heir T ^ " **> ' . ' your right , is iirjg si-is ^ ? a PP la « se . ) This resolution declares that the Elective Franchise is the natural inheritance of man , that is , we say that men have all equal rights at birththat they have not , or do not exereise those rights through life is the crime of some and the fault of others . Let those who deny this equality of rights show , if they can : that
the infant of the aristocrat , and the infant ,. of the la . bourer , when born into this world bear . distinctive marks imprinted by nature ' s hand , showing that the one is destined for sovereignty « ud the other for siavery . If they cannot show this , tlrto-, I say , our opponents are bound to admit tho natural equality of mankind . True . this law of nature has been fer ages violated , Imtno matter , no length of time can sanctify a wrong . ( Applause . ) What was robbery and usurpation in the days Of the bastard Norman or the tyrant Stuart in pnualiy robbery and usurpation now . ( Great applause . ) as sacred rights of man , whether wrested from our I ton sires at the bloody overthrow at Hastings , or a leoond time filched from our fathers by the scoundrelly arutoeraey iu the Wars with ' the Roses , or the last shred them
O \ despoiled from us by the infamous Whig S . ptennial Act , still are sacred , still are our rights , W ach we mustdemand nnd reconquer . ( Greatcheeriiig . ) B it even granting the . abstract right , our opponents take their stand on the ground of expediency . It is . inexpedient , say they , and would be mischievous to the state and to themselves , to confer . political franchises upon millions of men who are without property or education . Why are the people without property , and how is it they are uneducated ? Simply because they have been at the mercy of the privileged orders , whose interest it was to plunder them of the fruits of their industry , and keep them in ignorance , lest they should learn the causes of their slavery and the remedy for their wrongs . ( Applause . ) For want of the law ' s protection , the people have been kept poor and untaught , and now this is made the
pretext for withholding from them their just share in the government of tbe country ; yet so long as they are denied that share , so long as " Laws grind the poor , and rich men rule tbe laws , " so long must the people remain poor and uneducated . Thus tyranny creates the pretexts for continuing the disqualification , and the continuance of that disqualification conserves the tyranny , ( Cheers . ) But I deny that the people are absolutely without property or intelligence . They have a sacred property in their labour , the foundation of all accumulated and accumulating property in society . The mansions , the shipping , tbe factories , the mines , the fields of grain , the plethora of manufautered productions of every kind , tbe very capital of the capitalists would be all non-existent but for labour , yet this labour , this veritable property , is the prey of every
profitmonger , rent-sucker and tax-eater in the state . ( Great Applause . ) As regards education , I might ask , does wealth confer sense , or do those whose education is supposed to beguaranteed ^ by . the possession of property or the payment oi a certain amountof rent and taxes , elect such representatives as by their acts prove their right to the arrogant title of " the collective wiiiiom" of the country ? But I say that the people are at this time proving their fitness for the franchise on tha ground of intelligence , by ahowing themselves ripe for political , social and moral reforms . ( Hear , hear . ) Who stands in the way of the repeal of the law of primogeniture—the reform of the Established Church—the abolition of naval and military flogging—the emancipation of the infant victims of factory labour- —the repeal of the new Poor Law—the reform of our criminal node—the abolition of death punishments
—the reform of bur colonial administration—who stands in the way of these reforms ! Not the people . " ( Cheers . ) They are ripe and ready for these and other changes which would make England really "happy England , " " merrie England , " the home of the great and the free . ( Great applause . ) Let but the young blood of democracy be infused into our political system , and England will attain a majestic greatness such as mankind hath never yet imagined . ( Cheers . ) And it shall be so . ( Cheers . ) England shall be free and happy " Though slavery's cloud o ' erlier morning hath hung , The full noon of freedom shall shine on her yet . " ( Enthusiastic cheerin , ' , ) I am glad to hear that Colonel Thompson will give iis his aid , although I think his reproof of the Chartists for their conduct in relation to the Free Trade agitation is quite uncalled-for . ( Hear ,
