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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 11.1847.
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—«^—— Co &eaUei*s> & Corresoonuw t&
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| I ^ ^ •PITS X.AS?£ KATIOMAii iA.NI> T CO NPSBnNCH.
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GARDENING OPERATIONS FOR SEPTEM BER.
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JOST PUBLISHED , HO. IX. OF "THE LABOURER/' mes sixMs«x,
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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Held at Lowbands , Angnst , 1817 , adopted the following ' ^ ThS ' uiS ' colIferenca recommends the country to de-« odt their funds in the 'National Land and Labour Bank - ' sill whs wish to follow ths instructions of their fiends and representatives , will join that . ' AUXILIARY TO THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY . THE JUTIOS L CO-OPERATIVE BENEFIT SOCIETY . Patron -T- WaWer , 1 I . P . rtrtetort-Mwsrs * il'Grcth , T . Clark , « nd C . Boyle . ^^ Saiifc—The Xntional L « nd nnd Labour Bank . Secretory—Mr E- Stallwood . C « tral 0 Se « , S 3 , Ihsan-strcet , scfao , and 2 , Little Valeplace , Hammersmith road . THIS Society present * greater . advantages to the Indnstrious Million * than any similar Iustrtuttoa ever "" Holland every information required can be obtained SJc tai * i 5 £ Bettaal Green ; Mr Jeffrey , Tanners ' *« o « Bermondsev road ; M « - J . Simpson , Hamsun ' s ISSwy Rooms , * East-lane , Walworth ; Herbert ' s •^ erance Coffee house , Exeter-rtreet , Sloaue-street ; ¦ MV Walford , Tempcrance-halL , Broadway , Westminster ; 5 r Iu F . Brown , Silver-street , Kensington ; Mr H . Hayter Frogwore . Wattdsworth : Mr J . Pare , 65 , Liverystreet , Birnun sfcam ; Mr T . Shepherdson , Town ^ ate , Annie ? , near Leeds ; Mr O . Wheeler , Dunkirk , near Derizas ; Mr Mm » d * y , Northampton ; Mr Wesley , Cannonitreet , WdleuboHW h ; Mr D . Morgan , Mertliyr T ydvil Mr J . J . Beaver , GandiSfcth , Fontjpool ; Mr Skevington , loiu hborough ; » r T . Chambers , Leicester-street , BU-• ton ; Mr J . lt « HU- Burton Latimer , Higham Ferrars ; Mr J . Gregorv , Ironvilie , near Nottingham ; MrH . Pierce , Angel Inn St sisry-stteet , Bridgevfater ; Mr W . U . "Web aFrabereuaic-place , Coxside .. Plymouth ; HrO . Grace , Barog lt Locks , Bavusley ; Mr Westobj , Doppa ' s-luli Crojdon ; Mr 1 L In ^ bam , Mfchison-sqnare , Scnoles ¦ \ jOgan ; Mr James Ffek , Talbot Inn , John-street SridEewat « r ; Mr Thonias Flood , Holland-street , Barn staple ; Mr Martin , artist , and Mr David Morrison , Batt . street , Ne * r Swiudoh ; Us II . Toomer , Ccnuaercial-streel Bewport , Jlomuouth ; Mr A . Packer , 78 , narrotv-roat Marjlebisw ; aud of € ie Secretary , Kr E . Stallwoot 2 little Tale-place , Hammersmith-road , to whom , a apBlicSitous for Agencies must be addressed , and and a fostofice orders m :. de payable at -the llanimersmil fest-o&ce .
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A COLOURED BAGUERREOT ? PE PORTRAIT in best morocco-case for 10 s .,-which is 15 s . less then any ojher London establishment , and warranted to lie equally go © a , by . MR EGERTOil , 148 , Fleat-street , opposite Bouverie-street , and 1 , Temple-street , Wliite-¦ triars . Open daily from nine itiU four . Foreign Ap-¦ paratusA ; enttoToigtlanderandLiribours , a complete Soob of Instruction , price 7 s . Oi , by post 10 s I'd e 5 Jsts sent pott frae .
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A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . SUPEEFISE BLACK CLOTHES made to order at the Gbkat ^ estkjis Ehpoeiom , 1 and 2 . OxFonn EIBeet , "Losd « j , which neither spot nor change < : o !« -ur . Only £ 310 s the complete suitof any size . These clothes annot be equalled at any other Tailoring Est-ibHsJimeviit " ITBSDELTj and Co . ' s , Fine Llama Cloth , forji ^ ht over , « oats , made to order at £ l iSs . The vet ? finest only £ •! , which for durability and elegance cannot be surpassed With silk lininjrs , 3 s extra . Omnibuses to and from the City , stop at the establish meat every minutsofthe day .
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TOST-RIMXG OF YORKSHIRE : ' WAKEFIELD ATUOURSED SESSIONS . SOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN , That the Midsummer General Quarter Sessions of the Peace , for the West Biding ofItheConnfyot York , Trill be held by adjournttent w ^ ae Committee-Room , at the House of Correction , at W . skh 3 eu > , on TmmsDAT , the 16 th day of September instant , at Twelve O'clock at Noon , for the purpose of inspecting the Hidin ;* Prison , ( the said House of Correction } and for examining the Accounts of the Keeper of the said Ilons e of Correction , making enquiry into the <) fficcrsar . a Serrnnts belonging the same ; and also into we behaviour of flie Prisoners , and their Earnings . ; a h . elsley . Clerk of fliePeace , Wakefield , Clerk of the Peace ' s Office , Wakefield 2 ud September , 1817 .