hear . ) The Chartists were right , and Colonel Thompson ' was wrong—( Hear , hear )—and future events will show the wisdom of the course pursued by the Chartists . Even now the predictions of the Chartists are being realised . Look at Keigliley where the tyrannical Free Trade capitalists are doing their utmost , by the oppression of their unhappy comber 3 and weavers , to prove Free Trade " a mockery , a delusioa , and a snare . " ( Applause . ) Already tho Free Traders are outbidden for popular support by the Protectionists who are now bidding the abolition ef the Excise duties on all homeprodu -tioiiF , the reduction of duty on tea and tobacco to one shilling a pound . This is not all , a grand scheme is in the course of concoction for the repeal of the new Poor Law under the superintendence of the new member for St . Alban ' s , who has almost declared himself a Chartist . When , in addition to tkese movements , we observe the operations of the Poor Han ' s Guardian Society , and the extension o :
the Allotment system , we may assume that the aristocracy begin to understand that the people are enlightened , and that unless helped will speedily begin to help themselves . ( Cheers ' . ) Success , say . I , to these parties . Let them aid the poor , let them annihilate the accursed Poor Law , let them ameliorate the condition of the people as much as they ploase , but let the people , always remembering that the amendment of a bad system is a very different affair to the removal . of wrong by the substitution of right , insist upon justice . ( Hear , hear . ) Let the people seek justice , not charity ; lot them demand right , not patronage ; the power to protect themselves Instead of craving the help of classes who have brought them to slavery and misery . ( Cheers . ) In short , let the people demand the justice set forth in this resolutionthe right of every male inhabitant of the British empire , of mature age and sane mind , to a voice in the election of the law-makers of the lnud . ( Great cheering . )
The resolution was then put from the chair , and unanimously adopted , amidst loud applause . Mr . EflBSST Joims rosoto more the next resolution , and was loodly cheered on coming forward . The resolution was as follows : — 2 nd . —Resolved , That it is the opinion of this meeting , that the bill entitled the People ' s Charter , is an embodiment of the principles of equal representation with details for securing their efficient operation . And , believing that the enactment of the said Charter would be followed by measures which would ensure peace , prosperity , and contentment among all classes of the community , this meeting therefore agrees to the presentation of a National petition , praying Parliament' to render the document aforesaid a statute of this realm .
The speaker , after alluding to the moral power of 10 magnificent a meeting , and its affect upon the public and government , continued ; In the resolution which I rise to propose , you ¦ are called upon to vindicate a cause that has no parallel in the history of nations , ¦ ince it embodies a spirit of pure justice and liberty , such as has never yat been evolved out of the strif * of hostile classes . 1 say , you are called upon to vindU cate , though the resolution says , to petition , fiat when millions petition thousands , it is lometbing like a command . The mandate may be disregarded for a time , but , if given in the voice of trath and justice , it will ring at last upon the echoes of history , as the living law of an emancipated realm . ( Cheers . ) And so it will be with the Charter . What has it not relisted
!—What has it not undergone t— -What has it not survived ! And what is the supernatural spell of immortality , that has brought it living and mighty down to this very hour—into this very room !—What raised It up from under the hoofs of charging cavalrj , bruisedbut unbroken '—What drew it from among tbe bayonets of an army , bleeding , — but strong ot heart f—What saved it from the truncheons of the polic * , stricken—but not crushed ?—What vindicated it from the tongue of calumny , and the falsehood ef the secret spy!—And , worst of all , what rescued it from the courts of law , those graves of reputations , and pitfalls for liberty t—What , but the justice of ths glorious cause 1 ( Coatinued cheers . ) Justice—the soul of success ! Justice—tbe immortaliser of action ! Justice—the
ultimate conqueror of tyrants ! ( Loud applause . ) And what is it that has again so suddenly called forth thia fiery action—this solemn thought—this steady resolve ? Oppression—that fosterer of resistance . Tyranny—the nurse of freedom ; Monopoly—that father of revolulutions . True , many in this assembly may not bave felt the lash of power , or ths goad of want as keenly as the poor mechanic in the factory-town , or the pauper labourer oa the wealthy farm . But i * there a fflan here , who has not himself experienced , or seett on others , tbe withering effects of class government 1 ( Hear , hear . ) Who has never been thwarted in . an . honest career by the band of monopoly . ( Hear !) 2 a this metropolis of splendour , bead-seat oi government and court , and churchy under the immediate sye of all whose duty it is to elevate and bl « u a peopte , are there no sons of poverty .,, who have gone without a meal this ( J » T , while the shop * have been piled witib provisions ' and the tables of th » rich groaning with food ? Is there not a man ia this eity who knows not where to lay his
beau to-night , while beds of lightest down in sumptuous chambers aro-waiting to receive-the man whose wealth he has contributed to create » Yes ! misery glides in myriad shapes beneath the walls of tho palace , the cathedral , and the parliament houss I It will rally , to a man , round any honest cause , that offers its redress and justice , and those here , who nay be better off , if they are Christinas , if thay are men , in anything more than name , will join them with an equal heart , to rescue their hrethrun from this gulph of wretchedness . ( Cheers . ) This misery should not be in a country like ours , when there is wealth enough , for all . Whenievery pauper in England might have n sufficiency of food , shelter and raiment , And what is the cause thnthe has not ?—class gov ernment , —unequal representation ! Royalty is prosperouB , in all Us pensioned , fast-increasing branches , because there are plenty to represent its interests , and vote its annual thousands for its palaces , and hounds and horses . The church is prosperous : the Bishops in the house of Lords take good care of that , —and of the ten
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millions per annum the church receives from you . — Aristocracy and raillocracy are prosperous , because they are represented in thegovernmentj— -because tKeycanpks * acts of Parliament for the moiUrivial individual interests : turning railroads that come too near a mansion—enablinj wealthy meu to build upon Common lands , or covering the gambling transactions of coronetted swindlers , But you are unrepresented . You have no spokesman a the Koyal Council Board ; you have no spokesman in that house , whose noble members are supposed to suck hereditary wisdom with their nurse ' s milk : —and what in that other house , which , in this age for building upon Common lands , is one . of the only Commoiwyou can ever build upon ! ( Laughter . ) Then if there are none to watch over yonr interests , how can your interests prosper ? ( Hear , hear . ) No wonder the working classes are
sunk in SUUh a gulph of wretchedness . Non-representa . tion of thoie classes , then , is the cause , why there are so many empty stomachs , shelterless heads and aching hearts . -To this . evil the Charter suggests the remedy . The resolution before you insists that the paramount object , to boaeeurcd , is equal representation . The very words involve » law of nature . There is no edict of God , no fiery tongue , that made proclamation through the world , saying , one part of mankind should be enslaved by the other . The right of having ; a voice in the creation of the government he supports is the Srst Charter of erery man . And what title has tyranny to show for its god-likepoasesBions ? Its possessions of the strength , tha wealth , the hope , the joy , the intellect , the very souls , of toiling millions ? Craft establishes that which force supports , Tyranny found man asleep , and chained him
before lie woke . But centuries have eaten into the iron of those rotton fetters ; give but a blow , one hearty English blow , and they will crumble to your hands . Theresolution further tells us , that the Bill for the People ' s Charter contains the details for working out its enactment . So it does , and I believe thoie details to be some of the best that human wisdom , long deliberation nnd experience could produce , Tet they are but faint shadows of the means , to which they point . You are tha means ! The details are your hearts- and brains ; your arras and tongues;—your energy and action;—your resolution and your thought . These your country claims in the cau « c jof freedom . These positively claim who would scorn tho graves of fathers , willingly leaving them but misery jis their legacy , These are claimed by every unemancipated people on the' earth , since Eneliihinen arrogate the