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TO THE COMPOTJXD HOUSEHOLDERS OF IAMBETH AXD THE METROPOLITAN BOROUGHS IN GENERAL . THE NATIONAL REGISTRATION AKD CENTRAL _ ELECTION COMMITTEE having beard that the \? hig faction have held ont threats and issued notices of objection asainst Compound Householders in the Begittration Courts , have resolved to defend any petion SO unjustifiably opposed . Any Compoand Householder having received snch notice of objection is hereby reqnested to write immediately to the secretary . Mr James Crassby , 5 o . 8 , Noah ' s Ark-court , Stangate , Lambeth . By order of the Committee , J . GBA 6 B » T ,. Secretary . September 7 , 1847 .
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. Letters ( pre-paid ) to be addressed to the Edits « Grent Windmill Street , Haymark . t , London EU ° > 16 Orders received by aUagente for the "North * -new and all booksellers in town and country .
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i o ^ iw ^ ffias / . ^ L
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Un ^ UD iDL ^ m 1 UL In future , all letters ' ' intended for this Establishment are to be addressed simply , To the Manager of the National Lau . d and Labour Bank H 4 , H . igh Holborn , London . '
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( From tbe Midland Florist . ) In thehardj department , cuttings of evergreens , Snch as laurels , arbamtte » , &e . may be put in ; also Chinese and Bourbon roses . The ibrmer in a mixture of sand and loam , on a shady border ; the latter in sacdvsoil , under handglasses , where , with a little attention , they will strike root , and make pood plants in spring . Should the weather prore damp at the latter end of the month , evergreens , gcca as rhododendrons , lanrestinus , and arbutus ( the icarlet and double varieties ) , may ba transplanted With success and any layers that may have rooted , should b « removed from theparentplant , and set out . Gooseberry and currant cuttings should also be planted . In herbaceous plants , seedlings which have been raised in pans during the summer , should bo eet « ut in beds ; and divisions of the roots of those sorts which it is desirable to increase , may now be performed very advantageously .
__ Seedling polyanthuses should also bo planted ont , if not previously done ; and pansiesmay be struck from cuttings , e 3 rly in the month , choosing side-Bhoots , asltbin as possible ; these will make good plants , either to send off , or to plant for next spring ' s blooming . Plant out seedlings , that they may get Well established before winter , W c apply the same advice with respect to the layers of carnations and picotees ; a 3 soon as rocted , take them iff , andpst them singly or in pairs , in pintpnts . As there appears to be a promise of much seed this season , every Ctre should be given to carefully collecting it , as the pods arrive at maturity . Early in the month sow erysimums , escholtziaB , candy tufts , &e . These will resist the frost , and bloem fiaely next sprisg . Cut away and removed all decayed stem 3 of herbaceous plants , > nnuals , &c . which have done flowering . °
Plant ^ the vario us bulbs ' such as narcissuses , 4 c . Those patches which have got teo large , or which it jsdesirable to separate , may now be taken up , parted , Bnd re-planted . Dahlias most be carefully attended to this month ; having bsen much checked by drought and the smother fly , during the summer , should the weather prove propitoas , we may yet have a splendid bloom . Towards the latter end of the month , draw some « arth round the crown of the roots , which will prevent damage by sudden frosts , and attend to ased , &c
Tulip beds should be well attended ta , and turned over repeatedly , to sweeten ; and every preparation fer planting , as far as possible , should be made , by arranging balh 3 , reeumng those which were either 4 ) f inferior strains , or which , are now repudiated in consequence of having * a stain on their character . ' Amateurs should nat delay procuring the varieties they may want , as really good tulips are in much reqaest In the vegetable garden , thegre . it work of storing all root crops must ba progressed with . Carrots and parsnips are best put in cellars , in boxes , with layers of dry sand between them . Potatoes , wherethore is convenience of room , should be put together in small quantities . If there be any harking germB of disease , beating in large heap 3 wiil probably accelerate its spread .
Oniom i ' lmld be pulled early in the month , or as * wn a « ills are ready , and either be allowed to dry on the 1 ed , previous to bunching , or removed to tome up § r ehamber or loft , secure from the influence o ; yf ; t . father * d natoo 3 the latter end of the month . Though j ct < rowB generally in cottage gardens , still , as they n ak i a Bust excellent and wholesome sance we see no iei » on why they should not be cultivated jsor&exte&uvely . Celery should be watered in vary dry weather 'Those who grow for eshibitiga often use liquid manpte , by which means tfcis favourite rootatiaina a lar ° e piza . Same cultivators allow their plants to obtain ftiargesii ? hefore they earth them up ; they then fasten the leaves together at the top with thin pieces of matting and give the ^ kntsa fall and-oely earthing np . If ibis plan is as £ adopted , repeated and careful junK ^ ing rauBt be attended to .
Transpsl ani cabbages , cadiflotrere , lettuces , Ac ., whenever zhe p lants attain a sufficient sizs ; and propagate all ferbs , by cutting , slips , cr divisions . Early in the ssonth plant oat strawberry ruireers , and dear bstweea ike rows of plants , &c . All sorts of seeds swat be preserved as they ripen ; apdsucli as nastcrtiaas , small cuoambers , &c . for pickling , should not be forgotten . . „ .. In conclusion , lose no opportunity of hoeing and ^ etiniaj : the soil between grY ""? g crops . Many peo p ^ e arc not aware of the immense importance of atteni 7 ' ng to his point A Vornt'n h 09 is a most excellent v <» l for this purpose .
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Middik \< w — At a meeting of ' the Christian Friendly Society it was respired , that a sum of aoaey ( twenty pounds ) in the hands of ttia * reasarcr I » ft « fardeatuv WBlaa 4 auaiabowBank . „ :
The Northern Star Saturday, September 11.1847.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 11 . 1847 .