proud title of deliverers of nations , yet have not been able to liberate thomselvesl- This resolution tells you , iu conlcusion , that the enactment of the Charter would be followed by peaee , prosperity and contentment among all classes of the community . And when did you know of good measures , that had not such a tendency ? And doei not the Charter embody such measures ? It returns stolen property to the rightful owner , for it gives back his vote to the disenfranchised , of which he had been robbed by the monopolist . It preserves the honesty of man , and saves the weakhearted from temptation by the ballot . It says men , and not money , bags , shall be the representatives of men , —the bouI and not the purse
shall be measured as their standard ; it enables the poor as well as the rich to sit in that house , where the interests of the poorest should stand proudly by the side of the most wealthy . It merges local influence in ' universal right , —it ends the enslavement of man by ' , a state , which even Whig governments have recognised as unjust in principle , when applied to tho black slave , while their ineomprehensive minds could , or would not , see , that the same rule held good with the white . ( Loud cheers . ) Where is the man , who can advance a single argument against any one of the propositions t The old , stnle raren aonff of ignorance , and want of education i » worn Out . even ( 6 ill la » t echo . We want no Whin
educational measures . Freedom is the best educator of thesoul , —the ennobler of ths heart—the expander of the intellect . A slave can never be fully educated , but the electric thought flashes across the mind of the freeman , like an inspiration from heaven . 'If they want to begin he education of a people , the first step is to make them free ! ( Continued cheering . ) What they will not do for you , yon muft do for yourselves . And you can do so . For all power is your own , if you would but waken 10 the knowledge . You kuild the church ; jou raise the palace ; you erect the prison and the fortress ; you make the artillery , the bayonet and the sword ; you f ) rm ~' army ; the man the navy ; you dig the mine ; you plough the field ; from y * ur despised ran k * how often have you gone forth : the kings of . mind : philosophers , poeti , painters , iculptors , musicians , generals and
I ' atesmen ; before jour very br a'h dynasties have perished ; you are the creators and destroyers of kings ; the founders and annihilators of empires , at the bidding and for the benefit of others ! and all the while you have been abject slaves , unconscious of the might ; things that you achieved . But now , now that you know your own power , now that the anatomy of class-faction is barerl before your eyes , will you bow any longer to the rod held b y the paralysed hand of antiquated fallacy , or the gold grasping- members of modern monopoly . ' Or will you not far rather support the leaders you yourselves lmve choien ? ( Yes and cheers . ) Will you not far rather carry out the resolutions of a Convention you yourselves elected to counsel for you ? ( Yes !) You assembled therein vain , if you do not . If you do not , in vam will the great pulse of the Chartist have beat on so bravely
'igainst the manacles of thraldom . You will have toiled and endured in vain , and in vain will jour martyr , Frost . have hoped on through the weary days of his long exile . The thought that upheld his strength of , " Oh ! they are a gallant race at home ! They will never give up in their struggle with the oppreaor ! but they will call me back in the hour of triumph ! " —that thought will die upon his broken heart , and lonely and hoplessly will he sink into an outcast ' s grave . —But no ! I see the unsullied banner aloft ! Thank heat en ! the army of the Charter is in the field again !—( aheers )— and behold the glorious sight of universal union strengthening- its energy . Havo you heard the cry of Devon and the West , as it joins hands with Lancashire and the North ? It is . "The Charter and the Land ! " —Have you heard the
cry of Herts and Norfolk , of the East and South , making common cause with Yorkshire and the Midland ? " It is : Tho Charter and the Land !"—while industrious Scotland sees no barrier in the old , king-dividing Tweed , when called upon to the rally of : " The Charter and the Land ! " ( Prolonged cheering . ) Now , then , let misrule do its utmost . Now , then , let Lord John Russell place himself before the advancing tide of the people . Lot him cry , " Stay ! " and Bee if it will stop a single wave . ( Loud cheers . ) Let him piomise , and see if they will trust ; let him threaten and see if they will fear !—for they have beheld the linger of progress fast advancing on the dial of time , and it is near that mighty hour , that tolls the death peal of old fallacies , and rings in the new era of freedom and the Charter ! Mr . Jones resumed his seat amid loud and continued cheering .
' Mr . Samoel Ktdd seconded the resolution , and said , Mr . Chairman , ladies and fellow working men . I have tbis evening listened to speeches , clear in expression , correct in diotion , consecutive in arrangement and powerful in argument . We have had a recapitulation of the objections oi all parties to ChartUm , tho objections have been fairly stated , and strings as it inny seem , yet not the less true , the identical reasons stated by the objectors to our movement are synonymous with those that impress me with the truth , policy , and soundness of the principle of Chartism . It is an admitted truth that every political theory implies a moral principle , now the theory of Chartism implies the morality of intelligence . It is the very converse of brute force , and men who contend for the establishment of peace on ' earth and moral power , must prove the error of this argument ,
give up their opposition to us , or declare that the representative intelligence is not understood by them , or that they have resolved to act in opposition to right . ( Applause . ) In a state in which the minority govern the majority , tho government must alone exist by physical or moral power separately , or , ns in this country , conjointly , for if the Executive government acted in concordance with the will of the governed , the enfranchiiement of all would not only not be objected to , but conceded , for two reasons , first , the security of the governed , second , tbe obbv facilitating of all governmental arrangements . ( Hear , hear . ) This , however ; is not the case , tbe government , is , in essence and action , a covernment of brute and money power , the banker effecting what the
soldier cannot restrain . I am a Chartist , because , the principles of the Charter are opposed to this brute and money influence , while it saves me the gross absurdity of declaring how a nation shrill or ¦ Mall not exercise its physical power , conscious that th . rs is no existence without physical power , nnd that » nation ' s will is the best security fcr the exercise of its ener gies , and that a people will just use these energies as their judgment directs . ( Applause . ) " But you have no prop > rty . * Men who use the objection aforesaid call themselves political economists . Now I do know that tho father * of their school state that every man who labours , produces as mucfe Teal wealtb as maintains himself and two or thrje others ,
and with the knowledge of such a fact , I am suryn'ed tha t they can use such an objection . K their tenchtVii speak truthfully , I claim the franchise fo » the labourer on the ground of property , qualification , and if property qualifieatfeo constituted ! the- right for representation , then would ; the working classes and the working classes alone be entitled to it . " You Uovo no capital . " I answer we have , and grant mis your attention , ana 1 will prove where our capital is . If an employer pay ms fifty pounds per annum for the exercise of my mental and physical power , he hires the use of my capital , and he paj » interest for one thousand pounds at five per cent . He cannot , he does not , buy my prupsrty ; he merely rents it on the very principle that I may rent from him a house . Whon I pay rental for a house , I buy the use of that house on certaiu conditions , and when I leave the house , the property still remains .
Tha truth of my position is proved by the application of machinery , for , if my employer desires to dispense with my labour and use mechanical invention instead thereof , heinustsinkmoneyorthe rtpresentativeof wealth , to bnv thejinachiue required ; now £ 900 on property at fivo per cent , paying rates and taxes entitles tire possessor to n vote , and if that capital be sufficient as a " capital " qualification , why refuso a vote to the possessor of capital injthe shape of labour , value one thousand pounds sterling- ( Loud choors . ) I could prove there arc many shopkeepers who are electors , who never possesed £ 1000 , and whose incomes do not average £ 50 a year each , anil whose o ^ y recommendations to the powers that be are apparently getting regularly drunk , and being wellknown by the sitting magistrates . ( Lnughter . ) Answer these arguments , you writers for the press , meet them fairly . And mentally we will meet you , sword to sword , and hilt to hilt , conscious that error alone
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needs artifieal support , and that t-ush can stand by . :: .. (" " ¦* ¦ PP »?» i ) Colonel Thompson declare * we hare njured our "' aibVeme * nt " by our opposition to > the Anu-Corn law league , I believe he thinks so , and L t Olr * n . ame * ras" for tM"kinB indifferently from m « the MHanl WE l "r 1 DOt tak " U for S ran « eo - becau .. TJ ™ 21 ° OlOneI Saj' 8 * ° - U is true - Mr . Chairman , that we did oppose the anti-corn law league . We told our fellow-working men that tho evil , of society wer « both organic and circumstantial , that we required tho remova of political « d social monopoly , we saidZ ' ^ J"L " !_ . ° i' « . » »•« chief cost of 6 very manufactured commodity and