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THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY AND THE PRESS . The superoaious silence of the Press , with respect to the National Lan » Company , has at length been broken . It was impossible , from the extentof its operations , and the rapid augmentation of Us capital , longer to overlook it . At first a few flying paragraphs gave token that '' the best possible instructor" had become at length cognizant of facts which were fully known to the working , classes of the empire for
months previous . These were , however , as is UBual in similar cases , mere statements of facts drawn up in newsmen-like style , avoiding all appearance of feeling either way . The time had come when it was imperative to notice the movement , bu it was not so clear what kind of notice should be taken of it . Time , and the still growing power and influence of the Company , have brought us to another stage of progress . The dail y press makes it the theme of editorial comment and criticism . The Times has not yet awoke , as it did one fijie morning in the
case of the defunct League , te the conviction that the National Land Compant is " a great fact . " Perhaps , instead of 580 , 000 or £ 90 , 000 , it must possess a capital of £ 250 , 000 , before that impression can be stamped on thesensorium of the "leading journal . " The chronicle , however , has not waited for that time to arrive , butjhas opened its batteries against the plan . The cause of its impetuousity being clearly the keenness of its scent for economical heresies , and the innate dislike which it feels against any plans which threaten to be successful in liberating
the labouring classes from their present hel pless dependence upon capital . The campaign once opened , other rppsnentsmade their appearance . The Daily News , in an elaborate article , endeavoured to prove the whole plan to be based on fallacious grounds , and . that , at the best , it was merely a huge lottery is which the lucky few ffould get prizes , while the unlncky many would realise—a loss . These strictures were ably replied to by Mr T . Frost of Croydon . who , in a letter which appeared in the News of
Wednesday , gave a clear , practical , and convincing statement of the mode of operation by which xhe Land Company proposes to secure its objects , and at the same time forcibly advocated the princi ples on which the plan is based . To this defence , the JVeiwnjadea rejoinder in their leading columns the same day , a column and a half in length . We propose to advert to some of the positions laid down in that reply . The News says it is impossible for it to enter into the controversy , which a complete answer to Mr Frost ' s objections would occasion , and it
continues"Newspaper wrlteri , whoie business it is to apply political principles to the changing circumstances of the times , cannot re-open the fundamental questions of politics and economy every time that their general doctrines are dispute * . It is absolately necessary to assumecertain propositionB « specfmg capital and labour as finally established , if we a-e to discuss practical questions in any way whatever . We admit at onee , that if pMUcd economy it a dream , if an improved system of distribution ean tuptr-$ ed « the laws which regulate thi ereation of wealth the Cbartist scheme of flouiishing on the aabaiviaed soil is If not exempt from defects , at least secure from any critlcism of onrs " '
The passage we have marked in italics shows that the writer is fully aware where the shoe pinches . His declining to " re-open the fundamental questions of politics aud economy , " in a controversy which , from its very nature , involves these fundamental questions , proves how little faith he has in the doctrines which he assumes , convenientl y for himself , to be proved , for the purpose of stopping discussion . Political Economy , or what is now called so , is , we admit , « no dream . " In its present shape it is a great practical error , which must , in
the very nature of things , be superseded by ' an improved system of distribution . " The laws which at present regulate the creation and the distribution of wealth are productive of deep injury to the best and most important interests of society . One of the most painful aspects of modern society , and one which is mest frequently lamented b y politicians and moralists of all parties and classes is the tendency of wealth to aggregate in a few hands - while the condition of the masses is constantl y deteriorating . The past history of the world shows the fate of other empires , when such a state of
things reached its climax ; and there is no reason why this empire should escape that inevitable retribution which ever follows on the track of injustice ; unless such a result be prevented b y the establishment of more equitable arrangements . ¦ The introduction of an improved system of distribution is the great want of the age . Political Economy , with its subdivision of labour , and its concentration of capital and machinery , has taught U 3 hew to create wealth upon a large scale , at the smallest possible cost . Aided by the giant , yet docile machines invented by modern science , the single labourer of the present times can , in some
departments of industry , produce one , two , and three hundred times as much in a day as the labourer of a hundred years ago . What use have political economists made of this fact—this immense increase to the national wealth , and its powers of increasing it ? Look abroad , and you will find the answer in the complaints which come alike from hamlet , -village , market-town , "manufacturing-town ,. and metropolis , as to the condition of the poor , and the labouring class . Increase of wealth to the nation , has been to them , in the majority of instances , synonimous with longer hours of toil , for less wages , and , of course , a general deterioration in condition ;
It is no satisfaction to the operative to be told that this is necessary to enable us to maintain our supremacy in the markets of the world , and support our foreign trade . The large array of fi gures , which statistics periodically exhibit , representing our expoiwto foreign markets , may be pleasant enough in the eyes of those who were concerned in effectiug the excha . n $ es , and who have realised , or are realising , fortunes thereby . But the operative who escapes on Sunday . from the fever-tainied atmosphere of . the narrow back street or blind alley , in which his wretchedly furnished home is situated , finds in the snug SHburban villa < rf the merchant no conso-