, whether corn oreloth it can only bo nominally low priced by being cheanlv nro duced . ( Hear . ) We told them that no fiscal or commercial chanRe would be beneficial to them short of completa chango of the existing political and social arrangement * . The Anti-Corn-Law League told them cheap food and ' high wage * would follow their measure , and how havo their anticipations been realized ? ( Hear , hear . ) We ha « e short hours , short wages , bread rising in price , children crying with hunger , Ireland in a atute of men * dicity , Lord George Bentinck and the Times grumbling and disputing about whether or ho 3 , 000 , 000 of quarters of Irish wheat should bo returned , fvlieat that nag
drained out of Ireland— " Bought cheap to be Bold dear , " not to feed the English labourer , but to fill the aristocratic glutton . The Rep-al of the Curn Laws has not satisfied the English working classes . Thomas-Slingsby Dur > combe . was right , . when he said in the House of Commons , tliat the working classes looked on the agitation of the League as " 11 pull devil pull baker " question ; the baker has now become the devil , and I assure Colonel Thompson that the people hareno difiScu'ty in discriminating between the vague and foolisb assumptions of the League , and the correct prognostications of the English Chartists . ( Cheers . ) Thei » aro unpleasant associations connected with your name change your title and the middle classes may join yoir Well , tbis is a request I cannot condescend to honour I think it is a sorry compliment to pay the middle classes
for luelr intelligence to suppose that they would not know our principles by another name , and if so , whychange the name from Charter to any other ? It shall not bo changed , ami I cannot suppose our middle bias * neighbours to be so stupid or so prejudiced us to require it . ( Loud cheers . ) "Ob , you area combination of revolutionary refceln , what could working men do in the Housu of Commons t" These are serious and grave words , but there ¦ is truth iri * Ahe first part of the indictment . I plead guilty to it . We are rebels— When we looked abroad and saw our country rich in all the greatness of cuuitn ) , nnd tlie labourer starving amidst what he had produced , when we saw a prison-workhouse instead of protection for helpless youth and hoary age , when we saw crime invrease , prisons instead of school-houses , hangmen
inutead of schoolmasters , then did we say the law of Datura is thwarted—then did we rebel—then did we resolve to revolutionize—then did we Tesolve to rectify , —threat cheering . ) The history of England told of one rebel , of Russell , tbe only good one of the Bedford family—( cheers ) Lord John Runsell is a rebel to honour , totruth , to nature , and justice . We arc r . bels to falsehood , injustice , wrong . and error . Mr . Kyd > l here entered into the question of working men sitting in the House of Commons , also the services working men had rendered to that house . He cited Benjamin Franklin , a printer ; and William Cobbett , a gardener ; as apt illustrationsand continued . After all , where is it they get the knowledge they do possess \ If they wish to know the conriitisn of the handloom weavers , bow do they proceed t
, they appnint a-commission , then the commission roes into the district where tha . information can bo aoquiretf , Notv , 1 ask , whether 13 the commissioner whogathers the knowledge , or the commoner who dues not possess the knowledge , the wiser of the two ?—why tho commissioner , to be sure . And whether is the commissioner who desires to possess the knowledge , or ths weavor who gives him the knowledge , the wiser of the three t—the weaver , of course . rLoud cheers . ) Tell me , new , you very clever cavillers about working men ' s acquirements , which of these three are best able to legislate on handloom weaving ? The Charter wisely implies th * enac-ment of no special law , but is the key to all improvement—it ia the reflex of the people ' s intelligence on all questions , therefore do I second the resolution . ( Great applause . )
Mr . O'Connor on rising was received with several rounds of cheera and waving of hats ; when the applause had subsided , he said , Sir , all who can remember the meetings of September , 1835 , and wli » now witness tin ' s gathering of 1846 , must come to the conclusion that oar canse and principles have progressed , and khat my labour lias not been in vain . ( Cheers . ) \ must now call your attention to the purpose for which we are asssembled , and state ray reason for assenting to another National Petition , to which , as well as others , I had been opposed . My * reason then is , becauae my leader , in whose discretion , wisdom , and talent , I hare the most unbounded confidence , has seen the prudence of changing his opinion . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Duncorobe , the only man in the House of Commons who can be considered the
representative of Chartist principles . has seen that this is the proper season for testing the courage of Chartism , and the principles of the House . With this view I most cordially agree , but then we must be upon our guard , lest the necessity of faction may once more convert us into an army of recruits for faction ' s purposes . ( Cheers . ) Already the tocsin has been sounded , and the next move to which the expediency oi party will summon us will be , the cry of religious freedom , ' 0 he fought under the banner ot separation of Cluircli and State . ( Cheers . ) I repudiate a'l coalitions , . which have for their object the strengthening of faction ' s hands , and which have ever had for their result the postponement of the people ' s cause . ( Cheers . ) 'Moreover- i the realisation of the principle for wbica we contend , can alone lead to the fulfilment of the