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lation for his own deprivation of , comfort . The News can , we are sure , conceive that the incr chant and his friends , with the cloth ' justttmovi'd , the dessert placed on the table , . and 1 he cof ' ss just drawn from the primest vintage in the cellar , will hate a very different notion of tUe -value of political economy , to that of the denizen of . a three-pair back in a nanevr street , whose dinner "has been of the scantiest description , and whose home is devoid of both furniture , and comfort—although he may have been labouring like the silk weavers of Spitalfields , from sunrise to sunset , all the week , liappy that his " brother worm of the earth gave him lea ^ e to toil . "
In truth , whatever shape the agitation of the working classes may take , this is the question really at issue . The . sense of natural justice is outraged by the present system- ; and no amount of special pleading . uo mere conventionalisms , however specious in themselves , or hallowed by long usage , can hide the gross want of equity , which is inherent in it . The stupid veneration for institutions , merely because they are old , is on the decline among &U classes in this utilitarian age , and the industrious classes cannot be expected to look very favourably on those arrangements which practically deny that the " Labourer ib worthy of his hire . '*
They may he wrong in their reasoning , and the political economists may be right , but the question is not yet settled as the Neivs , assumes it to be . There are two systems of political economy in existence , so far as theory goe 3 , at least . The great bulk of the industrious classes believe that the natural result of an increase in our mechanical ,
scientific , and manual powers of producing wealth should be an increased enjoyment of that wealth with a smaller amount of labour , and , if this result has not hitherto been realised , they believe it is not because the hypothesis is incorrect but because our distributive arrangements are imperfect and unjust . Capital has , and does , in all cases , take the lion's share . Labour is fed with the crumbs which fall
from its table . The object of the Land Company is to rectify this state of things by uniting the character of capitalist and labourer in the same person " ; by emancipating labour from the shackles of commercial feudalism , and placing it in such a position as to act independently . That in the pursuit of this great and important object errors will arise through inexperience , unexpected obstructions and unforeseen difficulties impede the path , is to be expected . Such are the natural incidents of all great undertakings . But by union and
the increased knowledge arising from increased expenses , there can be no doubt that these impediments will be surmounted , and whatever may , at present , be defective in the theory , will , in the course of time , be certain to he corrected by the developement of these defects in practice , and the consequent suggestion and application of appropriate remedies . We must advert to some of the special ohjeeiions of the News in a future article , but , at the commencement , it was necessary toshow that our difference with it is a fundamental , not Superficial , one .
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? . ... „ ..,.... LOUIS-PHILIPPE . . « God save the king ! ' and Wngi ! Tor if he don't , I doubt if mot will longer—* I think I hear a little bird , who sings The people by and by will be the stronger : : The veriest jade will wince whoie harness wrings So much into the raw as quite to wrong her Beyond the rules of posting , —and the mob At last fall sick of imitating Job . At fireS it grumbles , then it swears , and then , Like David , flings smooth pebbles ' gainst a giant ; At last it takes such weapons such as men Snatch when despair makes human hearts less pliant . Then comes ' the lup of war ; — ftwill come again , I rather doubt ; and I would fain say ' fie on ' t , ' If I had not perceived that revolution Alone can save the earth from hell ' s pollution . B » on .
The entire continent is heaving with the throes which precede the earthquake of political convulsion ; the hot ashes of revolt alread y strew the streets of Paris and the wilds of Calabria , foretokening the bursting forth of that revolutionary lava which may submerge the thrones of monarchs and utterly destroy the " lirae-honoured " barriers of progress . How receut the time when this journal stood almost alone as the unmasker and denunciator of that incarnation of craft and crime , Louis-Philippe . It is not yet three years since the regal
traiter of the barricades landed on the shores of this country , aud was welcomed with the most fulsome flatteries by the English Press . Then the Times hailed Egalite junior as a " king triumphant over anarchy and revolution ; " the Chronicle had a fawning article "wishing for the king of the French a most hospitable and courteous reception ;" and the pious editor of the Standard went down upon his marrowbones and offered up an expression of " sincere gratitude to Divine Providence" for the visit of the king who " never in , the course of his long life had been detected in one unworthy
manoeuvre . " This is all changed now . The Times and Chronicle have almost daily "leaders " charging upon their former favourite one long , undeviating course of selfish fraud and dirty intrigue ; imputing to his system of government the corruption aud criminality which at present pervade so large a portion of French society , and predicting that the upshot must be a fearful revolution and the destruction of that dynasty which . " his Majesty ' s ' former flatterers were , not long ago , in the habit of lauding as the hope of France , and the pledge of repose to Europe . Yet Locis-Philippe is now onlywhat he has been
all his life , an unscrupulous intriguer . Even when received in the Jacobin Club as the son of the Duke of Orleans , ( though really , as there is good reason to believe , the son and changeling of the Italian jailor and executioner , Cbiappini ) , * he was the unfledged knave whose villanies after years have brought to perfection . Forty years after his enrolment in the Jacobin Club the world saw him placed by a popular revolution on the throne of France—a throne which he vowed he would " surround with republican institutions . " His first act was to write a 6 ecret letter to the Russian Autocrat , in which he hypocritically spoke of ths revolution of the Three Days as a '• catastrophe , " which he had sought " earnestly to avert ; and cringingly implored the
protecting countenance of the Tsar in return for his . ( then plotted ) treason against the principles which hr . d placed him at the head of the French nation . Sixteen years later—still consistent in evilthis worthy old gentleman , who once carried a cotton umhreHa , and sported a tricoloured cockade , astonished Europe by his audacious thimble-rigging in the Spanish marriages ; and , for the sake of a prospeetive chance of a throne for the youngest of hij hopefuls , capped the climax of infamy attached to his . name . And when he had outwitted Pal-MBRSTowand barefacedl y cheated the gentrypolitical and literary—who assume to represent this country , it was for the first time discovered , that this paragon of kings , hitherto declared to be
Too wisest , virtuousest , discreetest , best , " was really a most matchless scoundrel . Yet we doubt if his doings in the Spanish marriages' juggle was not the least of his frauds . His violation' of every pledge he had given to the French people on mounting the throne ; his imposition upon that people of a despotism a thousand-fold worse than that of Charles X . ; and his betrayal of the nations who looked to him for sympath y in their struggles againt See vol . III . of "EatHrn Europe and the Emje-or Sicholas , " by th * author of" JitvcMons of Russia . " ' , Z
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letr oppressors ; these constitute the mi g hty crimes of his reign . Not so thought our honest journalists in those days ; then they hailed Chiappini jwuior as "the Napoleon of Peace , " "the Champion of Order , " and " the Conqueror of Anarchy . " His treacheriei were applauded as proofs of his " capaoity" and " sagacity . " Not scrupling to defend by force what he won by fraud , Louis-Philippe has proved himself quite capable of being " bloody , bold , and resolute . " The scaffold has streamed with the blood of his victims :
and the bombardment of Lyons , the massacre at Gienoble , the " assoraeurs" and '"fas ' iliades" in the streets of Paris—the grape-shot carnage in St Mery , and the p itiless butchery in the Rue Transnonainall attest the good will of the King of the Barricades to ape the butcher of Poland , whose favour he so abjectly sought , and has Continued to seek . But these blood-stained acts were at the time pronounced , by " our best possible instructors , " to be " necessary" for the conservation of " order !" Now , these saraejournalists , " turning , " as
Castlereach would have said , "their backs upon themselves , " discover that their former favourite ' " reign has been one term of crime—alternating between fraud and force . We have before-time justified the popular protests . which , directed against Louis-Philippe ' s government , have but rendered the writhing * of the French people under the incubus which oppresses them , painfully evident ; but , lo ! we now find ourselves surpassed . We but
justified insurrections which had occurred , and which had been forced upon the people , but the Times , and other" respectable" journals , are now preaching Revolution ! day by day , labouring io excite the French people to throw off the yoke of " the conqueror of anarch y ! " More power to you , gentlemen . Set you the ball rolling , we ll keep it moving . The flame of Freedom , once kindled , shall illumine the shores of more Streams than the Seine !
We have been considerably amused , net to say edified , by the ' comparisons drawn by the London press between the state of morals m France and in England . French society is described as almost ono sweltering mass of corruption , whilst , on the other hand , a highly refined puritanism is set downjo the credit of English societ y . This may be very gratifying to John Bulls amour propre , but a glance at the history of the past might be of service to John , in inspiring him with a feeling of becoming modesty . France has been but for the past seventeen vears ,
what England was for nearly a hundred and fifty years , after her second revolution—a land ruled by corruption . Guizot has scarcely yet acquired the shameless infamy of Walpole . The French cor . ruptionist does at least " affect a virtue , if he lias it not . " He strongly protests that his hands are pure , though everybody knows them to be foul . Still the very protesting that he is virtuous , is some homage to the morality of the French nation . England must Uave been sunk in far lower depths , when her Guizot proclaimed that '' every man had his price , "
and avowedly and unblushmgly acted upon that maxim . Besides , there are other points in favour of France . Louis-Philippe ' s bitterest enemies must at least acknowledge that he is a clever rascal ; and , certainly , a nation is less dishonoured by being cheated of its rights by a " Citizen King , " than by such a crew of ignorant i grovelling , insane , sensual brutes , as were "the fools and oppressors called George . " Again , England basely submitted to the sway of her profligate rulers for nearly one hundred and fifty years , but France will not yield to such degradation for even one sixth of that period . We should be sorry to be bail for the solvency of the
firm of Philippe , Guizot , and Co ., for even one year from the present time . If we mistake not the signs of the times , the sooner his citizen kingship sets his house in order , the better . "W ere he a wise man , not a cunn ng one , instf ad of seeking a Spanish throne for Montpensier , he would abdicate his own . But kings do not often exhibit the good sense of the well-bred dog , who seeing his friends preparing to kick him throug h the window put his tail between his legs , and quietly walked down stairs . Kings usually need kicking , and we fear that Philippe is not likely to prove one of the exceptions .
In reminding our own countrymen of their past history , we might add not a little respecting the present , which would show that even now England has but Tittle to boast of ; too little , at any rate , to allow of her playing the part of a self-glorifyiuc Pharisee . In uttering these wholesome truths for the benefit of our own people , we would by no means attempt to palliate the enormities which have of late come to light in France . That country is evidently fast drifting to perdition or revolution . The latter only can save it from the former , And better
so ; better that the vessel of the state drift upon the breakers of revolution than perish in the treacherous quicksands of political corruption , and social profligacy . Were all classes as debased as are the generality of-Uie aristocracy , the government employes , the slock -jobbers and profitocracy , the numberless and shameless hangers on of" the system , " with the multifarious and . nameless crew of wretches , the natural spawn of capitals , with which Paris abounds ; were these the entire constituents of French society , the sooner France shared the fate of the cities of the Dead Sea , and the catacombs opened their sepulchral jaws to receive the last
ashes of Lutetia , the better for mankind . But , thank God , the Pjiaslins , the Testes , and the Beauvallons , and the sections they represent , are not France . France has still her brave and virtuous millioHS of peasant proprietors and labourers , and intelligent and hcroie artisans . Above these there are to be found at least some who have not given themselves up to the worship of gold , and the pur . suit of vice . There are hearts that yearn for a better future , heads of intellectual greatness to give form to the heart ' s noblest impulses , and hauds ready—when the hour of action strikes—to execute the work of justice and regeneration .