sectional promises of moderately professing friends , lam not prepared to waste the national strength in astruggle for a mere speculative change ; I am not prepared to engage in any political war , but the war of all and forall—forthe People ' s Charter . ( Loudcheer ? , f Mr . Harney lias told you truly , that Charles James Fox and others , over seventy years ago , seduced the people of his day into the deceptive cry of popular rights , but when he had achieved hia own object , 1 ft melted the principles of Chartism down to tuedisqualification oi government contractors holding a seat in Parliament , so that the ppople ' s reform stopped at his own door . ( Cheers . ) Such has ever been tha deceptive courae of Whiggery from the major dfvice of the revolution of 1688 down to the minor trick of Free Trade in 1846 . Emancipation , Refoim ,
and Free Trade , have been the great measures uf Whiggery during that interval ; but the emancipation of influential Catholics , but tended to tighten the bnnds of the unrepresented , while by a few ^ accommodating details the oppressors so nicely divided oppression between parsons and landlords , that the oppressed were divided in their hate , while the oppressors were united in their power . ( Loud cheers . ) The reformers denounced taxation without representation as a tyranDy that should be resisted , while their measure has so complicated taxation and representation , that the one is irresistible however mysterious or unjust , while the other is difficult of acquirement , and wrested in its free use wheft achieved—( cheers )—while Free Trade , the bait in tbe Russell Edinburgh trap , has come without those
prudent and timely concessions whieli most reeon mended it , sothatifthe Reform Bill was the Ptiissell purge , Free Trade i » the Russell stringent that has corked the bowels of the poor and' closed the parse strings of the rich . ( Cheers . ) . My friends , politics , like clothes , have gottlieir fashion , and the garments of Whiggery have been so turned : and altered to suit existing tastes , tMt it would be difficult to fiml one noiind spot whereto a new principle may be tacked . However , mayhap , some ingenious Moses awl Son may discover a sound spot in the collar ot the Whig coat , to stitch same new drapery to cover the corrupted bedy and reeroanft limbs of Whiggery , and thus masqueraded in tH shape of religious freedom for another succe sful delusion . Bat , 1 tell them , that neither mask nor domino drapery
or outward cuisc can lonper eoaceul ths inward devil from Emancipated Kefi * med Frso Trade scrutiny . ( ILoud cheers . ) Thus . I have { raced the conssniptive course of- Whigsery from its physical eltevation in . 16 S&to its moral decay in 1846 . ( Loud cheers . ) You may then ask me if I would refuse to accept rptogressive eform , my asswer is ISo ,, I will be thankful for the merest motlknm ot good , while J caution you against placing trust in the promises of men seeking power to be » sed forthemseivs 3 . Believe me that there is a great difterencebetwten the thing conten&id Vor and vhe tluug achieved—tie one is painted to the fervid imagina ~ tiaa in all the romantic-eliarnjs thai eloquence can . dress itwhile the other possesses tbe sad reality to
, which the cunning of faction ea » turn it . ( Lisud sheers ) . I am naw cautioning yon against any union vith parties having religions fm-dom as their rallying ciy . We feivc tad reliuious reforms 5 > etore . Thewfonnew nil sous-lit the Lord , and were regardless whether they extracted him from , the affrighted ! imagination of the yielding uonveai , t ; r whether they consumed obstinacy , in the bones , of the ui . » bending heretic by the faggot . ( Greal cheering ) . Harry , Luther , Calvin , Cranmer , JohnKnox , Wol * soy , and even Cromwell , were all religitas reformers , and all , of course , sought the Lord . .. either in tho terror of the frown , the balm of co ^ scimice , or tha protruding bowels of ihe obstinate . . Well , tiieu ., is t far suuh another rol ' oini tkat wo are to contend ?
liave we not always found that the oppresses secta pray humbly for toleration , beg mercifully for equa * lity , contend stoutly f jr asceaviancy , and use their supremacy to perpetuate tbe inferiority of all oiUcr sects , proclaiming their own us the true religion . and denouncing as heretical ull-opposiiig doctrines . ( Loud cheers . ) Mayhap , you lmve nut seen two hungry packs of hounds fed at ono mess trougu : 1 have , and 1 could always cont .-oul ami manage » ttta gorged , but the hunei-y would devour m ? .. 1 «» «^ ohureb , then , is tlufgirgcd pack , and dissent » tha hungry pack and take heod , I say , howjyou cbwg your battle from the gorged ami bl « g » the well-winded and active dissenter in lull trainidb 8 E& 1 M I ' ittSSS IAB 5 S
Co &Tau*Rs &.Corr£E$Mfl)Itit&.
Co &taU * rs & . Corr £ E $ mfl ) itit& .
The Charter And No Surrender.!
THE CHARTER AND NO SURRENDER . !
The Late Accident On The Great Western Railway.
THE LATE ACCIDENT ON THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY .
Untitled Article
OcxoBEB 3 , 1846 . THE NORTHERN STAB g
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 3, 1846, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1386/page/5/
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