A word here to our" best possible instructors . " How dare you reproach Frenchmen with that state of things which you have done your best to bring about . You know very well-shameless mouthers that you are—that the corruption now so prevalent in the " higher circles " of French seciet y , and the confusion which awaits ) France , are the natural results of the system of government adopted by Louis-Philippe , and which you unceasingly applauded until you found your own government victimised by that duplicity which , . when exercised
only at the expense of the people of Fiance , you called " sagacity , " and " extraordinary capacity . " Louis-Philippe proscribed freedom of thought in reference to political questions , aud you , his English admirers , applauded his < : sagacity , " but from that proscription must he dated the rise of that licentious literature which proceeded , aud now countenances , the open perpetration and unblushing avowal of the worst crimes . When Louis-Philippe instead of surrounding his throne with Republican institutions , laboured , and successfully , to sontract "theCharter , " untilhe had reduced the electoral
class to the number of about one-fourth of the Government . employes—you , English journalists , called him "a great and wise king . " Behold the present ( and think of the future ) fruits of his greatness and wisdom ! When the King of the Barricades shut up the popular clubs , forbade the right of free meeting and association , enacted the F 1 Bschi ordinances , butchered the patriots of Paris and Lyons , and rewarded Republican virtue with chains and the guillotine-yow , base wretche . of th « Knglish Press , shouted for joy over ( what you thought ) the ruin of that part y , called by the Times ' « a fierce and desolating faction . " And mow , your " con 1 «> f anar <* y" is menacedj with a revolu
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tion / notsp li ^^ the indignant and universal determination of the French ! people to free ^ themseWes frem the manacles you rejoiced in seeing placed upon { them ; When ; with LaMARauE ' s corpse , the Republican flag went down into the grave , and the adherents to that flag were mowed down by grape-shot in the streets of Paris , you , o { the' mercenary "race that write , " shouted ' ' Order reigns in France ! " And now you have the matchless audacity to deplore corruption , denounce tyranny , and preach revolution ! " Oh ! Shame ! where is thy blush ?"'
We have said tbat the present system in France is menaced by a revolution . The extraordinary revelations of political profligacy , the revealmentof crimes , of which the Pkaslin tragedy is hut a specimen—the intrigues against Spain , so ruinous to the character and the real interests of the French nation , and the collusion of the French Government with that of Austria , and other despotic powers , to obstruct the march of Liberty throughout
Europethese combined , have caused such a state of public excitement in France , as would produce an immediate explosion , hut for the lahorious efforts of the Democrats to quiet the people . The French Democrats know the wily enemy they have to contend with , and will , therefore , bide their time . But the nig htly gatherings in the streets of Paris , which even now will scarcely give way before charges of cavalry , sufficiently show the temper of the multitude ; and , as we believe , indicate "the beginning of the end . "
The Morning Chronicle reminds the French people that they have , at the present time , no definite object in view , and hence argues that , in the event of a revolution , the chances aregreatly in favour of cither a strong-handed despotism or the wildest democratic supremacy becoming the issue of the struggle . To avoid both extremes , the Chronicle suggests the starting of a dodge similar to our "Reform Bill , " which , if obtained , would give increased power to the mass of the middle-class , and at the same time effectually nullify the power of the democracy . We too , deplore that the French re *
formers have no avowed , defined , aiid fixed object before them . We have no doubt that the interior organisation of the people , which ; exist * nearly throughout France , has some settled object or objects in view . Still this organisation cannot po-sibly comprise more than a partion of the people . Had the French an object to struggle for , such as the PEOPLE'S . CHARTER of England , we should feel more certain than we do at present that they would turn their coming victory to good account , and save themselves both from the military despotism which
the Chronicle affects to dread , and that despotism of the shopocracy which the Chronicle desires to see carried to perfection . Why not inscribe The Constitution of ' 93 upon the popular banner ? With a few modifications to suit the altered circumstances of the times , we know of no embodiment of politica l democracy at all equal to that admirable constitution . Let the French democracy look to it , nnd not allow themselves to be again deluded and betrayed by the lying promises and treacherous professions of intriguers and false-hearted leaders .
In this article we have not had space to more than allude , to Louis-Philippe ' s treason to the cause of progression in Spain , Switzerland , Italy , and other countries . The events now transpiring in those states , with those which may daily be expected to arise , will form subject-matter for future comment . We have preferred in this article to confine ourselves , as far a 3 possible , to the home doings of the crafty tenant of theTuilleries , believing that the hour is not distant when we shall see him
served with notice to quit . We could earnestly desire that any change that may take place in Fiance may he brought about by ' peaceable means , Independent of other considerations , the mere fact that changes accomplished by the sword are , too often , by the power of the sword , turned to evil instead of good , is alone sufficient to induce us to desire peaceable progression , if possible . Above all , we desire that the French nation should be prepared , whenever victorious , to establish the veritable SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE : to eschew
the lust of military ' glory ; ' leave national prejudices to drift down the stream of oblivion , and show by their aats that the Fraternity of Na . tions is no mere phrase , but the living principle and guiding star of their mission . If the French people be note prepared to play such a part , then are we near the hour" When the monarch and the anarch alike shall pass away , And morn shall break , and man awake in the light ot ^ a fairer day . "
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• THE HOUSE AND THE PEOPLE . After a duration | of unusual length , Parliaraenthas been dissolved and reconstituted—and the growth of public opinion and public power , greatly , though but partly , manifested in its re-construction . We Bay " partly , " since the people could have done much more than they have achieved / had they been conscious of the full extent of their power , and had not
the Government , with Macchiaveliian policy , hurried the elections , in order to antici pate the complete organisation of the Chartist phalanx . Yet we say " greatly , " since the power developed , and the progress made , are paralysing the factions ; and , while , confessedl y ourstrength was but partly put fort h . they « ry aghast : if this was but the SKIRMISH of Chartism , what will the BATTLE be ?
TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY-ONE new members have been seated in the House , and the band of the rejected go about asking each other : " What is it thathas wrought this mighty change ?" " What is it thai ; lias cost us our seats ? " They had recourse to all the old approved good measures . They were lavish of beer and bribes . They came forward with the most plausible election cries . They shouted , " No Popery ; " " Education ; " " Sanatory Reform ; " " Retrenchment ; " " Taxation . " The old spells failed—the new magic proved powerless . They omitted the one great master . requirement of the
agc-THE REPRESENTATION OF LABOUR . Every man who has gained his election , with scarce an exception , has bowed in recognition to this principle ; or , at least , has been forced to bolster up the seat of present misrule , by the promise of future reforms . They all felt the great hand of the public moving at the foundation-stones of their authoritv * and while their seats tottered beneath the motive power , they learned it would no longer do to recognise the abstract principle of popular right , but that the time was coming to carry that ri ght into legislative practice . Meanwhile , the Press and its privileged patrons , do not seem aware of the mighty change
that has taken place in the House , but with strange blindness , or dogged pertinacity , classif y members under two distinctive heads-of " Liberals" and « Conservatives . " Liberal , ia the conventional acceptation of the terra , means a Whi g ; but if Lord John-Russell counts on the support of all those who are designated as Li 5 , his calculation of available strength will be remarkabl y erroneous . In thiscategory are set down Duncomue , ^ Connor , Waklet andothers-to all of whom Mr O'Connor ' s words may be applied : " If Lib stands for Russell , and if the Press presumes that I am to be a feather in the wing of Whiggery , the animal must fall . "
Thus late years have developed the elements of progress , and ri pened them into oction . This progress-and herein lies its strength and its glorythis progress has not been achieved by concessionsnot been obtained b y contradictory coalitions—not been asserted b y turbulence : it is merely an insisting on the perform an c tlue promises , which the
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Popular will extorted , from reluc tant d ^ \ I Reform Bill ; it is merely an exenipiifi ' ^ in -5 great principle laid ' down by the Whi KS « of % Taxation without Repre sentatio n , is L % t \ And , we may ask , what is it that the p ^ promised ? Are we not carrying out the ^ Bi ! l 8 et the nation ? Thefactis , Govern ^ ' ^ ' a spirit they could not lay , when they ** ^ l popular element into action , to serve part tllft It had long been awaiting opportunity—J , PUni ° s . tunity they afforded-and the question th " * ^ has ever since been followed up by the P " ^ '' ^ unswerving . nnd uncompromising consiste ^ ^ question—the Reform question—is , as w !* ' ^ —the Representation of Labour , au „ ,- ^ ^ i are comprised in' this one great , cornnre l principle ; and those minor points cannot be " ^ without it ; or , if carried-a result more th ' a T ^ thctical—no guarantee would be afforded ' relapse into those abuses which , for the n a caused an alteration . But it is ta minor " ^ ^ of Reform that Government wishes especian ^ ' 0115 rcct tlie ' attention of the People . And nat * ' ° ^' It sees that the spirit of the age demands '" ^ ° * and it is desirous , since grant it must , of ° ° tBlS | those which shall least affect its own ra ^^ and may be easiest diverted back into the ohM ^ ' nels of corruption . They are , above all f ' *"' which do not affect the franchise . Touch tu ^ yon touch the very heart of moH . opo ! y-ti , ' j are hut as the loose garments that cover it ! ? * " Of
* „ mv , « ...... - * . formity . Thus they will talk of a repeal of Wr , Taxes-Free Trade , up to a certain exlent ^ ' * tion , of a certain sort— and Sanatory Kefor ,,, T the sewer and the kennel—but not in the cott ' a- " or the means of subsistence for the poor . Tiiev ^ even glad , seeing that something must be $ i ni seeing that the People are alive to the i > rompti n 7 of common sense-that these ' questions slio ^ lj f publicly agitated . "Noble Lords" and % oni ( ! Gentlemen " take the chair , preside , and spout ''
meetings on the subject . Wh y ?_ it is \ s . n TY-VALVE ! It diverts the public mind frBtn £ great measure of political Reform , which comprL all these minor ones . Not that we object to th « measures being mooted , and directed honeUh , for the public good-but , we ask , suppose thai motive , of expediency shall have forced Gotemment to re peal certain obnoxious taxes-shall have compelled aristocracy to divest itself of some of its imimini . ties—should even have constrained the Church to stand on its own foundation , and separated from
the State , , to be weighed in the h ! anc » of Religion and Humanity ; - suppose , ^ say , all these things to have been achieved , w ^ at guarantee is there for the continuance of the change ? Clearly none-as long as the represen tative and legislative power is monopolised b y those who have created these raonopDlies , and could thus re-create them at the first fitting oppor tunity . Popular right can onl y he guaran teed h y popular power . It is not enough to remove an op . pressive law—we must have , a surety that such law
will not be re-enacted—and -that security can onl y be afforded b y spreading the shield of the franchise before the ranks of Labour . Tins is , furthermore the only security offered , that public power will be directed to the public good . The public power is there UQ \\ —the people comprehend their tocial and their political wants-they also feel that powerand with the knowled ge of their requirements , and
the consciousness of their might-it is evident they will awaken to its use , and realise their desires , To denythem theirlegitimate agency , whenall parties are forced to acknowled ge the justice of their demands , is rendering the peace of the country insecure . Therefore , again , the only guarantee that the popular power will be directed to the popular good , is by establishing the ri ghts of the people-or , in otbei words , granting representation to Labour .
We have said all parties concede the right of the people to the franchise—on what plea , then , do they withhold it ? That it ianot time . Why is it not time ? The people would make a bad use of it , and it would lead to turbulence and anarchy . On their own showing , " turbulence and ar . archj " are more likely to ensue from withholding thefran . chise , than from granting it . While , by temporising and concession , they , themselves , are informing the people , when , it IS the right time—namek : when the people are so strong that ( hey can enforce it .
The repreientation of Labour , then , is the great question of the day—in this all others are comprised—without this , all others must either remain unrealised , or laek stability and safety wlisn carried into action . It is this question CHARTISM has propounded—it is this principle Chartism is rapidly carrying into practice . It is this , and only this which will enable the Dissenter to separate Church and State ; the Free Trad « r , to complete the
beginning \ m . has made ; the tradesman , to brig hten home trade by creating , iu emancipated industry , a fertile source of home consumption ; and the work . ing man , in the prosperity of his own order , to guarantee the prosperity of all . Thus the Charter embraces the honest Reformers of every abuse ; it does not clash with any—but , while comprising ail , it casts the shield of superior protection around the struggling bauds , and , while it recognises the jus tice of the Reforms desired , says : I WILL ENABLE YOU TO OBTAIN THEM , AND TO KEEPTHEM WHEN THEY ARE OBTAINED . '
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_ UtSCKLUSEOTJS . w . Amier , Ebloy . —We have haaded \ our letter to the Lxecutive Committee of the National Charttr Associa . tion , 144 , High Holborn . w . Russeli , Glasgow . —There can be no doubt tbntan opportunity was lost for advancin"clvi ! libertv , whrnoa the occasion of the visit of the Autocrat , the British gorerunient neglected to demand justice for JV . aud . Thero can be sis little doubt that religious liberty > va » advgnecd when the imperial inurdorer of Polish nuns was so signally rebuked by the head of the Roman Catholic Church . II . Nottam ,, Manchester . —Your letter would but give undue prominence to tv rag utterly uuworthy ot eticU notice .
Accidents is Mines . —To tho editot \— Sir , —Can you , or any of your readers , infsrm mo whether awv one has found out u plan , orinyentad a machine , toprevunttho Iobr of life , when ttio rope snaps in the descending and ascending of mine shafts . If so , please sav of what construction , and you will much oblige . ., W . G . Bego . Glasgow .-Subscribers to the KouTUERtf Star can Iwto tlwui ilelwcvou at their own houses in Glasgow , Bridge , ton , Anderston , Gorhals , or any other i : art d tlio suburbs , by leaving their orders with James Ifllaffic , S 7 , M'Miuuo . strect , Anderston ; or with Thomas Reid , at the meetings of the Land Company , Dyer ' s ! Ia « > Charlotte lane , offLondon-street , any Monday evening at eight o ' clock . Nottingham Election Fund . —J . Sweet acknowledges the receipt of the following sums , with thanks , m ,- ~ Irora T . N . K ., Is ; from I ' arkhoad . Scotland , «! from « ewcn 8 tle . under . L ync , Staffordshire . 3 s fid ; !« J the Central Registration Committee , Londuii , # - «» lrom Loughborough , 4 s 2 dj Mv Hulhun , 2 * M ^ y ' Thurman , 6 d ; from Trowbridge , Is y d ; from > t !»' ' on Heath , 6 s lOd . Puiiotrrn . —Mr Robertson writes as fallows : —
, Sir , —In reply to one assertion contained in the i «« J signed by Treiuuin ( Chartist * ecrctary ) , that I have traduced Mr O'Connor , I have only to state that it is uu unconditional falsehood . I was lately in conTersauo u with a parly who had joinod the Land Company , »»•»*" jocular riiuduinontnde , I related an unecdote » narrated by Clark , of Mr O'Connor's intention war pose Macaulay at Edinburgh . So far from malign 1 " * Mr O'Connor , I have ever , both in public andinpriva « -i fearlessly stood forward in vindication of his cliaracit >> and asserted the disinterested integrity of his iu fll "V ) most especially in reference to the tjquittible «? P "'* tion of money paid by the Land Company , as a sn '" . of witnesses in this town can attest . With referemj « . the charge of setting the Churtist gentlemen nt ¦«¦«• mice , I have only to state that , some time si see . «¦><¦ . funds were required to defray the oust » two nixhts' meetings , thev wania i . in their cap * -
city an acominitteoof thoLand Company , w ' " ? a . compulsory levy on the members oi l ; Land Company , wthouit consulting them . * „ „' they ordered the treusurcr on two occasions to P . local sxpeiiBej out of the shareholders' « 1 W 1 J
—«^—— Co &Eauei*S≫ & Corresoonuw T&
—«^—— Co &eaUei * s > & Corresoonuw t&
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\ _______ THE ^ OH ^ HERN STAR ; September n ,., 1 ' - ¦»¦¦ ' ¦¦ ¦¦ ¦ . —r ¦ — ¦ - i i ii - f «
| I ^ ^ •Pits X.As?£ Katiomaii Ia.Ni≫ T Co Npsbnnch.
| I ^ ^ PITS X . AS ? £ KATIOMAii iA . NI > T CO NPSBnNCH .
Gardening Operations For Septem Ber.
GARDENING OPERATIONS FOR SEPTEM BER .
Jost Published , Ho. Ix. Of "The Labourer/' Mes Sixms«X,
JOST PUBLISHED , HO . IX . OF " THE LABOURER /' mes sixMs « x ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 11, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1435/page/4/
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